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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Women labor movement members"
1
Whyte, Marama. "“The Worst Divorce Case that Ever Happened”: The New York Times Women's Caucus and Workplace Feminism". Modern American History 3, n. 2-3 (novembre 2020): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2020.14.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 1974, women at the New York Times made national headlines when they filed a class-action sex discrimination lawsuit. The drama of the court case, however, has overshadowed the formation of the Times Women's Caucus two years prior, in 1972. A focus on the Caucus, the daily labor its members undertook in the years before and after filing suit, and the behind-the-scenes negotiation of internal office politics reveals the years-long process of consciousness raising and workplace organizing required to undertake a lawsuit in this novel legal area. Activist newswomen operated with unique restrictions and necessarily distanced themselves from the feminist movement, while quietly advocating for feminist goals. Caucus members drew from the feminist, labor, and union movements strategically rather than ideologically, and laid the foundation for substantial shifts in women's participation and representation in the mainstream media.
2
Patia, Kaitlyn. "Feminist Movements: The Role of Coalition, Travel, and Labor in the Third World Women’s Alliance". Journal for the History of Rhetoric 26, n. 2 (luglio 2023): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.26.2.0177.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract This article analyzes the role that travel and labor played in the coalitional activism of the Third World Women’s Alliance, a pathbreaking organization formed by women of color in 1970 and active through 1980. In it, I attend to the alliance’s feminist movements, how its members’ activism and commitments were lived, performed, and embodied. Specifically, I focus on its members’ travel to California to work with the United Farm Workers and to Cuba to work with the Venceremos Brigade. I explore the rhetorical capacity of movement and bodies in motion to transform feminist activism. This capacity—which I term rhetorical fluidity—names the always-ongoing processes of transforming what is possible that accompany that which moves. Understanding rhetorical fluidity and tracing its contours can demonstrate how activists and social movements can harness this latent power as a potential site of energy to sustain long-term struggles against oppression.
3
Avendaño, Ana. "Sexual Harassment in the Workplace: Where Were the Unions?" Labor Studies Journal 43, n. 4 (12 novembre 2018): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x18809432.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Unions have a mixed record when it comes to fighting sexual harassment, especially in cases that involve harassment by union members. Union responses to sexual harassment have been shaped by their position in labor markets that remain highly segmented by gender and race, with male-dominated unions playing a passive role vis-à-vis female targets of sexual harassment, and too often siding with male harassers. Those responses have also been shaped by a legacy of sexism within the labor movement, and exclusion of women from the formal labor market, and from unions, and by a distinctive form of feminism exercised by women inside the labor movement, which focuses on women’s economic situation rather than on other social factors that keep women down. In the wake of the #MeToo movement, some unions faced their own internal harassment scandals. Several unions have since adopted internal codes of conduct, and other approaches to better address harassment internally, and on the shop floor. While codes of conduct are an important element in changing the culture that permits harassment to persist, they are not enough. By authentically focusing on sexual harassment, unions would connect to the experiences of women in all workplaces. They would also increase their chances of growing. Unions remain the most powerful voice for working people in America, and the best vehicle to create a transparent, accessible system that empowers those who suffer harassment in the workplace to stand up collectively and individually against violators. The moment demands intentional, well-resourced, genuine efforts from unions to do better. This article offers modest suggestions that unions could easily adopt.
4
Bali, Namrata. "Naam, Kaam, Gaam: Educating Women for Self-Employment, Cooperation and Struggle". International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 164–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000077.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The following is a detailed description of a training program offered by the Self-Employed Women's Association (SEWA) Academy to introduce new members to the organization and its work. SEWA describes its main goals as “to organize women workers for full employment,” by which it means “employment whereby workers obtain work security, income security, food security, and social security (at least health care, child care and shelter).” The organization works to achieve its goals “through the strategy of struggle and development. The struggle is against the many constraints and limitations imposed on them by society and the economy, while development activities strengthen women's bargaining power and offer them new alternatives.” SEWA describes itself as “both an organisation and a movement,” which is enhanced by “the sangama or confluence of three movements: the labour movement, the cooperative movement and the women's movement.” SEWA also describes itself as a Gandhian movement: “Gandhian thinking is the guiding force for SEWA's poor, self-employed members in organising for social change. We follow the principles of satya (truth), ahimsa (nonviolence), sarvadharma (integrating all faiths, all people) and khadi (propagation of local employment and self-reliance).” In practical terms, SEWA carries out its strategy “through the joint action of union and cooperatives.” As a trade union, it has nearly two million members, half of whom are in the organization's home state of Gujarat, India. It also operates or is affiliated with nearly two dozen sister organizations and cooperatives.
5
Agarwala, Rina, e Shiny Saha. "The Employment Relationship and Movement Strategies among Domestic Workers in India". Critical Sociology 44, n. 7-8 (3 maggio 2018): 1207–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920518765925.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article examines how paid domestic workers in India fight to reproduce themselves by attaining recognition for their employment relationship and struggling to advance their labor rights. We find a striking convergence toward female-dominated unions that articulate the recipient of domestic services as “employers,” their employment relationship as an exploitative one in terms of time and dignity, and the household as a place of work and profit. To ensure a focus on women members and leaders, domestic workers’ have developed different union types including politically-affiliated and independent unions, as well as unions affiliated to NGOs, faith-based institutions, and cooperatives. Domestic workers’ direct, one-to-one employment relationship has led organizations to empower workers to confront employers’ daily control of workers’ associations (even outside the workplace), citizenship rights, worth, and dignity. However, because domestic workers’ employment relationship is still not recognized by Indian law, domestic workers avoid confronting employers and instead target the state when demanding material concessions to de-commodify their labor. These findings offer important insights into the limits and potential of domestic workers’ struggles.
6
Han, Geum-Soon. "National Movements of Pyeong-kuk Kang in Japan". Society for Jeju Studies 58 (31 agosto 2022): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47520/jjs.2022.58.107.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Pyeong-kuk Kang was a Korean nationalist during the period of Japanese colonial rule.
She participated in the March 1st movement in Seoul. After Kang enrolled in Tokyo Women’s Medical School, Kang was a member of youth activist group, feminist group, and labor union for Koreans in Japan. She participated in nationalist activism against ethnic discrimination in Japan until 1932.
Kang was a board member of the Korean Young Women League in Tokyo, which had a goal to enhance social status and economic welfare of women. She was also a fellow member of the Council of Korean Association in Tokyo. Furthermore, Kang was a committee member of the Department of Women in the Eastern branch of Korea Trade Union in Tokyo and in the Korea Trade Union Confederation in Japan. She participated in social activism for Koreans against ethnic discrimination to protect the rights and interests of Korean labor. Kang played the leading role in the establishment of the Tokyo branch of Keun-Woo Association. Keun-Woo Association was an activist group for women’s social status and Korean liberation. Kang was a chairperson in General Meeting for the establishment of the Tokyo branch of Keun-Woo Association. Kang in Keun-Woo Association engaged in not only women’s rights and interests but also other political and social issues.
Kang’s activities in Japan were mainly focused on nationalist activism. A wide range of her activism from feminism to labor movement were protests for Koreans against ethnic discrimination. On the other hand, Kang’s activities in Japan were aligned with socialist activism.
7
Muldoon, James. "Luise Kautsky: The ‘Forgotten Soul’ of the Socialist Movement". Historical Materialism 28, n. 3 (17 giugno 2020): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001893.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract This article draws on archival research to recover the legacy of Luise Kautsky – journalist, editor, translator, politician and wife of Karl Kautsky – who has been overlooked as a leading member of the socialist movement. First, by adopting a feminist historical lens to reveal the unacknowledged intellectual labour of women, the article reassesses Luise Kautsky’s relationship to Karl Kautsky and his writings. The evidence suggests that Luise Kautsky was essential to the development, editing and dissemination of the work of Karl Kautsky. Second, the article claims Luise Kautsky played an invaluable practical role as the hub of an international network of socialist scholars and activists, acting as mediator, translator and middle point through her extensive correspondence and by hosting members of this network at her house. Finally, the article recovers her labour as a writer, editor and translator and calls for renewed attention to her as an independent figure of historical analysis.
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Jackson, Andrew J. H. "The Cooperative Movement and the Education of Working Men and Women: Provision by a Local Society in Lincoln, England, 1861–1914". International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 28–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754791600020x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractIn the second half of the nineteenth century the provision of better education for working-class men and women became one of the various and broad-ranging set of preoccupations of the cooperative movement in Britain. Much early cooperation was economic, concerning alternative means of production and distribution. However, local societies also turned themselves toward other forms of societal improvement, including creating the facilities and contexts that would promote and support the education and learning of adults. The archive of the Lincoln Equitable Co-operative Industrial Society offers a rich body of source material for a microhistorical investigation of the expansion and diversification of one local cooperative up to the First World War. The members’ magazine of this local society in particular records the evolution of its purpose—economic, political, social, and cultural. This included achieving progress through various forms of educational provision—although the opportunities for men contrasted with those made available for women. This research illuminates what is a relatively underresearched area—that is, exploration of the complexities, dynamism, and phenomenology of local cooperative adult education and the significance of what it had to offer the development of the labor movement in particular places.
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Cabaniss, Emily. "Pulling Back the Curtain: Examining the Backstage Gendered Dynamics of Storytelling in the Undocumented Youth Movement". Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 47, n. 2 (26 aprile 2016): 199–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891241616643589.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article examines the backstage process by which undocumented youth activists developed and implemented an emotionally evocative storytelling strategy in their efforts to bring about social change. Using participant observation and in-depth interviews with members of the DREAM Act Movement, I show how they carefully cultivated and refined their storytelling performances through interaction. I also show how hegemonic gender expectations—and the stigma of victimization—complicated their efforts. Because they believed the best stories showed audiences what it felt like to be undocumented, this explicitly expressive tactic caused problems for men who had to overcome cultural expectations that they control their emotions and for women who worried about being perceived as weak if they showed too much vulnerability. I argue that their solution—the creation of a gendered division of emotional labor—ultimately reinforced the gender order. By revealing how the process of storytelling can simultaneously challenge and exacerbate inequalities, my research expands our knowledge of the potentials and limitations of narrative approaches to social change.
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Rodríguez-Gallardo, Ángel, e María Victoria Martins-Rodríguez. "The Incorporation of Women in the Agricultural Trade Union Struggle: The Case of the Galician Peasants’ Union Sindicato Labrego Galego". International Labor and Working-Class History 98 (2020): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547918000054.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis project investigates the participation of rural Galician women in social movements regarding labor and rural concerns from 1970 to 1990, with a comparative and interdisciplinary approach. Based on the studies we have analyzed we can conclude that the recognition of rural women and their roles in their organizations have been consolidated in recent years. Rural women have gradually become significant social players in the development of their communities and, consequently, their economies. This study also demonstrates that participation in organizations plays a major role in the development of women's identities by changing the rural definition of gender. In the case of Galician women, historical relegation is evident as the empowerment of rural women did not begin until a group of feminist women became members of the Executive Board of Sindicato Labrego Galego. The driving force behind this empowerment was the creation of organizations for women with clear and specific objectives.
Tesi sul tema "Women labor movement members"
1
Fritsma, Teri Jo. "Women and the labor movement occupational sex composition and union membership, 1983-2005 /". Diss., University of Iowa, 2007. http://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/178.
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Pocock, Barbara. "Challenging male advantage in Australian unions /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09php7409.pdf.
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3
Raymond, Melanie. "Labour pains : working class women in employment, unions and the Labor party in Victoria, 1888-1914 /". Connect to thesis, 1987. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000326.
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4
Kim, Hyun Mee. "Labor, politics and the women subject in contemporary Korea /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6404.
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5
Hutchison, Jane. "Export opportunities: women workers organising in the Philippine garments industry". Thesis, Hutchison, Jane (2004) Export opportunities: women workers organising in the Philippine garments industry. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2004. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/84/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Transnational production arrangements have been widely argued to lessen the organising capacities of industrial workers, none more so than in the case of women workers in 'export' or 'world market' factories in developing countries. This thesis contests this assertion by showing that women workers' ability to form enterprise unions in the Philippine garments industry are enhanced by transnational production arrangements involving an overseas market. Specifically, the thesis demonstrates that, in order to meet the quality and delivery requirements of overseas buyers and contractors, local owners and/or production managers are forced to routinely keep more production in-house in order to exert more direct controls over the work processes of their women sewers. By thereby limiting the amount of local subcontracting which is done, women workers are agglomerated in larger numbers in the one place and, consequently, their capacities to engage in collective action - as indicated by the establishment of enterprise unions - is markedly increased.
Empirically, the argument of the thesis draws on a 'multiple-case' study of sixty-five garment-making establishments located in and around Manila. The study involved interviews with owners, production managers and/or trade union officials about the local subcontracting practices of their establishments. The conclusions drawn about the links between export production and enhanced labour organising capacities at the enterprise level are corroborated by the 'commodity chain' literature on industrial deepening in the international garments industry and the status of the Philippine industry in this regard. But rather than think simply in terms of industrial deepening, this thesis is concerned with the impacts of exporting on class processes.
Theoretically, the thesis thus draws on the Marxist view that capitalist development entails changes in the social form of labour, through the real subsumption of labour. But, whereas Marx linked the real subsumption of labour to greater capitalist controls over the labour process, in this thesis the real subsumption of labour is also tied to concomitant changes in the spatial form of the labour process. From this standpoint, the thesis engages with labour process theory after Braverman (accusing it of often failing to link capitalist control to class processes) and with theories of class (which often ignore the social and spatial form of the labour process). In tying organising capacities of women workers at the enterprise level to changes in social and spatial form of the labour process, it is nevertheless argued that these capacities are also shaped at the national level by the legal framework for legitimate organising and by 'political space' in which the law in fact operates. In this regard, it is argued that, whilst the state often passes laws to protect labour standards, it does not grant workers the means to ensure such standards are actually enforced.
The thesis also challenges the view that the recruitment of women is a strategy which employers deliberately use in the Philippine garments industry to limit industrial conflict. Against this assertion of a rational economic basis to women's employment, the thesis argues that women are employed for sewing jobs as a result of the sex-typing of such jobs; but that this is also more an effect than a cause as the feminisation of sewing in the modern garments industry is embedded in class processes in the nineteenth century in Europe and the United States. Gender is a dimension of labour control, but women workers in the garments industry are not employed to limit enterprise unionism.
6
Hutchison, Jane. "Export opportunities : women workers organising in the Philippine garments industry /". Hutchison, Jane (2004) Export opportunities: women workers organising in the Philippine garments industry. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2004. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/84/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Transnational production arrangements have been widely argued to lessen the organising capacities of industrial workers, none more so than in the case of women workers in 'export' or 'world market' factories in developing countries. This thesis contests this assertion by showing that women workers' ability to form enterprise unions in the Philippine garments industry are enhanced by transnational production arrangements involving an overseas market. Specifically, the thesis demonstrates that, in order to meet the quality and delivery requirements of overseas buyers and contractors, local owners and/or production managers are forced to routinely keep more production in-house in order to exert more direct controls over the work processes of their women sewers. By thereby limiting the amount of local subcontracting which is done, women workers are agglomerated in larger numbers in the one place and, consequently, their capacities to engage in collective action - as indicated by the establishment of enterprise unions - is markedly increased.
Empirically, the argument of the thesis draws on a 'multiple-case' study of sixty-five garment-making establishments located in and around Manila. The study involved interviews with owners, production managers and/or trade union officials about the local subcontracting practices of their establishments. The conclusions drawn about the links between export production and enhanced labour organising capacities at the enterprise level are corroborated by the 'commodity chain' literature on industrial deepening in the international garments industry and the status of the Philippine industry in this regard. But rather than think simply in terms of industrial deepening, this thesis is concerned with the impacts of exporting on class processes.
Theoretically, the thesis thus draws on the Marxist view that capitalist development entails changes in the social form of labour, through the real subsumption of labour. But, whereas Marx linked the real subsumption of labour to greater capitalist controls over the labour process, in this thesis the real subsumption of labour is also tied to concomitant changes in the spatial form of the labour process. From this standpoint, the thesis engages with labour process theory after Braverman (accusing it of often failing to link capitalist control to class processes) and with theories of class (which often ignore the social and spatial form of the labour process). In tying organising capacities of women workers at the enterprise level to changes in social and spatial form of the labour process, it is nevertheless argued that these capacities are also shaped at the national level by the legal framework for legitimate organising and by 'political space' in which the law in fact operates. In this regard, it is argued that, whilst the state often passes laws to protect labour standards, it does not grant workers the means to ensure such standards are actually enforced.
The thesis also challenges the view that the recruitment of women is a strategy which employers deliberately use in the Philippine garments industry to limit industrial conflict. Against this assertion of a rational economic basis to women's employment, the thesis argues that women are employed for sewing jobs as a result of the sex-typing of such jobs; but that this is also more an effect than a cause as the feminisation of sewing in the modern garments industry is embedded in class processes in the nineteenth century in Europe and the United States. Gender is a dimension of labour control, but women workers in the garments industry are not employed to limit enterprise unionism.
7
Haley, Sandra K. "For Love or Money: Labor Rights and Citizenship for Working Women of 1930s Oaxaca, Mexico". Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/221/.
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Brickner, Rachel 1974. "Union women and the social construction of citizenship in Mexico". Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85891.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In Latin America, women's ability to participate in the paid workforce on equal terms as men is constrained by many cultural and political obstacles, and this reinforces women's unequal citizenship status. Even though unions have rarely supported women's rights historically, and are currently losing political power in the neoliberal economic context, I argue that union women have a crucial role to play in the social struggle to expand women's labor rights. Building on theories about the social construction of citizenship, I develop an original theoretical framework suggesting that civil society acts on three levels to expand citizenship rights: the individual level (working with individuals to make them more rights-conscious), within social institutions (working to ensure that policies within social institutions actually reflect the rights of individuals), and at the level of the state, where civil society contributes to the construction of new citizenship discourses.The framework is then applied to the Mexican case. Examining the rise of working class feminism in the context of the debt crisis and transition to economic liberalism in the 1980s, and the subsequent democratic transition in 2000, I show how these contexts led union women to participate in civil associations active at each of these three levels of citizenship construction. More specifically, this participation has been important in raising awareness of women's labor rights among women workers, challenging patriarchal union structures, and bringing the issue of women's labor rights into the debate over reform of Mexico's Federal Labor Law. I ultimately conclude that in the absence of support from a broad women's labor movement, the chances that women's labor rights will be supported by the Mexican government and Mexican unions will be low.
9
Putman, John C. "The emergence of a new west : the politics of class and gender in Seattle, Washington, 1880-1917 /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9975038.
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Waugh-Benton, Monica. "Strike Fever: Labor Unrest, Civil Rights and the Left in Atlanta, 1972". unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07282006-153554/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.1 electronic text (136 p.) : digital, PDF file. Title from title screen. Clifford Kuhn, committee chair; Ian C. Fletcher, committee member. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 5, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 133-136).
Libri sul tema "Women labor movement members"
1
Edelson, Miriam. Challenging unions: Feminist process and democracy in the labour movement. Ottawa, Ont: Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women, 1987.
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2
Pāṇḍe, Vindā. Women participation in Nepali labour movement: Study report. Kathmandu: General Federation of Nepalese Trade Unions, 2001.
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3
Navarro, Marysa. Hidden, silent, and anonymous: Women workers in the Argentine trade union movement. New York, N.Y: Women's International Resource Exchange, 1985.
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4
Gordon, Eleanor. Women and the labour movement in Scotland, 1850-1914. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991.
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Duchini, Cinzia. Le confederali: La lunga marcia delle donne nel sindacato del secondo dopoguerra. Firenze: Centro editoriale toscano, 2009.
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6
Duchini, Cinzia. Le confederali: La lunga marcia delle donne nel sindacato del secondo dopoguerra. Firenze: Centro editoriale toscano, 2009.
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7
Toksöz, Gülay. Sendikacı kadın kimliği. Kızılay, Ankara: İmge Kitabevi, 1998.
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8
Long, Kristi S. We all fought for freedom: Women in Poland's solidarity movement. Boulder, Colo: Westview Press, 1996.
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9
Vishṇu, Rimāla, Upādhyāya Umeśa 1958-, Nepāla Ṭreḍa Yūniyana Mahāsaṅgha, Fagligt fælles forbund e Left International Forum Sweden, a cura di. Together we'll achieve decent work and a better South Asia: South Asian Regional Conference of Women Trade Unionists, September 20-22, 2008, Kathmandu, Nepal. Kathmandu: General Federation of Nepalese Trade Unions, 2009.
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10
South Asian Regional Conference of Women Trade Unionists (2008 Kathmandu, Nepal). Together we'll achieve decent work and a better South Asia: South Asian Regional Conference of Women Trade Unionists, September 20-22, 2008, Kathmandu, Nepal. A cura di Rimal Bishnu, Upādhyāya Umeśa 1958-, Nepāla Ṭreḍa Yūniyana Mahāsaṅgha, Fagligt fælles forbund e Left International Forum Sweden. Kathmandu: General Federation of Nepalese Trade Unions, 2009.
Cerca il testo completoCapitoli di libri sul tema "Women labor movement members"
1
Christou, Anastasia, e Eleonore Kofman. "Transnational Families, Intimate Relations, Generations". In IMISCOE Research Series, 57–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91971-9_4.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractChapter 10.1007/978-3-030-91971-9_3 examined the gendered nature of a migrant division of labour. In this chapter we turn to family migration, traditionally associated with women as dependents and followers of men. The term is used to categorise the international movement of people who migrate due to new or established family ties. People moving for family reasons constitute the largest group of migrants entering OECD countries, ahead of labour and humanitarian migration (OECD, 2019). To move for family reasons may encompass an array of different kinds of migration trajectories, from the adoption of a foreign child to family members accompanying migrant workers or refugees, as well as people forming new family units with host country residents or family reunification (when family members reunite with those who migrated previously).
2
Clegg, Hugh Armstrong. "Trade Unions in the Labour Movement 1934-1939". In A History Of British Trade Unions Since 1889, 94–164. Oxford University PressOxford, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198204060.003.0002.
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Abstract The Trades Union Congress met annually in the first full week of September to discuss the report of its General Council, to debate resolutions submitted by its 200-odd affiliated unions or by the Council, and to choose the members of the Council for the following twelve months. For this purpose the unions were divided into seventeen groups, to each of which was allotted one, two, or three seats on the Council, roughly according to the membership covered by the group. Every union within a group was entitled to nominate candidates for the allotted seats. There was also an eighteenth group for women, with two seats on the Council, to which all unions with women members were entitled to nominate candidates-making thirty-two seats in all. Election to the Council, however, was by the vote of Congress as a whole. Each affiliated union was entitled to send one delegate to Congress ‘for every 5,000 members or fraction thereof. Not all of them filled their quotas, but that did not diminish their voting strength, since voting was by cards, issued to each union ‘on the basis of one vote for every 1,000 members or fractional part thereof represented’.
3
Clark, Anna. "Domestic servants and the labour movement, 1870s–1914". In Labour united and divided from the 1830s to the present, 83–98. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526126320.003.0006.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Between the 1870s and 1914, there was no occupation with a higher proportion of women workers than domestic service. Female servants, however, faced the problem that many working-class people, including most socialists and trade unionists, did not see them as members of the working class. Refusing to take for granted the servants' proverbial deference and lack of class-consciousness, this chapter examines the numerous ways in which domestic servants tried to overcome the barrier separating them from the organised labour movement. Servants were not as isolated as one might think from other working-class people. Physical proximity with employers could actually fuel class resentment, and in comparing themselves to animals, slaves and machines, the servants signaled their commonality with the rest of the working class. The chapter also focuses on some of the servants' attempts to form unions of their own, in particular in Dundee and London. Through their obstinacy servants eventually gained inclusion in workers’ compensation and health insurance legislation between 1906 and 1913. This study of a long-neglected branch of the British proletariat suggests that the working class cannot be understood only in terms of industrial wage labourers and conventional trade union organisation.
4
Novakovic, Andreja. "American Idealists". In The Oxford Handbook of American and British Women Philosophers in the Nineteenth Century. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197558898.013.33.
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Abstract This chapter charts the critical reception of Hegel’s social and political philosophy in the hands of Susan Blow, Anna Brackett, and Marietta Kies, members of a group known as the St. Louis Hegelians. It situates them in the philosophical movement of American idealism and argues that there is a common thread permeating their disagreements with Hegel, for each raises an implicit objection to Hegel’s delineation of a rational social order. Susan Blow challenges Hegel’s views on the institutional context of early childhood education; Anna Brackett, Hegel’s gendered division of labor; and Marietta Kies, Hegel’s differentiation of the motives in civil society and in the state. What their writings show is that Hegel’s concrete description of ethical life, specifically of the boundaries between its social spheres, needs to be amended to make it relevant to an American context in the second half of the nineteenth century.
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Marino, Katherine M. "The Birth of Popular Front Pan-American Feminism". In Feminism for the Americas, 120–44. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649696.003.0006.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This chapter charts the rise of Popular Front Pan-American feminism. Starting in the mid-1930s, this movement emphasized women’s social and economic, as well as civil and political rights, and allied with a trasnational popular front movement that promoted workers’ rights and opposed rising global and national fascism. Marta Vergara, a member of the Inter-American Commission of Women and member of the Chilean Communist Party, was critical to this development. Allying with Doris Stevens, she also broadened the Commission’s agenda. As the Commission’s representative at the 1936 regional International Labor Organization conference in Santiago, Chile, and at the 1936 Pan American peace conferences in Buenos Aires, Vergara helped expand the meaning of the Equal Rights Treaty to promote women’s social and economic rights, specifically the right to maternity legislation. Although she worked with Stevens, she also recognized Stevens’s lack of investment in workers’, anti-imperialist, and anti-fascist movements. While in Buenos Aires, Vergara built bridges with other leftist feminists from Argentina who together helped create a new organization embodying Popular Front Pan-American feminism: the Confederación Continental de Mujeres por la Paz. This group would be critical to expanding the relevance and reach of inter-American feminism.
6
Bauder, Harald. "Between Support and Exclusion". In Labor Movement. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195180879.003.0016.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In North America, the value of the ethnic community is deeply ingrained in national mythology. Ethnic communities supposedly enable immigrants to move from rags to riches, from dishwasher to millionaire. Neither John F. Kennedy nor Al Capone would have risen to the top of their trades without the support of their Irish and Italian communities, which endowed these figures with the best and the worst cultural qualities. In recent decades, however, a counternarrative involving ethnic communities has also appeared in popular mythology. African Americans and Latino communities supposedly keep their members from absorbing the virtues of mainstream society, infecting their members with a culture of despair. The causal link between ethnic community and success or failure seems unquestioned—although the exact processes that supposedly render members of ethnic and immigrant communities inferior remain unsubstantiated. In the labor market, ethnic communities can create opportunities and facilitate segmentation and subordination. For example, information about employment opportunities often travels through ethnic networks and among family members. These opportunities can lead to a comfortable job in corporate banking or to underpaid employment as a maid or a helper in a corner store. Some entrepreneurs may, in fact, recruit workers through ethnic and immigrant networks because community and family linkages result in a particularly vulnerable, yet disciplined, labor force. Whereas the previous two chapters focused on legal and institutional mechanisms of exclusion, the current chapter brings the discussion back to informal processes of distinction and exclusion. As in Vancouver, these less tangible, informal processes operate in Berlin, and they complement legal and institutional processes of subordination that affect immigrant labor. Informal processes of distinction and exclusion affect, in particular, those immigrants who escape legal exclusion because they possess citizenship, such as Spätaussiedler, or they have acquired economic and social rights by living and working in Germany for decades, such as Turkish immigrants. I illustrated in part II how exclusionary processes associated with habitus and embodied cultural capital operate. In this chapter, I focus on social networks, the ethnic economy, and residential immigrant concentration. The North American literature has demonstrated that social networks are of critical importance to the economic well-being of some immigrant groups.
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Carson, Matter. "“Everybody’s Libber”". In A Matter of Moral Justice, 166–86. University of Illinois Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043901.003.0011.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The immediate postwar years saw significant turmoil in the Laundry Workers Joint Board, the result of competitive pressures in the industry, an employer offensive (evidence that in the laundries a postwar “social contract” did not exist), and internal conflict between the leadership and members of the democratic initiative. Chapter 10 demonstrates that the racial tensions that had animated the union since its birth exploded in the late 1940s as work contracted and as LWJB secretary treasurer Louis Simon consolidated his power over the union. Adelmond publicly confronted the leadership and employers for engaging in racist and sexist practices and organized through her own local, where the workers demanded racial justice at home and for people of color abroad fighting colonialism. This chapter reveals that Robinson supported and nurtured the workers’ civil rights unionism by creating educational initiatives; by building alliances with labor and civil rights activists, including the indomitable congressman Adam Clayton Powell Jr.; by mentoring workers of color; and by founding and supporting organizations committed to Black women’s empowerment. Adelmond’s and Robinson’s multifaceted postwar organizing illuminates the complex ways in which Black working-class women organized at the intersection of multiple positionalities, a reflection of the simultaneity of race, class, and gender discrimination in the lives, as well as their location within and commitment to diverse goals and movements, including civil rights, women’s rights, and organized labor.
8
Bauder, Harald. "Citizenship and Legal Classification". In Labor Movement. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195180879.003.0014.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
“Tell me under which paragraph you arrive, and I’ll tell you who you are!” These words explain how a community worker who helps immigrants settle in one of Berlin’s eastern suburbs assesses the issues confronting her newly arriving clients. Legal status categories are a defining factor in the eligibility for services and access to employment. This interviewee’s clients, all Spätaussiedler, are admitted to Germany under different paragraphs of German law. Paragraph 4 (of the Bundesvertriebenengesetz) indicates to the community worker that immigrants are eligible for the formal recognition of their foreign work experience; paragraph 7 (of the Staatangehörigkeitsgesetz) signifies that the immigrant is an immediate relative of a paragraph 4 Spätaussiedler and is entitled to government- sponsored language training but ineligible for recognition of work experience; and paragraph 8 (of the Bundesvertriebenengesetz) defines other family members who are not eligible for either the recognition of their work experience nor language training and are essentially treated as foreigners. This example illustrates how immigrants are being legally classified, permitting their differential treatment. Legal criteria slot immigrants into a hierarchy of status categories that not only provide different levels of access to services but also determine the level of access to the labor market. Although one could debate the underlying philosophical legitimacy of classifying immigrants in this manner, a political economy perspective sheds a revealing light on the function of this particular immigration scheme. Workers in each status category fulfill distinct roles in the German labor market. The web of legal definitions and policies for immigrants is thus an important component in the regulation of the German labor market. Germany has long maintained stringent regulations that limit labor market access to immigrants. Citizenship has been a particularly useful mechanism for dividing the immigrant population, generating a hierarchy of administrative categories and creating different labor market circumstances for each category. Germany not only distinguishes between Germans and non-Germans, but it also differentiates between Aussiedler and Spätaussiedler, European Union nationals, and immigrants of other nationalities. It imposes different sets of regulations on each of these groups.
9
Bauder, Harald. "Cultural Judgments". In Labor Movement. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195180879.003.0011.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
No one would seriously argue that South Asian men drive taxis because of their navigational superiority or that South Asian women are preternaturally inclined to sew. However, cultural representations of a more subtle nature are a common ideological tool to organize the labor market and match immigrants with particular jobs. Stereotypical perceptions of the cultural characteristics of immigrant workers can typecast immigrants into certain occupations. Yet, cultural labor market processes typically involve more than stereotypes. They include processes of social and cultural distinction aimed at reproducing prevailing labor market structures. In other words, the subordination of immigrants in the labor market elevates nonimmigrants into a position of relative superiority. Cultural judgments differ from the processes involving norms and conventions discussed in the previous chapter. The latter relate to internal, group-particular structures of engagement and prioritization that guide the behavior of immigrants. The former, on the other hand, involve the external representation of immigrants by nonimmigrants. Though conceptually distinct, the two processes are related in the manner in which they occur in the everyday. Group-particular norms and conventions often provide the basis for critical judgment by people outside the group. Emphasizing processes of cultural judgment links the segmentation of immigrant labor to the forces of social reproduction. It does not simply attribute segmentation to the characteristics of immigrants themselves. The focus in this chapter is on representation of embodied cultural markers and performances, such as clothing and speech patterns. I use the example of South Asian immigrants to examine how exactly these characteristics relate to the segmentation of immigrant labor. The human body can be seen “as a surface of inscription” (McDowell and Sharpe 1997: 3) that is subject to the reading and interpretation of employers and other labor market actors. It creates distinct labor market identities for South Asian immigrants that imply a special suitability for certain occupations. For example, one respondent remarked that the concierge of the office building in which she worked as a consultant asked her to sign the janitor’s book every day. Office workers are usually not asked to sign this book.
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"8. Women, Gender, and the Ten-Hour Movement". In Ten Hours' Labor, 191–221. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501737299-011.
Testo completoAtti di convegni sul tema "Women labor movement members"
1
Velkoska, Emilija. "DOMESTIC VIOLENCE DURING COVID-19 PANDEMIC". In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.3.7.22.p12.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The most widespread type of gender-based violence is the violence against women which results in psychological, physical, and sexual violence. Domestic violence is a crime that is most often reported by the victims of domestic violence. However, it can be reported by anyone who has got indication and knowledge about it, such as a family member, or someone from the neighborhood, relatives, friends, etc. Institutions which work in this domain, such as the Ministry of Interior, the Ministry of Labor and Social Policy, the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Justice, as well as the non-governmental sector which offers free legal aid to the victims of domestic violence, are of particular importance. During the corona virus pandemic, the victims of domestic violence who need help, most often women and girls, are given support to be encouraged to report these cases to the competent institutions on the telephone number 192, or at the nearest police station. In addition to restrictive measures during curfew and prohibited movement of citizens, potential victims of domestic violence get a feeling of anxiety, fear, powerlessness, and captivity with the perpetrator of violence. The subject of the research are reported cases in the field of domestic violence before and during the pandemic of Covid-19, i.e., criminal acts and complaints from domestic violence, as well as the structural analysis by the Departments of Interior. The time frame that will be covered is the statistics for 2018, 2019, and 2020 from the Ministry of Interior in the Republic of North Macedonia. The Ministry of Interior is the main institution in undertaking a series of measures and activities, as follows: prevention of this type of violence, receiving reports, on-site inspection, protection of the victim, detection and finding the perpetrator of violence, examination and search, documentation at an event, finding objects to prove the crime, confiscation of the firearm if the perpetrator owns or has committed a crime with it. Keywords: domestic violence, victim, perpetrator, crime, pandemic, curfew, etc
2
Veretilnyk, Oleksandr. "Reintegration of former collaborators into the labor market of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan: problems and prospects". In Conferinta stiintifica internationala "Strategii si politici de management in economia contemporana", editia VII. Academy of Economic Studies of Moldova, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53486/icspm2022.26.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The victory of the ultra-conservative Islamic Taliban movement in the military conflict in Afghanistan led to the flight of hundreds of thousands of people from this country in the summer of 2021, fearing revenge from the Taliban. The reason for this kind of concern was the cooperation of these people with foreign military (primarily from the United States and other NATO countries), who were in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021. According to members and supporters of the Taliban movement, foreign soldiers were occupiers who illegally attacked Afghanistan and occupied it against the will of the Afghan people, and all these years the Afghan people for the most part provided armed resistance to their presence (waging a liberation jihad against the invaders). The United States and other Western states, retreating under the onslaught of the Taliban from Afghan cities, promised, together with their soldiers, to evacuate from Afghanistan all Afghan citizens who collaborated with the armed forces and intelligence services of NATO countries, but in reality, not everyone could leave Afghan territory with evacuation flights. This article presents the results of a study on the problem of reintegration of non-evacuated Afghans into the Afghan labor market, and also analyzes the role they can play in achieving the sustainable development goals of post-war Afghanistan.
3
Vančo Véghová, Veronika. "Participation of the Female Wokforce and Its Impact on the Economic Development of the Country". In EDAMBA 2021 : 24th International Scientific Conference for Doctoral Students and Post-Doctoral Scholars. University of Economics in Bratislava, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53465/edamba.2021.9788022549301.541-548.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The labor market situation is complex and influenced by many unwritten and mostly unconscious norms and prejudices that apply to both women and men. However, more women in society pay for this setting. Firstly, by offering them a priori lower wages than equally qualified men (although "only" by women, the second thing is that more women than men work in human resources, so discrimination has a greater real impact) and secondly because men who perceive that they can be socially (less positively) and economically punished (more frequent dismissals) if they are not the best and if they prefer family and / or health if necessary will not be willing to promote a more equal distribution of responsibilities at home and in childcare. This in turn leads to a greater burden on women's unpaid work and slower career growth for women. A vicious circle is forming where the notion that domestic work and caring for children and other members of the household is a "women's" specialization persists, forcing women to combine family life with work and men to work earlier. career (although perhaps both would prefer a family-work balance). Such an approach has far-reaching consequences, not only economic but also psychological.
4
Supartono, Wahyu, Annisa Dwi Astari e Satria Bhirawa Anoraga. "Green Activities as Tools for Improving Family Quality of Life Through Family Welfare Movement (PKK) at Klitren Village, Yogyakarta". In 3rd International Conference on Community Engagement and Education for Sustainable Development. AIJR Publisher, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.21467/proceedings.151.52.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Education for environment-friendly activities attempts to change environmental-based habits. Based on the previous research, it was advised that education, dissemination, and discussion in informal settings with the women members of Pemberdayaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga (PKK) or the Family Welfare Movement would bring positive impacts. However, it still needs time for the full implementation. This ESD program was designed for women as agents of change in Klitren Village, who take part as the agent of change in family empowerment and managing the environment. Universitas Gadjah Mada team and the local government (Klitren municipal government) mutually contributed to their education and supervision. The training also involved a field trip to GAMAINDIGO natural dye manufacturer and garden, where the women would learn to use natural dye in batik clothes and natural color in foods. 83% of the women involved reported that they already have greater attention to sanitation, personal hygiene, and household waste management. Only 59% said they practiced reducing electricity consumption and chose energy-saved electronic devices. They tried to keep their house and environment clean using the Reduce, Reuse, and Recycle (3R) concept idea, yet only 44% attempted to make a list of goods. Based on the findings, some programs were conducted in this village to create a more vibrant society in managing their clean, comfortable, and healthy environment, such as through training for establishing Kampung Sayur (a village that produces vegetables sustainably), assistance in building artificial ponds to cultivate catfish that was suitable with the narrow area, and through competition among sub-villages on Healthy Environment contest. These activities are hoped to influence adjacent sub-villages to practice sustainable initiatives. Universities and local governments are trying to draw a future concept called Klitren in 2040 based on sustainability activities.
5
Supartono, Wahyu, Muh Prasetya Kurniawan e Satria Bhirawa Anoraga. "Clean Development Mechanism Approach to Family Welfare Movement (PKK) for Supporting KOTAKU Program at Klitren Village, Yogyakarta". In 3rd International Conference on Community Engagement and Education for Sustainable Development. AIJR Publisher, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.21467/proceedings.151.51.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
KOTAKU, or City Without Slum areas, is a nationwide initiative carried out in a number of Indonesian provinces where it is believed that there are slum areas where residents live in substandard conditions. The goals of KOTAKU are for 100% of people to have access to drinking water, 0% to slum areas, and 100% access to good sanitation. Klitren village, one of the villages in Yogyakarta city, was identified as the project's target since it has decent access to sanitation, some slum areas, and limited access to drinking water. KOTAKU was supported by the ESD program, which educated and empowered women who are active agents of change in the Family Welfare Movement. (PKK). They provide a number of programs on Family Empowerment and a Clean and Healthy Lifestyle (PHBS). As a result, since they were conducted in the same target groups, ESD programs were supported and synergized with PKK initiatives. ESD activities, such as Training of Trainers, were offered to prominent/core members of the PKK at the village level. Afterward, they could serve as supervisors, mentors, and facilitators for women at all village levels. Some constraints remained in conducting a healthy and positive environment, such as lousy waste management, including a waste bank, the wrong mindset on garbage, inadequate knowledge of a healthy and clean environment in a highly populated area, no communal hygiene facility (septic tank), and the behavior to use the river as dumping ground. These issues were resolved by the community through extensive communication and collaborative approaches. Women had an important role since they held monthly gatherings for education and discussion. KOTAKU could be implemented in this village. However, certain adjustments are needed to meet program objectives. The walkways were repaired, and a paving block was installed in their place. Several houses were resettled three meters from the river, where they were also cleaned and reconstructed to increase the flow and prevent flooding when it rained.
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"Psycho-Behavioral and Socio-Economic Characteristics of Juvenile Delinquency in Wasit Province at 2016 To 2020". In 4th International Conference on Biological & Health Sciences (CIC-BIOHS’2022). Cihan University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24086/biohs2022/paper.766.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
BACKGROUND: one of the serious behavioral problems that affect youth health mentally, physically and socially is Juvenile delinquency. The act by a juvenile is considered delinquency if it is considered a crime when committed by an adult, as well as illegal acts because of offenders age.OBJECTIVE: Is to determine the psycho-behavioral and socio-economic profile of juvenile offenders in Wasit Province. STUDY DESIGN: A cross-sectional hospital-based study targeted all delinquents (n=510) who referred by criminal courts to psychiatric unit for personality study using ICD-10 clinical based interview during 2016 to 2020. Data collected from files of offenders by a routine interviewing (with highly secured information). RESULTS: The mean age ±SD of the indicted was 17.9±2.9 years, male youths consist 96%, with a history of low socioeconomic status, 74% of them lived within family size of ≥7 members; 50% rank in 1st. to 3rd. in among all siblings in their families; 17% losses their fathers. Of total sample, one-half of offenders presented with school dropout and 44% engaged in premature labor. Most of youth presented with good mental health, sometimes they appear with consistent personality only 19 (4%) of them presented with speech and movement disorder, and unstable and uncooperative personality. Of 290 delinquents; 108 (37%) were tobacco smoker and 43 (15%) presented with tattoo. Dropout offenders presented with fourfold smoking and tattoo than students with an Odds Ratios of 3.8 (95% CI 2.25-6.4), and 4.0 (95% CI 1.9-8.7) respectively. 5% of youths have a history of previous offence. (38%) of offenders accused with theft or robbery crimes followed by homicide (16%) and physical fighting or scrimmage (12%). CONCLUSIONS: According to the psychiatric interview, the majority of the indicted were not mentally ill. Low socioeconomic status, live in large family, losses fathers, school dropout, and premature work all these factors may contribute to increase the burden of juvenile delinquency in Wasit province. The prevalence of healthy risk behavior in school dropout delinquents more than in students. Theft and robbery, homicide and physical fighting as a crimes were on the top of the list. Educational and health programs that encourage children to enrolled school and increase awareness of negative impact of juvenile delinquency on individual and community should be considered urgently.
7
Carneiro De Carvalho, Vânia. "Decoration and Nostalgia - Historical Study on Visual Matrices and Forms of Diffusion of Fêtes Galantes in the 20th Century". In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001365.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In São Paulo/Brazil, between the years 1950 and 1980, porcelain sculptures representing courtesy scenes were fashionable in wealthy and middle-class homes. Several Brazilian factories started to produce such images and many others were imported, the most of them from Germany. These representations were inspired by the fêtes gallants, a rococo style genre from the 18th century. Factories like Meissen, Limoges and Capodimonte produced thousands of copies which circulated in Western Europe and the Russian Empire. During the 19th century, from French institutional policies, the fêtes galantes were revalued along with the recovery of the rococo. This political and cultural movement resulted not only in domestic interiors decorated with authentic pieces from the 18th century gathered together by collectors, but also in the production of new objects. Following decorative practices, studies anachronistically reclassified 18th artisans as artists, constructing their biographies, circumscribing their peculiarities, and identifying their works. Many pieces from the privates collections ended in museums. The porcelain aristocratic figures won the world and are produced until today. It was at the end of the 19th century, in the region of Thuringia, that the technique of lace porcelain emerged. Produced by women in a male-dominated environment, the technique involved the use of cotton fabric soaked with porcelain mass which was then sewed and molded over the porcelain bodies of male and female figures. After that, the piece was placed in the oven at high temperature, burning the fabric and leaving the lace porcelain. It is significant and relevant for the purposes of this research that the lace porcelain technique was never recognized as a object of interest by the academic literature on porcelain. It is likely that the presence of the female labor, the practice of sewing and the use of fabric have been interpreted by the male academic and amateur elite as discredit elements. Added to this, the lace porcelain became very popular in the 20th century. The reinterpretation of rococo in the 20th century was also understood as a lack of artistic inventiveness associated with marketing interests, which resulted in the marginalization of these sculptures. What is proposed here is to study these objects as pieces of domestic decoration practices, recognizing in them capacities to act on the production of social, age and gender distinctions. I intend, therefore, to demonstrate how these small and seemingly insignificant objects were associated with decorative practices of fixing women in the domestic space in Brazil during the 20th century. They acted not alone but in connection with other contemporary phenomena such as post-war fashion, the glamorization of personalities from the American movie and European aristocracy and the rise of Disney movies, which promoted the gallant pair as a romantic idea for children in the western world.
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Čeč, Dragica. "Complex legal and political use of right of domicile in the late Habsburg Monarchy". In Decade of decadence: 1914–1924 spaces, societies and belongings in the Adriatic borderland in historical comparison. Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper, Annales ZRS, Slovenija, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35469/978-961-7195-46-0_01.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Modern citizenship embodies a triad of dimensions: a legal status granting rights, a principle underpinning democratic self-governance, and a conception of collective identity and membership [Joppke 2010]. This nuancedconcept of citizenship was partially introduced to the successor states following the dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy. In the 19th century, the right of domicile (Heimatrecht) exhibited certain characteristics akin to modern citizenship but also served as a “technology” [Cruikshank 1999] for the practical management of mobility, encompassing both impoverished individuals and migrant workers. Political debates and policies regarding mobile populations during this period were pulled in two conflicting directions. On one side, there was a drive to control and secure the movement of these “dangerous” population groups. On the other, there was a need to meet labor demands, which necessitated greater freedoms [cf. Foucault 2007]. Immigrant men and women, particularly those experiencing temporary unemployment, improper behavior, incapacity to work, poverty, chronic illness, or those seeking access to local, municipal, and provincial politics, faced discrimination based on the right of domicile. They were often subjected to close scrutiny by municipal authorities and native-born residents. A change of residence within the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy could lead to an individual’s perception of themselves, and by others, as foreigners, regardless of the high mobility and multicultural nature of urban centers such as Vienna and Trieste. Nevertheless, the concept of “foreignness” is a variable construct, changing according to political, economic, and social circumstances and networks. Following the dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy, the exclusionary tools of pertinency automatically granted citizenship to certain individuals, irrespective of their workplace or long absence from their domicile municipality. However, this right of pertinence also caused significant social trauma across post-Habsburg Europe, leaving many at risk of statelessness (Kirch-ner-Reill et al.). Despite the extensive and varied application of the right of domicile in different social contexts within the late 19th-century Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, some recent historical analyses reduce its meaning to a mere “legal mechanism that communities used to avoid the costs and presence of persons considered socially undesirable.”
Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Women labor movement members"
1
Kawar, Mary. Gender and generation in household labor supply in Jordan. Population Council, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/pgy2000.1001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper examines gender and age differences in the labor supply of households in Jordan, and the impact of young women’s employment on gender and generation relations. The objective of the study is to address the issues of gender and generation as factors influencing accessibility to labor markets, and to provide a broader understanding of female employment by exploring age-related factors. Empirically, the study looks at the disproportionate workforce participation of young urban single women in Amman, Jordan, and argues that this generation of working women is evidence of a new stage in the lives of Jordanian women: single employed adulthood. It looks at a specific “time” in the social and economic lives of households and individuals. Within this context, the paper constructs a profile of employment characteristics of adult household members to explore the intersecting influences of age and gender and the specific positions of young women. It then addresses how normative gender and generation hierarchies within households respond to these phenomena of young women’s work, their prolonged single status, and their expanding horizons.
2
Kawar, Mary. Gender and generation in household labor supply in Jordan [Arabic]. Population Council, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/pgy2000.1002.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper examines gender and age differences in the labor supply of households in Jordan, and the impact of young women’s employment on gender and generation relations. The objective of the study is to address the issues of gender and generation as factors influencing accessibility to labor markets, and to provide a broader understanding of female employment by exploring age-related factors. Empirically, the study looks at the disproportionate workforce participation of young urban single women in Amman, Jordan, and argues that this generation of working women is evidence of a new stage in the lives of Jordanian women: single employed adulthood. It looks at a specific “time” in the social and economic lives of households and individuals. Within this context, the paper constructs a profile of employment characteristics of adult household members to explore the intersecting influences of age and gender and the specific positions of young women. It then addresses how normative gender and generation hierarchies within households respond to these phenomena of young women’s work, their prolonged single status, and their expanding horizons.