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1
Bancroft, Bronwyn Maree. "Passion, Power, Politics: Does Inequality exist for New South Wales Aboriginal Women Artists?" Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20356.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The motivation for creating this thesis was primarily to research and understand if inequality existed for Aboriginal women artists from the state of New South Wales. I produced a documentary where I interviewed six Aboriginal language group women who created art in the state based boundaries of New South Wales.I also conducted a research component around the acquisition of art by the Art Gallery of New South Wales. I collected a lot of data around this and was not surprised to find that there was minimal collection of any women artists from New South Wales. My line of inquiry has established a clear foundation based on facts that Aboriginal women artists are treated in an unfair manner by the majority of curators in the Aboriginal area and the Art Gallery of New South Wales.I have also created a chapter called ‘The Journey' that outlines my life from a young Aboriginal girl to a mature woman artist and a chapter titled 'Artistic practice' that illustrates my career spanning over thirty years.I have created a case study on Boomalli Aboriginal Artists Co-operative that provides an extensive profile of the politics and power struggles of this Aboriginal Co-operative.
2
Smith, Anthony Russell. "Gender in the Fifty-first New South Wales Parliament". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2562.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Responsible Government began in New South Wales in 1856. Direct participation by women began 70 years later in 1925 with the election of Millicent Preston-Stanley. Her first speech questioned whether Parliament was a fit place for women. Another significant milestone was reached after another 70 years when female MLAs in the Fifty-first Parliament constituted 15% of the Legislative Assembly and female MLCs made up 33% of the Legislative Council. In the 1990s there was no formal barrier to the participation of persons on the basis of their sex but no scholarly study had addressed the question of whether the Parliament’s culture was open to all gender orientations. This study examines the hypothesis that the Parliament informally favoured some types of gender behaviour over others. It identifies ‘gender’ as behaviour rather than a characteristic of persons and avoids the conflation of gender with sex, and particularly with women exclusively. The research used interviews, observation and document study for triangulation. The thesis describes the specific context of New South Wales parliamentary politics 1995-1999 with an emphasis on factors that affect an understanding of gender. It explores notions of representation held by MPs, analyses their personal backgrounds and reports on gender-rich behaviours in the chambers. The study concludes that gender was a significant factor in the behaviour of Members of the Parliament. There were important differences between the ways that male and female MPs approached their roles. Analysis of the concept of gender in the Parliament shows that some behaviours are more likely to bring political success than are others. The methodology developed here by adapting literature from other systems has important strengths. The data suggest that there is a need for many more detailed studies of aspects of gender in parliaments.
3
Smith, Anthony Russell. "Gender in the Fifty-first New South Wales Parliament". University of Sydney, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2562.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Doctor of PhilosophyResponsible Government began in New South Wales in 1856. Direct participation by women began 70 years later in 1925 with the election of Millicent Preston-Stanley. Her first speech questioned whether Parliament was a fit place for women. Another significant milestone was reached after another 70 years when female MLAs in the Fifty-first Parliament constituted 15% of the Legislative Assembly and female MLCs made up 33% of the Legislative Council. In the 1990s there was no formal barrier to the participation of persons on the basis of their sex but no scholarly study had addressed the question of whether the Parliament’s culture was open to all gender orientations. This study examines the hypothesis that the Parliament informally favoured some types of gender behaviour over others. It identifies ‘gender’ as behaviour rather than a characteristic of persons and avoids the conflation of gender with sex, and particularly with women exclusively. The research used interviews, observation and document study for triangulation. The thesis describes the specific context of New South Wales parliamentary politics 1995-1999 with an emphasis on factors that affect an understanding of gender. It explores notions of representation held by MPs, analyses their personal backgrounds and reports on gender-rich behaviours in the chambers. The study concludes that gender was a significant factor in the behaviour of Members of the Parliament. There were important differences between the ways that male and female MPs approached their roles. Analysis of the concept of gender in the Parliament shows that some behaviours are more likely to bring political success than are others. The methodology developed here by adapting literature from other systems has important strengths. The data suggest that there is a need for many more detailed studies of aspects of gender in parliaments.
4
Foley, Meredith Anne. "The women's movement in New South Wales and Victoria, 1918-1938". Phd thesis, Department of History, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6084.
Testo completo
5
Walker, Betty Con. "Club politics and the business of gaming". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2008. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28215.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study examines how the New South Wales (NSW) club industry attained and retained the privilege to operate gaming machines, and how it has maintained a position of relative advantage over other operators in the gaming industry through favourable government regulation and concessional taxation. This favourable treatment has had a major impact on public policy and government finances.
The history over five decades of the club industry’s privileged access to gaming machine operations and concessional tax treatments, serves as background to recent events — an effort in 2003 by the NSW Government to remove the preferential tax treatment. This occurred after a period of 'softening up' by policy entrepreneurs within the public service. Predictably, the initiative was strongly resisted by the club industry, which undertook a well-resourced and multi-faceted campaign to overturn the tax increases.
The account of these events is based on documentary evidence and interviews with government ministers and their advisers, other public officials, participants from the club industry, and media representatives. It is concluded that the classic model of agenda building, issue expansion and issue containment does not fully explain the course of events. The issue was directly propelled on to the government's formal agenda by gatekeepers. The club industry's subsequent campaign followed all the basic steps countenanced by the model, and failed, as Government ministers effectively contained opposition from interest groups and backbenchers. The media lost interest and the issue was no longer on the formal agenda of the NSW Government. Then key players left politics, and there was a change of ‘gatekeeper’ in the form of a new Premier. This triggered a new policy cycle, and the club industry's lobbying substantially prevailed. It is suggested that the key factors in this turnaround were the political obligations and personal incentives facing the new gatekeeper.
6
Smith, A. R. "Gender in the Fifty-first New South Wales Parliament". Connect to full text, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2562.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2003.Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 8, 2009) Degree awarded 2003; thesis submitted 2002. Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Government and International Relations, Faculty of Arts. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
7
Davis, Edward R. "Ethnicity and diversity : politics and the Aboriginal community /". Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phd2613.pdf.
Testo completo
8
Hanna, Bronwyn Planning UNSW. "Absence and presence: a historiography of early women architects in New South Wales". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Planning, 2000. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/18217.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Women architects are effectively absent from architectural history in Australia. Consulting first the archival record, this thesis establishes the presence of 230 women architects qualified and/or practising in NSW between 1900 and 1960. It then analyses some of these early women architects' achievements and difficulties in the profession, drawing on interviews with 70 practitioners or their friends and family. Finally it offers brief biographical accounts of eight leading early women architects, arguing that their achievements deserve more widespread historical attention in an adjusted canon of architectural merit. There are also 152 illustrations evidencing their design contributions. Thus the research draws on quantitative, qualitative, biographical and visual modes of representation in establishing a historical presence for these early women architects. The thesis forms part of the widespread political project of feminist historical recovery of women forebears, while also interrogating the ends and means of such historiography. The various threads describing women's absence and presence in the architectural profession are woven together throughout the thesis using three feminist approaches which sometimes harmonise and sometimes debate with each other. Described as "liberal feminism", "socialist feminism" and "postmodern feminism", they each put into play distinct patterns of questioning, method and interpretation, but all analyse historiography as a strategy for understanding society and effecting social change.
9
Volke, Harvey. "The politics of state rental housing in New South Wales, 1900 - 1939 : three case studies". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2006. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28059.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The history of housing policy in New South Wales has been one of consistent disengagement
of government from issues of low-income housing provision. Characteristically, until the
19405, government responses were dictated from within a laissez-faire liberal framework in
which housing provision was best left to the operations of market forces. This impacted
severely on the availability of appropriate and affordable housing for low-income people.
Insofar as low-income housing policy was addressed at all, it was usually in terms of
encouraging people into home ownership. Nevertheless, the period from around 1900 to
1940 saw the beginnings of deliberate government intervention in the housing market in
piecemeal attempts to address the issue. A range of factors combined to produce this
outcome, including outbreaks of contagious disease in badly drained and unsewered slum
precincts, and increasing pressure from a range of disparate groups. These included the
nascent town planning lobby, church and charity bodies, and not least, working class
organisations and working class people themselves. Business interest in redeveloping prime
commercial sites also played a role in the moves for slum clearance.
The period was characterised by a series of attempts to resolve low-income housing
problems in Sydney, or at least, the problems of slum clearance. These ranged from State
resumption of The Rocks area, to attempts by both city governments and State governments
to provide minimal amounts of public housing for some of those displaced by resumptions,
and included attempts at encouraging self-help and self- reliance by church and charitable
agencies, as well as State bodies. They also included attempts to address the problems of
low—income tenants in the private rental market by legislative means: for example, by
introducing rent control and some limited efforts to control the rate of evictions during the
Depression era. The fact remains, that the period is characterised by a marked failure to
undertake any substantive initiatives that would make a serious contribution to resolving the
manifest problems. The reasons for this failure are complex, but include a policy
commitment to home ownership (and to separate homes on separate sites at that), a
prevailing ideology of laissez faire liberalism, and a shifting of responsibility for dealing with
the problems between local and State authorities. It was only at the end of the period that
the State Government accepted the responsibility for ensuring some attempt at meeting the
needs of low—income people.
10
Wannan, Alison. "Public policies and the construction of domestic life in western Sydney, 1974-1984: women, suburbia, community and the state". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1988. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26231.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The issue of how selected public policies of the NSW Government impacted on the everyday lives of women in Western Sydney during the period 1974-1984 is examined here in terms of class and gender inequalities. Using data from official departmental reports and the empirical investigation of public expenditure on community services, the thesis demonstrates that most often public policies maintained the inequalities of women living in suburban Western Sydney. The sexual division of labour was central to public policies and maintained women as dependent mothers, wives and low paid workers. The home and the local neighbourhood were seen as the 'natural' location of suburban women. Further, the analysis indicates how the dominance of community- as-localit y in urban and social policies obscured the class, gender and racial/ethn ic divisions of suburban women. In contrast, a few 'community ' policies and services provided evidence of the possibilities for public policies to redistribute services explicitly to working class women and not to inevitably support existing inequalities.
In conclusion, it is argued that the concept of community-as -locality needs to be reconsidered and reconstructe d and a range of housing and social policies developed that redistribute resources in favour of women and their families living in working class suburbs.
11
Johnson, Stephanie J. "Down but not out in the bush: Women's experiences of depression in rural New South Wales". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2018. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/116518/1/Stephanie_Johnson_Thesis.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research examined women's experiences of depression in the Riverina area of rural NSW, Australia. Using a qualitative methodology based on interviews with 27 women, the study was underpinned by an intersectional feminist lens which was concerned with the multiple meanings of gender, rurality and depression. The study found that difficult relationships, loss, and childhood abuse and violence were frequently a significant part of women's accounts of their depression. Indeed, oppression not depression was found to be a more apt characterisation of many of their life experiences. This thesis challenges the narrow gaze of the dominant biomedical discourse which continues to medicalise the socio-political realities of women's lives.
12
Wilson, Pete. "The politics of history within New South Wales schools : the contentious nature of history courses from 1880 to the present". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2010. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27707.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis studies the politicised and contested nature of history within New South Wales’ Schools. History emerged into New South Wales schools in the 18805, amidst extensive criticism that the course would inflame sectarian division between Protestants and Catholics. The type of history that was eventually instated in the Public Instruction Act of 1880 was a triumphant appraisal of British and Australian colonial achievements and has been described as the ‘drum and trumpet’ approach. In the first decade of the
twentieth century there was an extensive reform movement in education that was termed at the time the ‘new education’. Central to these reforms was the first Director of Education in New South Wales, Peter Board. Board published the first Syllabus of Instruction in 1904, which placed history at the centre of the curriculum and titled the primary school history course ‘civics and morals’. The purpose of history in schools at this time was to disseminate a loyalty to Empire and nation and to inculcate Protestant moral values for the benefit of society in general.
13
Kelly, Jan (Janice Venetta). "Not merely minded : care and education for the young children of working women in Sydney : the Sydney Day Nursery and Nursery Schools Association, 1905-1945". Phd thesis, University of Sydney, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4088.
Testo completo
14
McQueen, Kelvin, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College e School of Humanities. "The state aid struggle and the New South Wales Teachers Federation 1995 to 1999". THESIS_CAESS_HUM_McQueen_K.xml, 2003. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/619.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines from an historical perspective the series of events between 1995 and 1999 in which the public school teachers’ union, the New South Wales Teachers federation, challenged the NSW and Australian government’s provision of funding to private schools. Such funding is known colloquially as state aid. The state aid struggle is conceived in this thesis as an industrial relations contest that went beyond issues simply of state aid. The state aid struggle was a centrepiece of the Teachers Federation’s broader challenge to government’s intensification of efforts to reduce the federation’s effectiveness in shaping the public school system’s priorities. This thesis contends that the decisive importance of the state aid struggle arose from the fundamental strategy used by governments to lower the cost of schooling over time. To achieve this they undertook the state aid strategy – cost reductions would flow from residualising public schools, de-unionising teachers and deregulating wages and conditions. The state aid strategy was implemented through those areas of policy and funding over which the Federation had negligible control or where the Federation’s membership was disunited. The Federation was undermined by governments using policy initiatives to fragment teacher unity. By the end of 1999, governments’ prosecution of the state aid strategy did not seem to have been diverted from the main thrust of its course by the federation’s struggle.Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
15
Dufty, Rae School of Biological Earth & Environmental Sciences UNSW. "Rethinking the politics of distribution: the geographies and governmentalities of housing assistance in rural New South Wales, Australia". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Biological, Earth & Environmental Sciences, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/31460.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Housing, while a necessity of ???life???, goes beyond this definition in this research to also become a technology of government in the domestic distributional geopolitics of nation-states. Employing a Foucaultian approach to power and governance, this research examines how the provision of housing assistance was used in the government of rural public housing communities. Data for this research were collected through a series of archival resources that focused specifically on the transitional periods of 1935-1955 and 1985-2005. Data were also gathered through a questionnaire and interviews with public housing tenants and staff from four towns (Griffith, Cootamundra, Junee and Tumut) in the ???Riverina??? region of south-western New South Wales (NSW), Australia. This research makes five contributions to geographical understandings of distributional politics. First, the thesis contends that poststructuralist theoretical approaches to the analysis of power and governance enable innovative critical engagements with the distributional geopolitical agendas of governmental processes. The research also found that the distributional geopolitical agendas of Governments have been pursued through more than just the redistribution of fiscal resources, but also include the redistribution of human resources. In particular, housing assistance has been, and is used today, to perpetuate certain internal migration patterns to aid this human-distributional agenda. Third, the study argues that ??? while the broad shift to advanced liberal forms of government have resulted in changes to how distributional geopolitical agendas are pursued ??? ???distribution??? remains an integral feature of the geopolitical objectives of those who seek to govern in advanced liberal ways. This work also shows how these new advanced liberal distributional objectives remain open to being problematised and/or resisted at the local scale. However, while such governmental processes are always uncertain and open to contestation, these changes have brought about a new set of ethical and political consequences. We need to be alert to and critical of the ways in which these new distributional geopolitical agendas impact on our own and others??? ???freedoms???.
16
Hardwick, Joseph. "Anglican Church expansion and colonial reform politics in Bengal, New South Wales and the Cape Colony, c. 1790-1850". Thesis, University of York, 2008. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9935/.
Testo completo
17
Goldberg, Samuel. "Gender, Insanity and Moral Obligation: Widows and the Action for Testamentary Incapacity in Late-Colonial New South Wales". Thesis, Department of History, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/24915.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The enactment of a Testator’s Family Maintenance Act in 1916 is rightly remembered as a signature achievement of New South Wales’ early feminists, providing protection against the destitution that a cruel will could inflict upon a testator’s family. Yet in the decades before its passage, a challenge to a husband’s testamentary capacity offered an alternative mechanism by which a widow could challenge a will. This thesis explores the stories of the widows who braved the action for testamentary incapacity, in order to recover its social and cultural significance. It identifies the courtroom as a site of dense cultural discourse, in which dominant tropes of gender, insanity and moral obligation structured the court’s consideration of a widow’s claim. It shows that widows played upon these tropes, deploying them in narratives of virtue and transgression to win substantive relief. The action for testamentary capacity thus offered hope for disinherited widows seeking to break the financial shackles posthumously imposed by their husbands. However, in demanding the sublimation of their lived experience to fit dominant cultural narratives, the action excluded women who were unable to perform the necessary identity, perpetuating the same inequality that widows came to court to address.
18
Owen, Santi. "Integrated response policy to domestic violence in rural New South Wales, 1997–2007: A critical analysis". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2012. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/180772/1/Santi_Owen_Thesis.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the last 30 years, the interest in domestic violence in rural communities has increased significantly. Australian studies have distinguished between the prevalence and nature of violence against women in geographical terms of the 'urban' and 'rural' experience (Alston 1997; Carrington 2007; Coorey 1990; Dietrich and Mason 1998; Ermacora 1998; Hogg and Carrington 1998, 2003, 2006; La Nauze and Rutherford 1997; Moore 2002; Neame and Heenan 2004; Nicholson 1998; Wendy, Taylor and Kennedy 2002; Wendt and Cheers 2002; Wendt 2009). Contemporary social policy addressing domestic violence at the Australian and NSW government levels has favoured an integrated response to service delivery. A review of literature on domestic violence in rural communities has identified some barriers facing women when accessing health and community services and protection from police in rural communities.
However, limited research has examined the implementation and impact of an integrated response policy to domestic violence in rural communities. Previous international (Pruitt 2008; Griffin, O'Campo and Peak 2006; Little, Panelli and Kraack 2005; Logan et al. 2003; Logan, Shannon and Walker 2005; Shannon et al. 2006; Websdale 1998) and Australian studies (Hogg and Carrington 2006; Wendt 2009) have emphasised the lack of adequate services and barriers to access in rural settings. It has become apparent that policy intervention, specifically the implementation of an integrated response in rural communities, is neglected in this body of literature. This study aims to address this knowledge gap by: 1. critically analysing the integrated response policy by the NSW government 2. examining the implementation of an integrated response service in rural NSW 3. investigating factors shaping rural responses to domestic violence 4. developing a conceptual framework for understanding an integrated response to rural domestic violence.
This study contributes to the current knowledge about domestic violence in rural communities. Importantly, it is the first Australian study to comprehensively examine the operation of an integrated response policy in a rural setting.
This research was undertaken in rural NSW over three years, with the bulk of data collection taking place in 2007. The research design used mixed methods, including quantitative crime datasets (NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research 2007-2011) and qualitative analysis of semi-structured in-depth interviews with 49 rural human service providers from twelve local government areas (LGAs) in rural NSW. A literature review of rural domestic violence studies and domestic violence policies was also undertaken. A conceptual framework was developed to analyse the data collected. This framework was informed by concepts used in contemporary literature, such as 'rural cultural discourses' (Wendt 2009), the 'architecture of rural life' (Hogg and Carrington 2006) and 'imaginary' interventions (Carlen 2008).
The findings of this study support current evidence that rural domestic violence is qualitatively different from victimisation in metropolitan settings and that the trend of reported incidences of domestic violence in rural NSW is higher than in metropolitan Sydney areas. Interviews with rural service providers revealed there was consistent understanding of an integrated response to domestic violence and a belief that it is an effective approach to tackling the issue. Further examination of the operationalisation of the integrated response through inter-sector collaborations between health, welfare, police, courts and housing agencies illustrated the aspirations for an integrated response could not be effectively realised in a rural context. Rural service providers recognised that local and geo-spatial constraints influenced the effective implementation of an integrated response to domestic violence in their communities. Instead, efforts of rural service providers to demonstrate that 'effectiveness' was centred on administrative activities of counting, monitoring, reporting and compliance with funding agreements. The requirements of policy administration produced a situation in which workers recognised the seriousness of domestic violence, but at the same time, had to overlook the obstacles of rurality to demonstrate to funding agencies the effectiveness of programs. This imaginary policy intervention perpetuates urban-centric policy assumptions about providing an integrated response to domestic violence and silences alternative perspectives about addressing the issues and needs of rural communities (Carlen 2008). The concept of an imagined order (Carlen 2008) that requires workers to 'act as if' interventions or programs are effective in the face of contradictory evidence is employed in the conceptual framework for this research.
The findings from this study make a significant contribution to the field by providing a critical analysis of social policy interventions into rural domestic violence. The conceptual framework used in this study has potential application for future social policy development, and, more importantly, this research extends the theoretical conceptualisation of rural domestic violence.
19
McQueen, Kelvin. "The state aid struggle and the New South Wales Teachers Federation 1995 to 1999". Thesis, View thesis, 2003. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/619.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines from an historical perspective the series of events between 1995 and 1999 in which the public school teachers’ union, the New South Wales Teachers federation, challenged the NSW and Australian government’s provision of funding to private schools. Such funding is known colloquially as state aid. The state aid struggle is conceived in this thesis as an industrial relations contest that went beyond issues simply of state aid. The state aid struggle was a centrepiece of the Teachers Federation’s broader challenge to government’s intensification of efforts to reduce the federation’s effectiveness in shaping the public school system’s priorities. This thesis contends that the decisive importance of the state aid struggle arose from the fundamental strategy used by governments to lower the cost of schooling over time. To achieve this they undertook the state aid strategy – cost reductions would flow from residualising public schools, de-unionising teachers and deregulating wages and conditions. The state aid strategy was implemented through those areas of policy and funding over which the Federation had negligible control or where the Federation’s membership was disunited. The Federation was undermined by governments using policy initiatives to fragment teacher unity. By the end of 1999, governments’ prosecution of the state aid strategy did not seem to have been diverted from the main thrust of its course by the federation’s struggle.
20
Trimingham, Jack Christine. "Kerever Park : a history of the experience of teachers and children in a Catholic girls' preparatory boarding school 1944-1965". Phd thesis, School of Social and Policy Studies in Education, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6641.
Testo completo
21
Proctor, Helen. "Gender and merit: A history of coeducation and gender relations at an academically-selective public secondary school, Parramatta High, New South Wales, 1913-1958". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20126.
Testo completo
22
Schaefer, Kerrie. "The politics of poaching in postmodern performance : a case study of the Sydney Front's Don Juan in rehearsal and performance". Phd thesis, Department of Performance Studies, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7909.
Testo completo
23
Montgomery, Rebecca. "Gender, race, class and the politics of reform in the New South : women and education in Georgia, 1890-1930 /". free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9953883.
Testo completo
24
Halpin, Darren Richard, of Western Sydney Hawkesbury University, Faculty of Environmental Management and Agriculture e School of Agriculture and Rural Development. "Authenticity and the representative paradox: the political representation of Australian farmers through the NFF family of interest groups". THESIS_FEMA_ARD_Halpin_D.xml, 1999. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/22.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the political representation of Australian farmers. The NFF family of interest groups is charged with the political representation of farmers in Australia.Given that their state affiliates are the only organisations that farmers can directly join, this study takes the case of the New South Wales Farmers' Association (NSWFA) as its major reference point. A paradox is immediately confronted. On one hand, both the state and commentators refer to the NFF family as an exemplar of a successful modern interest group. However, on the other, the NFF family is being confronted with escalating levels of disillusionment and criticism from its own constituency.Two points of interest are highlighted. Firstly, it is suggested that theoretical frameworks, which assist commentators and researchers to come to the conclusion that the NFF family is 'successful', are not constructed in such a fashion as to throw sufficient light on the paradoxical nature of an existing situation. Secondly, this paradox suggests that the NFF itself must be able to disassociate the contingent relationship between its internal levels of support and external levels of access and influence. These two focal points are explored in this thesis, and the framework used by researchers to understand the actions of Australian farm interest groups are scrutinised. Discussing 'authentic' political representation assists considering the major theme of the 'representative paradox'. It is argued that this paradox is best understood by locating it within a search by farmers for authentic political representation - both through the NFF family and apart from it.Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
25
Allen, Matthew Richard. "The temperance shift : drunkenness, responsibility and the regulation of alcohol in NSW, 1788-1856". Phd thesis, Department of History, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/9521.
Testo completo
26
Robinson, Geoffrey 1963. "How Labor governed : social structures and the formation of public policy during the New South Wales Lang government of November 1930 to May 1932". Monash University, Dept. of History, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9164.
Testo completo
27
Eklund, Erik (Erik Carl). "Putting into port : society, identity and politics at Port Kembla, 1900 to 1940". Phd thesis, Department of History, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5460.
Testo completo
28
Jarrett, Jennifer Ann. "Catholic bodies a history of the training and daily life of three religious teaching orders in New South Wales, 1860 to 1930 /". Connect to full text, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5673.
Testo completo
29
Jarrett, Jennifer Ann. "Catholic bodies : a history of the training and daily life of three religious teaching orders in New South Wales, 1860 to 1930". Phd thesis, School of Policy and Curriculum Studies in Education, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5673.
Testo completo
30
Newman, Christy Elizabeth National Centre in HIV Social Research & School of Media & Communications UNSW. "Looking after yourself : the cultural politics of health magazine reader letters". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. National Centre in HIV Social Research and School of Media and Communications, 2004. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19192.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Health is an organising principle of contemporary neoliberal citizenship, particularly evident in the political rhetoric of individual responsibility articulated around the privatisation of public health and welfare systems. The popular culture of these political technologies is expressed via the discourses of self-help and self-care, exemplified by the commercial success of consumer health magazines, and the responsibilising strategies of public health interventions. This thesis investigates the contemporary function of health magazines by examining both the content and the context of reader letters published between 1997 and 2000 in six Sydney-based 'commercial' and 'community' publications, and incorporating interviews with magazine editors. The three commercial magazines address the health media 'publics' of women (Good Medicine), men (Men's Health) and alternative health consumers (Nature & Health), whereas the three community publications address the 'counterpublics' of people living with HIV/AIDS (Talkabout), sex workers (The Professional) and illicit drug users (User's News). Despite their different social contexts, these six magazines are all exemplary of the advanced liberal health imperatives of Australian popular culture, although the community magazines also empower audiences to facilitate social change. Reader letters are approached via the interpretive lens of cultural studies, in which the specific local characteristics of each text is seen to have wider global implications. Each magazine's letters are positioned within a complex cultural, political and economic context that includes the rise of consumer culture, the social function of narrative disclosures, the increased validation of exhibitionism and the gendered politics of health and medicine. This research advocates for interdisciplinary dialogue between media/cultural studies, health/medical sociology and political theory, suggesting that health magazine reader letters can help to identify the role of popular and alternative media in constructing ideals of 'citizenships' within advanced liberalism.
31
Halpin, Darren Richard. "Authenticity and the representative paradox: the political representation of Australian farmers through the NFF family of interest groups". Thesis, View thesis View thesis, 1999. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/22.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the political representation of Australian farmers. The NFF family of interest groups is charged with the political representation of farmers in Australia.Given that their state affiliates are the only organisations that farmers can directly join, this study takes the case of the New South Wales Farmers' Association (NSWFA) as its major reference point. A paradox is immediately confronted. On one hand, both the state and commentators refer to the NFF family as an exemplar of a successful modern interest group. However, on the other, the NFF family is being confronted with escalating levels of disillusionment and criticism from its own constituency.Two points of interest are highlighted. Firstly, it is suggested that theoretical frameworks, which assist commentators and researchers to come to the conclusion that the NFF family is 'successful', are not constructed in such a fashion as to throw sufficient light on the paradoxical nature of an existing situation. Secondly, this paradox suggests that the NFF itself must be able to disassociate the contingent relationship between its internal levels of support and external levels of access and influence. These two focal points are explored in this thesis, and the framework used by researchers to understand the actions of Australian farm interest groups are scrutinised. Discussing 'authentic' political representation assists considering the major theme of the 'representative paradox'. It is argued that this paradox is best understood by locating it within a search by farmers for authentic political representation - both through the NFF family and apart from it.
32
Barry, Lillian M. "A journey through the prison garden : weeds in the warehouse". Thesis, View thesis, 2008. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/36967.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Through the implementation of a garden project in two women-centred correctional facilities in New South Wales, this thesis explores tensions between punitive and rehabilitative goals. The impacts of these tensions on the garden project and the every-day lived experience for female inmates form the basis of the research. Initially, the research looked at the rehabilitative potential of a horticultural therapy program for female inmates. This focus correlated with the holistic rehabilitative rhetoric within women’s prisons in New South Wales.
Based on this, a small garden project of five months’ duration was conducted in each of the two correctional facilities over a twelve month period in 2006. Through the implementation and evaluation of this research conflicts between hierarchical, dominating systems of the penal institution and holistic, rehabilitation goals of the garden project were exposed. Utilising qualitative data analysis embedded in critical ethnography, the garden project provided a
‘key-hole’ view of these conflicts within the penal environment. The collective data from open- journaling was abstracted from raw data level through to theoretical constructs in combination with a further literature research. Foucault’s penal justice critique, Weber’s domination and Goffman’s totalitarian discourses informed the development of deeper understandings that enlightened on-going explorations in the field. As a result, theoretical understandings identified a tension within the penal environment that appeared to neutralise, fragment and corrode the intended benefits for female inmates of the garden project. This tension was identified as an intangible force, or penal phantom, representing the effects of totalisation within the penal environment. Two streams of inquiry emerged exploring the effects of the total institution on how power is exercised over female inmates and the implications upon the holistic, rehabilitative aims of the garden project. Findings from this research highlight the effects of the penal phantom upon female inmates’ lived experiences, the working realities for prison staff and how these impact upon rehabilitative programs for women in prison. The thesis concludes by examining these effects in the continued marginalisation of the current female inmate population and recommends a review of incarcerative practices that continue to entangle women within criminal justice systems.
33
Minhas, Gurjeet S. "Complementary therapies : familiarity and use by midwives and women". Thesis, View thesis, 1998. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/513.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study is an exploratory study, descriptive in nature and investigates the familiarity and practices of midwives and women with regard to complementary therapies during pregnancy and labour. The study was conducted in four major hospitals in Western Sydney, namely Nepean, Jamieson, Blue Mountains Anzac Memorial and Hawkesbury hospitals. The findings showed that in the main the midwives and women were familiar and made use of four therapies, ie. aromatherapy, massage, music and hydrotherapy. The midwives practiced without any significant training in these therapies. Hospital policies were almost non existant in relation to the practice of complementary therapies and nurses often felt frustrated at not being able to implement complementary therapies. The main issues that emerged from the study were the need for education for the midwives related to specific complementary therapies, hospital policies conducive to the practice of complementary therapies and research into the efficacy of the different complementary therapies. The women need further exposure to complementary therapies and education in the respective therapies if they are to feel empowered in dealing with the stress of their daily lives
34
Edenborough, Michel A. "A study of the prevalence, experience and nature of child-to-mother violence in a high-risk geographical area". Thesis, View thesis, 2007. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/19173.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this research the prevalence, experiences and nature of child-to-mother violence from a high-risk geographical area were investigated. The aims of the study were to identify these factors within contemporary communities and develop validated recommendations for interventions to support affected mothers, children and families. This form of family pathology has been positioned within juvenile justice and medical models rather than family violence literature. It appears to be poorly understood, underreported and hidden from public view. Thus, it was difficult for some affected women to recognise what they were experiencing as abuse. In the literature, mothers were reported as the primary targets of violence and sons the predominant perpetrators. Incidence rates varied widely from samples collected 30 to 40 years ago. Other anomalies in the literature revealed power in mother-child relationships to be unclear, and the gender of targets of violence and perpetrators was not made explicit in the literature. In this study a mixed method design was used over four distinct phases: (1) development and validation of an instrument; (2) conducting a pilot study; and (3) population study; and (4) workshop with service providers. Psychometric tests on the instrument indicated a 0.97 correlation coefficient on a test re-test, and Cronbach’s alpha achieved correlation coefficient of 0.91 for the 24 item scale and 0.99 correlation coefficient for the 17 item scale. Results signify prevalence of child-to-mother violence in 50.9% [n = 1024] of the households surveyed. Key findings indicate 50.3% [n=521] of women were afraid in their family of origin, and 39.2% [n=521] of children had been witness to violence in the home previously. In addition, younger mothers experienced greater child-to-mother violence; as women’s level of education increased, their experience of child-to-mother violence decreased; single mothers experienced greater child-to-mother violence; and were more likely to live in households with access to casual employment or were unemployed. Perpetrators were predominantly sons, 58.7% [n = 521]. Half of the women who experienced child-to-mother violence spoke to someone; and experiences for women with a partner present in the home were divided between supportive and unsupportive behaviour from the partner. The most popular suggestions for support were affordable long-term counselling for youth and family, parent workshops, information and education, non-judgemental advocacy for mothers and their families, support groups for mothers, families and youth and peer mentorship programs.
Women made salient their experiences related to child-to-mother violence which revealed the seriousness and complexity of this issue for women. As a result five key themes were developed: (1) Living in the red zone: The experience of child-to-mother violence, this theme referred to women’s sense of danger and difficulty in rasing an abusive child; (2) The damage is done: The breakdown of relationships, which described the breakdown and discord within relationships after experiencing child-to-mother violence; (3) Order out of chaos: Successful transition back into the family; identified the re-integration of relationships between the child/ren and mother; (4) Falling through the cracks: Barriers to service provision, drew attention to the difficulties women faced trying to access appropriate services; and, (5) Cry for help: Where to from here?, focused on suggestions by the mothers for support services. A workshop consultation with service providers revealed a number of broad recommendations: (1) Zero tolerance for violence, young people taking responsibility for violence; (2) Awareness of child-to-mother violence campaign; (3) Information and education packages; (4) Case management approach for families utilising services; (5) Co-operation between service providers; (6) 24 hour telephone service for advice; (7) Women centred support groups and group interventions; (8) Respite care; (9) Specialised counselling services; and (10) Mentoring programs. This study supported the view that power is a complex issue, particularly for women experiencing child-to-mother violence. Women developed feelings of ambiguity for their abusive child owing to resentment that built up for the child targeting them with abuse at the same time sympathising with the child for their particular circumstances. Providing support for women must be a priority. Key suggestions for support include: raising awareness through information and education packages, emergency phone support, building relationships, women centred support groups and peer mentoring.
35
Masterman-Smith, Helen, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College e School of Humanities. "Hidden seeds : a political economy of working class women in Campbelltown, NSW". 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/24900.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the political economy of working class women in contemporary Campbelltown (NSW). A broad political economic approach is employed that considers relevant social structures, their effects, and working class women’s responses to them. It includes investigation of material and non-material, subjective and objective, aspects of this dialectical relationship. This study argues the political agency of Australian working class women has rarely been acknowledged, let alone understood. The thesis focuses on working class women in the suburbs and their politics of everyday life. Though these women rarely attract political investigation, they are too often assumed to be passive, apathetic, unenlightened or conservative bearers of oppression. These stereotypes persist despite the variability in historical portrayals of working class women, suggesting working class women’s politics only makes sense in the context of their conditions of existence in specific times and places. The thesis makes a contribution towards the field of applied feminist political economy research. It employs a historical materialist approach to demystify working class women’s politics. The empirical heart of the project draws on in-depth interviews with local working class women about their experiences and views of family, community, politics, work, unemployment and social institutions. This qualitative material is set against a detailed local political economic analysis of contemporary Campbelltown. The interconnections of capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production in which working class women labour, survive and resist are explored. The thesis questions what part capitalism and socialism play in their pursuit of self and social emancipation. Understanding the political economy of working class women is fundamental to social and ecological health and sustainability. Questions of class power and conflict, and gendered distributions of work and poverty locate working class women at the core of these pressing concerns. The central hypothesis of this study is that working class women are engaged in a wealth of political strategies stemming from their everyday bid for survival. Their (often contradictory) collective and self-activity coalesces around a politics antithetical to the logic of capitalism because it depends on their exploitation and immiseration for its viability. Working class women practice and reproduce a politics of survival and hope that informs their hidden worlds of resistance.Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
36
Masterman-Smith, Helen. "Hidden seeds : a political economy of working class women in Campbelltown, NSW". Thesis, 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/24900.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the political economy of working class women in contemporary Campbelltown (NSW). A broad political economic approach is employed that considers relevant social structures, their effects, and working class women’s responses to them. It includes investigation of material and non-material, subjective and objective, aspects of this dialectical relationship. This study argues the political agency of Australian working class women has rarely been acknowledged, let alone understood. The thesis focuses on working class women in the suburbs and their politics of everyday life. Though these women rarely attract political investigation, they are too often assumed to be passive, apathetic, unenlightened or conservative bearers of oppression. These stereotypes persist despite the variability in historical portrayals of working class women, suggesting working class women’s politics only makes sense in the context of their conditions of existence in specific times and places. The thesis makes a contribution towards the field of applied feminist political economy research. It employs a historical materialist approach to demystify working class women’s politics. The empirical heart of the project draws on in-depth interviews with local working class women about their experiences and views of family, community, politics, work, unemployment and social institutions. This qualitative material is set against a detailed local political economic analysis of contemporary Campbelltown. The interconnections of capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production in which working class women labour, survive and resist are explored. The thesis questions what part capitalism and socialism play in their pursuit of self and social emancipation. Understanding the political economy of working class women is fundamental to social and ecological health and sustainability. Questions of class power and conflict, and gendered distributions of work and poverty locate working class women at the core of these pressing concerns. The central hypothesis of this study is that working class women are engaged in a wealth of political strategies stemming from their everyday bid for survival. Their (often contradictory) collective and self-activity coalesces around a politics antithetical to the logic of capitalism because it depends on their exploitation and immiseration for its viability. Working class women practice and reproduce a politics of survival and hope that informs their hidden worlds of resistance.
37
Davis, Edward R. "Ethnicity and diversity : politics and the Aboriginal community / Edward R. Davis". Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/19654.
Testo completo
38
Watson, Ian. "Class analysis and environmental politics : timber workers and conservationists in Northern New South Wales 1960-1986". Phd thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/131957.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this thesis I explore the conflicts which have arise between middle class' conservationists and working class timber communities. I examine the New South Wales rainforest controversy as a case study and seek to place the animosity and hostility which arose there within the context of class analysis. At the same time, I integrate other important dimensions of social life, particularly rural ideologies and ideologies of masculinity, into an overall analysis of class power. I show that important cultural divisions underlaid the political conflict, particularly differing conceptions of nature and history, and that these had their roots in different labour processes.
After introducing my theoretical framework, I provide an economic context for my cultural analysis by examining the restructuring of the north coast hardwood timber industry during the 1960s and 1970s. This is followed by two chapters which analyse the labour process in the timber industry. Here I explore both class struggles on the shop-floor and cultural productions which arise within the workplace and in rural communities. The subsequent chapters focus more closely on environmental politics. I analyse the New South Wales rainforest campaign by offering a critique of 'pluralist' political strategies and I then locate this campaign within a wider context by briefly overviewing the anti -uranium and green bans campaigns of the 1970s. One of my major conclusions is that environmental politics is flawed by the neglect by activists of the class effects of their political activities. Assessments of political campaigns solely in terms of ecological goals are seriously deficient because they fail to register how conservationists' actions facilitate capitalist strategies of industry restructuring and thereby further entrench capitalist class power.
Theoretically, my thesis is based on principles of 'realist' methodology and I use concepts drawn from labour process theory, class analysis, and the theory of ideology. The thesis is heavily weighted toward oral history material, gathered during field work interviews on the north coast of New South Wales. I analyse this material using 'popular memory' theory and other studies of working class culture. In so doing, the thesis provides timber workers with a voice in a debate which has largely been dominated by 'middle class' conservationists.
Politically, the thesis is an intervention into current debates about new social movements and their relationship to the left. I argue that an effective alliance between socialists and environmentalists entails a rejection of wilderness politics in favour of urban environmental issues.
I conclude that 'pluralist' political strategies of lobbying for state- conferred concessions should be rejected in favour of strategies which develop alternative economic programmes at local and regional levels.
39
Hanna, Bronwyn J. "Absence and presence : a historiography of early women architects in New South Wales /". 1999. http://www.library.unsw.edu.au/~thesis/adt-NUN/public/adt-NUN2000.0006/index.html.
Testo completo
40
McCormack, Patrick Martin. "The popular movement to federation in New South Wales 1897-1899". Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150553.
Testo completo
41
Connor, Michael Charles. "The politics of grievance : society and political controversies in New South Wales, 1819-1827". Thesis, 2002. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/19138/1/whole_ConnorMichaelCharles2002_thesis.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis studies three controversies of the time and place, namely the
settler's petition of 1819 and the subsequent questioning of the legal status of
emancipists, the Dinnerist Crisis of 1825, and the Sudds-Thompson Case in 1826
— 1827.
In background to the study stands a statement by Michael Roe, 'As
settlement spread, the relative importance of the gaols declined and the penal
method of government became inadequate. What new form of power was to take
its place concerned all interests in the colonies' . 1 Although Roe was discussing the
period 1835 to 1851 this concern with future power had long been present in the
colony. In the period of this thesis that concern was expressed as a desire for the
granting of constitutional reforms, particularly trial by jury and some form of
representative government. When these demands were discussed the colony was
troubled by a question, should the emancipated convicts be allowed to participate
in these boons if they were granted? While following these political concerns, the
individuals placed in the foreground of this study are examined and an attempt is
made to delineate the personal within their public actions. Some of the familiar
building blocks of colonial history are re-examined, and the claims are made that
there were no 'exclusives', William Wentworth was not the author of a book
which appeared over his name, and Laurence Hynes Halloran caused the SuddsThompson
Case.
The three clashes studied in this thesis occurred under the administration
of different governors, Macquarie, Brisbane and Darling. They took place
without, and with, a free press. Not all the same protagonists were involved in
each dispute. The first two incidents appear to have common political aims, while
the third protested against a parade ground ceremony and the death of a soldier.
The law courts, public dinners, and iron collars served as occasions for colonial
conflict and political manoeuvring. Each event was political, and personal.
In 1819 an elite, a blended group of emancipated convicts and free
emigrants, organized a widely supported settler petition. At the head of a wish list
of commercial reforms they placed a plea for the introduction of trial by jury —
whether the emancipated convicts were to take part was not clearly represented.
Shortly afterwards, and as Commissioner Bigge was conducting his Inquiry for the
Colonial Office, the legal rights of the freed convicts were disturbed as the
implications of a London trial, Bullock v. Dodd, spread to the colony.
The `dinnerist crisis' of 1825 occurred around the trivial matter of
Governor Brisbane's departure from Sydney. A dinner organized to farewell him
developed into a confrontation between factions. Then, at the end of 1826, the
Darling government became enmeshed in the disastrous Sudds-Thompson Case.
The thesis is largely drawn from an examination of primary sources, and
suggests different perspectives and parameters for the study of colonial society.
Throughout, it is argued that much of the accepted historiography is inaccurate,
partial, and often based on confused chronology. Attention is particularly drawn
to the increasing role of the newspapers, and their powers of choosing matters to
dispute, their ability to sustain and direct argumentation, and their questionable
legacy as historical sources. Also, two men, Edward Eagar and Laurence
Halloran, are brought forward and examined for their contributions to the
confrontations which marked the period 1819— 1827. As its title suggests, 'The
Politics of Grievance' highlights the personal resentments which underpinned the
public face of progressive colonial politicking.
42
(9824918), Ruth Pape. "Mammographic parenchymal patterns of New South Wales north coast Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women". Thesis, 2014. https://figshare.com/articles/thesis/Mammographic_parenchymal_patterns_of_New_South_Wales_north_coast_Aboriginal_and_Torres_Strait_Islander_women/13436219.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of this thesis was to document the distribution of mammographic parenchymal patterns (MPPs) for Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women attending BreastScreen New South Wales North Coast (BSNSWNC); to profile breast cancer risk as it relates to breast density; and to explore the correlations among MPPs, age and breast length as described by the posterior nipple line (PNL). The PNL criterion is defined as a reference line drawn from the nipple at right angles to the anterior aspect of the pectoral muscle contour or to the back of the image whichever comes first (Spuur et al. 2011).
43
Deacon, Desley. "The naturalisation of dependence : the state, the new middle class and women workers 1830-1930". Phd thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/130332.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis challenges current neo-Marxist, feminist and neo-Weberian theories of
the state which ignore or underestimate the role of state bureaucrats in the construction
of state institutions and the formulation and implementation of state policies. Drawing
on theories of the new middle class and intellectuals which emphasise the potential of
educated workers for autonomous and united action, the thesis examines the role of
public servants, doctors and lawyers in determining the form of the New South Wales
state and some of its major institutions and policies between 1830 and 1930.
The thesis focuses in particular on the influence of new middle class men on state
labour market and family policies concerning women. Using the New South Wales
public service as a case study, it explores aspects of the development of the new middle
class during this period, and documents the strategies by which three groups within this
class - male public servants, doctors and lawyers - attempted to extend and control their
labour markets through the agency of the state, and the effect of those strategies on educated
women workers.
The study finds a contrast between an early period of relative tolerance of labour
market competition from women and a later period of exclusion, domination and marginalisation
in which women were confined to a secondary labour market. It relates
these changes to variations in the labour market conditions and political power of new
middle class men and women. Arguing that the economic and political conditions of the
period after 1882 gave new middle class men the motivation and power to use the coercive
and ideological resources of the state to protect their own labour market position, it
shows, through a study of the interpretation of occupational statistics, public personnel
policies, the infant welfare program and the arbitration system, how new middle class
men contributed to the intensification of gender differentiation, the exclusion of women
from the primary labour market, and to the institutionalisation of dependence as the
natural status of women.
44
Edwards, Benjamin History UNSW. "Proddy-dogs, cattleticks and ecumaniacs: aspects of sectarianism in New South Wales, 1945-1981". 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40707.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis studies sectarianism in New South Wales from 1947 through to 1981. This was a period of intense change in Australian socio-cultural history, as well as in the history of religious cultures, both within Australia and internationally. Sectarianism, traditionally a significant force in Australian socio-cultural life, was significantly affected by the many changes of this period: the religious revival of the 1950s, the rise of ecumenism and the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s, as well as postwar mass-immigration, the politics of education, increasing secularism in Australian society and the Goulburn schools closure of 1962, which was both a symptom of the diminishing significance of sectarianism as well as a force that accelerated its demise. While the main study of sectarianism in this thesis ends with the 1981 High Court judgment upholding the constitutionality of state aid to non-government schools, this thesis also traces the lingering significance of sectarianism in Australian society through to the early twenty-first century through oral history and memoir. This thesis offers a contribution to historical understanding of sectarianism, examining the significance of sectarianism as a discursive force in Australian society in the context of social, political and religious cultures of the period. It argues that while the significant social and religious changes of the period eroded the discursive power of sectarianism in Australian society, this does not mean sectarianism simply vanished from Australian society. While sectarianism became increasingly insignificant in mainstream Australian socio-political life in this period, sectarianism -- both as a discourse and ideology -- lingered in social memory and in some religious cultures.
45
Hughes, Joy Noreen, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College e School of Humanities. "Hyde Park Asylum for infirm and destitute women, 1862-1886 : an historical study of government welfare for women in need of residential care in New South Wales". 2004. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/25111.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Hyde Park Asylum for Infirm and Destitute Women, Sydney was the New South Wales government’s first direct initiative in social welfare for the aged with the provision of residential care for women. It was the genesis of a system of destitute asylums (later state hospitals) that lasted for more than a century. For its duration (1862-1886), Hyde Park Asylum was the only one of its type in the colony. This empirical study looks at the day-to-day lives of its inmates at Hyde Park Asylum and follows them to their new home at Newington Asylum on the Parramatta River in 1886. The external and internal administration of the asylum under the Government Asylum’s Boards and later as a sub-department of the Colonial Secretary ‘s office is examined, including the roles of the manager and the matron.Master of Arts (Hons)
46
Zeki, Reem Samir Dr. "Diabetes during pregnancy and method of birth : a population study of women giving birth in New South Wales, Australia". Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10453/134138.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
University of Technology Sydney. Faculty of Health.Background and aims: Diabetes during pregnancy – including pre-existing diabetes and gestational diabetes mellitus (GDM) – is an increasing public health problem worldwide. The objective of this thesis is to investigate the association between method of birth and the perinatal outcomes of women with diabetes during pregnancy. It aims to: • identify the main contributors to caesarean section amongst women with diabetes using the Robson classification for caesarean section • determine neonatal outcomes for babies born to women with diabetes by method of birth • compare the rate of obstetric anal sphincter injuries (OASIs) for women with and without GDM and investigate the association between combining episiotomy with method of birth and the risk of OASIs • compare the perinatal outcomes for women giving birth with diabetes by public and private hospital sector. Materials and method: Four population-based studies were conducted using the New South Wales (NSW) Perinatal Data Collection. The study population comprised 1,103,380 women who gave birth in NSW between 2002 and 2013 and their babies. Of these women 7,200 (0.7%) had pre-existing diabetes, 57,822 (5.2%) had GDM and 1,038,358 (94.1%) had no diabetes. Women were stratified by onset of labour, method of birth, and birthweight. Neonatal outcomes included perinatal death, five minutes Apgar score, admission to neonatal intensive care and/or special care nursery and neonatal resuscitation. The primary maternal outcome was OASI. Results: The total caesarean section rate was higher among women with pre-existing diabetes (53.6%) and women with GDM (36.8%) compared to women without diabetes (28.5%). Robson group five (multiparity with a history of caesarean section) was the main predictor of the total caesarean section rates in all women. Of the 39,625 women with diabetes who laboured, 32.1% had instrumental or caesarean births that were associated with poorer outcomes. Women with GDM who had an instrumental vaginal birth and gave birth to babies with birthweights ≥4000g had a significant increase in the odds of OASIs compared to women without diabetes. Combining episiotomy and forceps was a protective factor on OASIs. Similar proportions of no labour caesarean section were observed among women with pre-existing diabetes in private and public hospitals. Proportions of induction of labour were similar among women with GDM in private and public hospitals. Conclusion: The Robson classification can be used to benchmark and monitor method of birth for women with diabetes. Information, education and counselling on the risks and complications associated with different methods of birth, should routinely be provided for women with diabetes antenatally.
47
Hughes, Joy Noreen. "Hyde Park Asylum for infirm and destitute women, 1862-1886 : an historical study of government welfare for women in need of residential care in New South Wales". Thesis, 2004. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/25111.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Hyde Park Asylum for Infirm and Destitute Women, Sydney was the New South Wales government’s first direct initiative in social welfare for the aged with the provision of residential care for women. It was the genesis of a system of destitute asylums (later state hospitals) that lasted for more than a century. For its duration (1862-1886), Hyde Park Asylum was the only one of its type in the colony. This empirical study looks at the day-to-day lives of its inmates at Hyde Park Asylum and follows them to their new home at Newington Asylum on the Parramatta River in 1886. The external and internal administration of the asylum under the Government Asylum’s Boards and later as a sub-department of the Colonial Secretary ‘s office is examined, including the roles of the manager and the matron.
48
Johns, Leanne. "Women in colonial commerce 1817-1820 : the window of understanding provided by the Bank of New South Wales ledger and minute books". Master's thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146545.
Testo completo
49
Welsby, Janette. "Our stories : women, life and intellectual disability". Thesis, 2009. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/487766.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Our stories: women, life and intellectual disability tells part of the life stories of five Australian women with an intellectual disability between the ages of 29 and 52, who live in the suburbs of Sydney. There is an increasing body of work about intellectual disability, however, there is little written about the lives of women with an intellectual disability from their perspective, and even less about what is important to them in their lives. This thesis foregrounds knowledge and voices that are usually ignored within the dominant intellectually-abled culture.
50
Priddis, Holly. "Experiences of women who have severe perineal trauma, their associated morbidity and health service provision in New South Wales, Australia : a mixed methods study". Thesis, 2014. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/uws:29875.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Background: Severe perineal trauma (SPT) (third or fourth degree tears) sustained during vaginal birth, is associated with short and long term physical and psychological morbidities for women. Research conducted nationally and internationally indicates that the incidence of SPT is increasing, which is associated with increased rates of SPT and improved recognition and reporting by health professionals. However despite this, research on women’s experiences of SPT is limited, and the adequacy of support and health services available to women following SPT has not been examined. Developing an understanding of women’s experiences of SPT, and the current health services provided and accessed, will assist health professionals in the provision of appropriate models of care. This thesis is presented as a series of four published papers, and one paper currently under review. The findings of these studies contribute towards an understanding of women’s experiences following SPT. Aim: The aim of this mixed methods study was to understand the experiences of women who have sustained severe perineal trauma (3rd and 4th degree perineal tears) and associated morbidities, and to investigate health service provision across NSW, Australia. This study had four objectives: 1) To describe the physical health, psychological, and social experiences for women who have sustained SPT; 2) To determine if there has been a change in the incidence of SPT in NSW over the past 10 years, and to identify the factors associated with SPT and the impact SPT has on subsequent modes of birth; 3) To describe the health services available for women who experience SPT in NSW; and 4) To provide an integrated analysis of the data to outline best practice to inform services for women. Methods: This study used a sequential concurrent mixed methods design. A transformative-emancipatory auto-ethnographic approach was incorporated into the design, analysis and preparation of the study as the author identified with the group under investigation following a personal experience of SPT and associated long term morbidities. Findings: the central and key finding of this mixed methods study is represented by ‘The Abandoned Mother’ concept. It appears that, despite the long term psychological and physical morbidities experienced by women who sustain SPT, there is a lack of guidelines, policies and services specific to the care of women following SPT. This needs to be addressed as a matter of urgency. Women who experience SPT seek compassionate and supportive care based upon a clear exchange of information, and this should be considered when reflecting upon the current health service design. This study highlights the urgent need to establish specialist services across NSW that are comprehensive, collaborative and multi-disciplinary to support women who experience SPT and associated morbidities, with the aim of providing consistency in best practice and comprehensive physiological and psychological support.