Articoli di riviste: "Welfare state – canada – history"

1

Comacchio, Cynthia, e Nancy Christie. "Engendering the State: Family, Work, and Welfare in Canada". American Historical Review 106, n. 2 (aprile 2001): 556. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651650.

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WHITE, LINDA A. "Ideas and the Welfare State". Comparative Political Studies 35, n. 6 (agosto 2002): 713–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414002035006004.

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This article examines the legacy of American and Canadian welfare state development to explain surprisingly comparable levels of child care provision. It highlights the ironies of policy history while demonstrating the importance of ideas as independent causal factors in the development of public policies and the effect of their institutionalization on future policy development. Maternalist, nativist, and eugencist imperatives led U.S. governments to intrude in areas normally considered part of the private sphere and led to the adoption of policies to respond to a perceived decline primarily of the White population. These policies provided a normative and institutional basis for future government involvement in child care funding and programs, even after the conditions that led to the original policies changed. In Canada, the lack of large-scale entrenchment of similar ideas constrained an otherwise more interventionist government and made it more difficult for child care policies to find governmental and societal acceptance.

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Moscovitch, Allan, e Jim Albert. "The Benevolent State: The Growth of Welfare in Canada". Labour / Le Travail 21 (1988): 332. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143007.

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Garton, Stephen, e Margaret E. McCallum. "Workers' Welfare: Labour and the Welfare State in 20th-Century Australia and Canada". Labour / Le Travail 38 (1996): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25144094.

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5

Smardon, Bruce. "The Federal Welfare State and the Politics of Retrenchment in Canada". Journal of Canadian Studies 26, n. 2 (maggio 1991): 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.26.2.122.

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Garton, Stephen, e Margaret E. McCallum. "Workers' Welfare: Labour and the Welfare State in 20th-Century Australia and Canada". Labour History, n. 71 (1996): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516451.

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7

Ingram, Darcy. "Beastly Measures: Animal Welfare, Civil Society, and State Policy in Victorian Canada". Journal of Canadian Studies 47, n. 1 (gennaio 2013): 221–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.47.1.221.

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8

Pasolli, Lisa. "Talking Tax to Social Policy Historians". Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 31, n. 1 (9 novembre 2021): 105–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1083631ar.

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When it comes to the links between taxation and social policy, the growth of the welfare state, funded by income tax, is the obvious starting point. But in Give and Take, Tillotson goes far beyond the obvious. In her hands, the tax system has complex “welfare effects.” Looking through the tax lens, Tillotson gives us fresh perspectives on the origins, politics, and consequences of social welfare programs, as well as the negotiation of social citizenship rights and obligations. In this essay, I also suggest Give and Take points us towards a relatively unexplored set of questions about the history of social policy in twentieth-century Canada, namely how the tax system and especially tax expenditures have been used to achieve social policy objectives.

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Elson, Peter R., Jean-Marc Fontan, Sylvain Lefèvre e James Stauch. "Foundations in Canada: A Comparative Perspective". American Behavioral Scientist 62, n. 13 (20 maggio 2018): 1777–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218775803.

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From a Canadian perspective, this article provides a comparative historical and contemporary overview of foundations in Canada, in relation to the United States and Germany. For the purposes of this analysis, the study was limited to public or private foundations in Canada, as defined by the Income Tax Act. As the Canadian foundation milieu straddles the welfare partnership model that characterizes German civil society and the Anglo-Saxon model of the United States, Canadian foundations as a whole have much in common with the foundation sector in both countries. Similarities include the number of foundations per capita, a similar range in size and influence, a comparable diversity of foundation types, and an explosion in the number of foundations in recent decades (although the United States has a much longer history of large foundations making high-impact interventions). This analysis also highlights some key differences among larger foundations in the three jurisdictions: German foundations are generally more apt to have a change-orientation and are more vigorous in their disbursement of income and assets. U.S. foundations are more likely to play a welfare-replacement role in lieu of inaction by the state. Canadian foundations play a complementary role, particularly in the areas of education and research, health, and social services. At the same time, there is a segment of Canadian foundations that are fostering innovation, social and policy change, and are embarking on meaningful partnerships and acts of reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples in Canada.

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Cosgrave, James, e Patricia Cormack. "Making Markets out of Vice: Gambling, Cannabis, and Processes of State Legitimation and Formation in Canada". Journal of Canadian Studies 57, n. 2 (1 agosto 2023): 280–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs-2022-0033.

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The legalization of gambling and cannabis and the transformation of these practices/substances into consumer markets are processes of state legitimation, naturalization, and (re)formation in Canada. This article examines the moral-cultural transformation of gambling and cannabis over the last 50 years and analyzes these transformations in terms of state-culture dynamics. Where lotteries were legalized in the context of the welfare state, the expansion of gambling beyond lotteries in the 1990s has occurred as the federal state ceded jurisdiction of gambling to the provinces. The consequence has been the direct role of the provinces in the creation of gambling markets. Notwithstanding the monopolization of cannabis by some provinces, the opening of cannabis to private industry (e.g., sales) has occurred relatively quickly. In its central role in market making, the state, paradoxically, appears to disappear. However, the legalization and expansion of gambling and cannabis represent an increased positioning of the state at the nexus of civic and consumer cultures. State formation around consumption of gambling and cannabis centers on state entrepreneurialism and depends on retaining, yet reinventing, notions of harm with a shift from a generalized morality of nation and national spirit to individual risk calculation.

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Bavery, Ashley Johnson. "“Crashing America’s Back Gate”: Illegal Europeans, Policing, and Welfare in Industrial Detroit, 1921-1939". Journal of Urban History 44, n. 2 (23 giugno 2016): 239–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144216655791.

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Between 1921 and 1939, the border separating Detroit, Michigan, from Windsor, Canada, represented a key site for undocumented immigration on America’s northern border, and the migrants in question were European. This essay examines industrial urban America in the wake of 1921 and 1924 Immigration Acts to reveal the effects of restriction and policing on America’s emerging welfare state. It finds that in Detroit, after federal policies gave nativism the force of the law, local smuggling, policing, and enforcement practices branded foreign-born Europeans as illegal regardless of their legal status. During the New Deal Era, when the federal government built America’s welfare system, the stakes for belonging to the nation-state became higher than ever. In this moment of transition, local actors drew on rhetoric connecting foreigners to crime and dependence to urge federal policymakers to tie welfare benefits to citizenship. These local initiatives in Detroit and across the nation prompted the federal government to purge non-citizens from the Works Progress Administration, the new welfare program most associated with dependence and relief. Ultimately, this essay argues that a shift in national mood about foreignness in urban America took hold of the United States in the 1920s and shaped federal welfare policy by the 1930s.

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Song, Dennis. "Analysis on differences in Canada and China's official attitude and perception on their minority nationalities". American Research Journal of History and Culture 6, n. 1 (27 novembre 2020): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.21694/2379-2914.20008.

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The government’s perceptions and attitudes of their ethnic minorities are in close relation with the ethnic minorities’ welfare policies, and also affect the public’s perception of ethnic minorities. Therefore a government’s definition and attitudes are crucial to maintaining national stability. For instance, Canada is a multi-nation state, comprising multiple ethnic groups in one country, with the two most influential as the French-Canadians and the English-Canadians. French and English Canadians are majority ethnic groups while there are many other minority ethnic groups such as the First Nations. The People’s Republic of China is also a multi-nation state, although the biggest ethnic group, the Hans, comprise 98% of the entire population.11 Although all nations have their own cultural cognition - common descent, history, culture, and language - both Canada and China have their own unique definition for their minority nations: Canada’s minority nations are the Aboriginal People of Canada 22, and China’s minority nations are the 55 officially recognized ethnic groups other than the Han people. This essay aims to compare the official perceptions and attitudes of ethnic minorities in China and Canada, hoping to clarify the relationship between ethnic minorities and mainstream ethnic groups, and help the general public to understand them, hence promoting harmonious societal development.

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Nickel, Noah. "From Wearing Toques to Taking Tokes". Federalism-E 22, n. 1 (3 maggio 2021): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v22i1.14462.

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This article examines the cannabis legalization framework in Canada, one of the first in the world, and one of the largest policymaking undertakings in Canadian history since the creation of the welfare state. This article analyzes the framework for potential shortcomings, and offers recommendations on how to improve the framework, both within Canada and for other countries that may look to Canada's legalization framework as a point of reference in the future. The recommendations include: (1) The government needs to include greater restorative, social justice measures to address the harm and inequality caused by cannabis prohibition. (2) They should also take greater leadership in crafting the specific policies of legalization to ensure government control and to avoid too much provincial variance. (3) They ought to maintain and reform the medical cannabis program for the safety of patients.

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Campbell, Lara. "“We who have wallowed in the mud of Flanders”: First World War Veterans, Unemployment and the Development of Social Welfare in Canada, 1929-1939". Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 11, n. 1 (9 febbraio 2006): 125–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031134ar.

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Abstract During the Great Depression, First World War veterans built on a history of post-war political activism to play an important role in the expansion of state-sponsored social welfare. Arguing that their wartime sacrifices had not been properly rewarded, veterans claimed that they were entitled to state protection from poverty and unemployment on the home front. The rhetoric of patriotism, courage, sacrifice, and duty created powerful demands for jobs, relief, and adequate pensions that should, veterans argued, be administered as a right of social citizenship and not a form of charity. At the local, provincial, and national political levels, veterans fought for compensation and recognition for their war service, and made their demands for jobs and social security a central part of emerging social policy.

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Hayhurst, Lyndsay M. C., e Audrey Giles. "Private and Moral Authority, Self-Determination, and the Domestic Transfer Objective: Foundations for Understanding Sport for Development and Peace in Aboriginal Communities in Canada". Sociology of Sport Journal 30, n. 4 (dicembre 2013): 504–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.30.4.504.

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Sport for development and peace (SDP) is a contemporary term for practices that have a long history, particularly in Canada’s provincial and territorial north, and especially with Aboriginal peoples for whom the region is home. Using a postcolonial international relations feminist approach, theories of global governance and private authority, and by exploring recent literature on self-determination in the context of Aboriginal peoples, we investigate 1) the assumptions at work in attempts to “transfer” SDP programming models in the Two-Thirds World to Aboriginal communities across Canada; 2) how the retreat of the welfare state and neo-liberal policies have produced the “need” for SDP in Aboriginal communities; and 3) how efforts toward Aboriginal self-determination can be made through SDP. We argue that, taken together, these concepts build a useful foundation better understanding for the historical and sociopolitical processes involved in deploying SDP interventions in Aboriginal communities.

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di Tomasso, Lara, e Sandrina de Finney. "A Discussion Paper on Indigenous Custom Adoption Part 1: Severed Connections – Historical Overview of Indigenous Adoption in Canada". First Peoples Child & Family Review 10, n. 1 (12 maggio 2021): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1077179ar.

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This paper forms Part 1 of a two-part discussion paper on Indigenous custom adoption. Zeroing in on the entangled histories of adoption and colonization, it outlines a short history of adoption in Canada, examines the impact of forced, closed, and external adoptions on Indigenous adoptees, and traces the move toward more open statutory adoptions and greater cultural connection and continuity in adoptions. This historical review sets the stage for Part 2 of our discussion paper, “Honouring Our Caretaking Traditions,” where we highlight the connections between customary laws regarding caregiving and the resurgence of Indigenous authority over child welfare within a context of Indigenous self-determination and self-governance.

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Mitchinson, W. "Engendering the State: Family, Work, and Welfare in Canada. By Nancy Christie (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000. xiv plus 459 pp. $65.00/cloth $27.50/paperback)". Journal of Social History 35, n. 4 (1 giugno 2002): 1019–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh.2002.0056.

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18

Lam, Elene, Elena Shih, Katherine Chin e Kate Zen. "The Double-Edged Sword of Health and Safety: COVID-19 and the Policing and Exclusion of Migrant Asian Massage Workers in North America". Social Sciences 10, n. 5 (29 aprile 2021): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10050157.

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Migrant Asian massage workers in North America first experienced the impacts of COVID-19 in the final weeks of January 2020, when business dropped drastically due to widespread xenophobic fears that the virus was concentrated in Chinese diasporic communities. The sustained economic devastation, which began at least 8 weeks prior to the first social distancing and shelter in place orders issued in the U.S. and Canada, has been further complicated by a history of aggressive policing of migrant massage workers in the wake of the war against human trafficking. Migrant Asian massage businesses are increasingly policed as locales of potential illicit sex work and human trafficking, as police and anti-trafficking initiatives target migrant Asian massage workers despite the fact that most do not provide sexual services. The scapegoating of migrant Asian massage workers and criminalization of sex work have led to devastating systemic and interpersonal violence, including numerous deportations, arrests, and deaths, most notably the recent murder of eight people at three Atlanta-based spas. The policing of sex workers has historically been mobilized along fears of sexually transmitted disease and infection, and more recently, within the past two decades, around a moral panic against sex trafficking. New racial anxieties around the coronavirus as an Asian disease have been mobilized by the state to further cement the justification of policing Asian migrant workers along the axes of health, migration, and sexual labor. These justifications also solidify discriminatory social welfare regimes that exclude Asian migrant massage workers from accessing services on the basis of the informality and illegality of their work mixed with their precarious citizenship status. This paper draws from ethnographic participant observation and survey data collected by two sex worker organizations that work primarily with massage workers in Toronto and New York City to examine the double-edged sword of policing during the pandemic in the name of anti-trafficking coupled with exclusionary policies regarding emergency relief and social welfare, and its effects on migrant Asian massage workers in North America. Although not all migrant Asian massage workers, including those surveyed in this paper, provide sexual services, they are conflated, targeted, and treated as such by the state and therefore face similar barriers of criminalization, discrimination, and exclusion. This paper recognizes that most migrant Asian massage workers do not identify as sex workers and does not intend to label them as such or reproduce the scapegoating rhetoric used by law enforcement. Rather, it seeks to analyze how exclusionary attitudes and policies towards sex workers are transferred onto migrant Asian massage workers as well whether or not they provide sexual services.

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Gupta, Asha. "Welfare State and Privatisation in Canada". Indian Journal of Public Administration 36, n. 4 (ottobre 1990): 876–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556119900410.

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20

Lightman, Ernie, e Allan Irving. "Restructuring Canada's Welfare State". Journal of Social Policy 20, n. 1 (gennaio 1991): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400018481.

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ABSTRACTThis paper highlights the development of the welfare state in Canada to its peak in the mid-1960s, and then traces the retreat from that height. While federalism and the complex relations between Ottawa and the provinces clearly represent a complicating factor, the paper argues that the fiscal crisis of the state has been the primary influence in the decline. As a major trading economy, Canada could not be immune from the onset of worldwide monetarism, though its effects were felt relatively late. Canadian monetarism has been marked by high taxes, an unwillingness/inability to cut government spending, and a singular absence of the anti-welfare state rhetoric of Reaganomics or Thatcherism. Neo-liberal outcomes are still likely to emerge, however, though they will be couched in market language and the need to be competitive internationally, particularly after the 1988 Free Trade Agreement with the United States.

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Vivekanandan, B. "Welfare State System in Canada: Emerging Challenges". International Studies 39, n. 1 (febbraio 2002): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002088170203900103.

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22

Zukowski, Christian. "Indigenous Child Welfare in Canada". Political Science Undergraduate Review 4, n. 1 (21 aprile 2019): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur74.

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This paper is primarily a case study of the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal case Caring Society v Canada and seeks to accomplish three things. First, create a theoretical foundation built upon historic instances of discriminatory/assimilationist policies based upon theoretical understandings of social reproduction, biopolitics, and neoliberalism. Second, to situate Caring Society within said theoretical framework for the purpose of determining the context in which it occurs and the role of the case's context in producing discriminatory/assimilationist policy. Third is the application of both the theoretical framework as well as Caring Society to determine how the Canadian state engages in nation building through processes of othering and framing Indigenous peoples as a foreign threat to the security of the Canadian identity. In doing so, I not only argue that Indigenous child welfare is the perpetuation of residential schools, but that it systematically breaks down Indigenous children and Indigenous communities in response to their perceived threat through processes of othering and nation-building.

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23

Berkowitz, Edward D., Daniel Levine, Stanley Wenocur, Michael Reisch, Margaret Weir, Shola Orloff e Theda Skocpol. "The Social Welfare History State". Reviews in American History 18, n. 1 (marzo 1990): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2702732.

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Parry, Geraint. "Welfare State and Welfare Society". Government and Opposition 20, n. 3 (1 luglio 1985): 287–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01085.x.

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‘CRISIS? WHAT CRISIS?’, THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER was reported to have replied to a question concerning the alleged crisis in sterling. In the case of the welfare state it might seem that the appropriate response would be ‘Which crisis? ’ since there are several on the menu - fiscal crisis, legitimacy crisis, crisis of ungovernability . Left, Right and Centre have become convinced that there is a crisis. This is after a period of history which had seen an unprecedented rise in the standard of living of the vast majority of the population living in what are normally regarded as welfare states.

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Moeller, Robert G. "The state of women's welfare in European welfare states". Social History 19, n. 3 (ottobre 1994): 385–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071029408567915.

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Bryant, Toba, Scott Aquanno e Dennis Raphael. "Unequal Impact of COVID-19: Emergency Neoliberalism and Welfare Policy in Canada". Critical Studies: An International and Interdisciplinary Journal 15, n. 1 (31 luglio 2020): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51357/cs.v15i1.108.

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This paper examines Canada's liberal welfare state in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic. It argues that contrary to claims that the pandemic is affecting both rich and poor equally, its impact is both gendered, racialized and class-related. It thereby exacerbates existing social and health inequalities. Responsible for much of this is Canada's welfare state that reproduces established patterns of power that create systemic social and health inequalities. In addition, the responses of the Canadian liberal welfare state to the COVID-19 pandemic make explicit its underdeveloped nature and its difficulties in responding to social and health inequalities. This paper shows how the political foundation and organizational logic of the liberal welfare state promotes and reinforces existing inequalities. Similarly, its responses to the pandemic reflect crisis management that meets immediate urgencies but does little to provide long-term economic and social security to citizens.

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MATTHEWS, J. SCOTT, e LYNDA ERICKSON. "Welfare state structures and the structure of welfare state support: Attitudes towards social spending in Canada, 1993–2000". European Journal of Political Research 47, n. 4 (giugno 2008): 411–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2007.00771.x.

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Harris, B. "Welfare since 1945: Rewriting the History of Britain's Welfare State". Twentieth Century British History 17, n. 1 (19 dicembre 2005): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwi050.

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Bro, Henning. "HOUSING: FROM NIGHT WATCHMAN STATE TO WELFARE STATE". Scandinavian Journal of History 34, n. 1 (marzo 2009): 2–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468750802692573.

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Whiteside, Noel, e John Brown. "The British Welfare State." Economic History Review 49, n. 3 (agosto 1996): 617. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597783.

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Huo, Jingjing. "Comparing welfare states in Australia and Canada: A party competition theory of welfare state development". Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 44, n. 2 (luglio 2006): 167–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040600817189.

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Aristov, Evgeniy V., e Marina V. Markhgeym. "Analysis of the constitutional principle of “state sociality” in Canadá". LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, n. 1 (4 gennaio 2021): 196–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202171688p.196-200.

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The present study examines the constitutional principle of "social statehood" in Canada, considering the implemented model of a social state. The method and characteristics of securing a state's social guarantees are set out in the Canadian Constitution. Based on the analysis of the law, the authors concluded about the social characteristics of this state in Canada. By analyzing the reflection of the principle of "government sociality" in the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court of Canada, the authors summarized its impact on the problems of a welfare state.

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White, Linda A. "The Politics of the Welfare State: Canada, Sweden, and the United States". Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, n. 3 (settembre 2004): 748–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904290102.

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The Politics of the Welfare State: Canada, Sweden, and the United States, Gregg M. Olsen, Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2002, pp. vi, 258This book presents a familiar puzzle in comparative politics: how are we to understand variation in the design and scope of social programs and substantive outcomes for citizens in the three welfare states under scrutiny. As Olsen argues, all three cases are “advanced, industrialized, and highly affluent capitalist nations…. and all three nations enjoy average per capita incomes and standards of living that are among the highest in the world” (10). Yet we find great variation on a number of social indicators such as poverty levels, and income and wealth disparities. All three have also “experienced marked increases in inequality and welfare state retrenchment in recent years” (11) but yet “they continue to differ along these dimensions, even in the face of similar domestic strains and other exogenous pressures related to global integration” (11). The question is how do we account for the variation in the use of social policy to assuage inequalities and respond to these exogenous pressures.

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McClymer, John F., e Bruce S. Jansson. "The Reluctant Welfare State: A History of American Social Welfare Policies". Journal of American History 75, n. 3 (dicembre 1988): 900. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1901565.

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Sinclair, Peter R., e Allan Moscovitch. "The Welfare State in Canada: A Selected Bibliography, 1940 to 1978". Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 10, n. 3 (1985): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3339988.

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MacDonald, Maureen. "The Impact of a Restructured Canadian Welfare State on Atlantic Canada". Social Policy and Administration 32, n. 4 (dicembre 1998): 389–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9515.00122.

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Durst, Douglas. "Social Welfare and Social Work Education In Canada". Journal of Comparative Social Work 2, n. 1 (1 aprile 2007): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/jcsw.v2i1.28.

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Internationally, Canadians struggle with their national identity. Canadians proclaim that they are not Americans and like to boast that they have more in common with Sweden with its snowy winters and extensive social programmes. This article outlines some of the historical developments of social welfare in Canada and examines some of the recent trends at dismantling the programmes. In the neo-conservative state, efforts towards “globalization” and “free trade” with the United States have attacked Canada’s social safety net, marginalizing and suppressing the poor. However, in spite of the current trends, Canadians have maintained its humanitarian philosophy and resisted the “Americanization” of its social programmes. Some of this resistance has been successful but as in many other countries much of it has failed.

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Moscovitch, Allan. "The Welfare State Since 1975". Journal of Canadian Studies 21, n. 2 (maggio 1986): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.21.2.77.

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Tuohy, Carolyn, e Patricia O’Reilly. "Professionalism in the Welfare State". Journal of Canadian Studies 27, n. 1 (aprile 1992): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.27.1.73.

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Pimpare, Stephen. "Toward a New Welfare History". Journal of Policy History 19, n. 2 (aprile 2007): 234–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2007.0012.

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Histories of American welfare have been stories about the state. Like Walter Trattner's widely read From Poor Law to Welfare State, now in its sixth edition, they have offered a narrative about the slow but steady expansion and elaboration of state and federal protections granted to poor and working people, and have usually done so by charting increases in government expenditures, by documenting the institutionalization of welfare bureaucracies, and by tracing rises or declines in poverty, unemployment, and other aggregate measures of well-being. This has been the case even in more critical accounts that emphasize that American social welfare history is not a story just of progress, such as Michael Katz's In the Shadow of the Poorhouse. These narratives have emphasized programs, not people (whether it is the poorhouse, the asylum, and mother's pensions, or the more recent innovations of national unemployment insurance, Social Security, AFDC and TANF, and Medicare and Medicaid). In the investigations of the welfare state that dominate academic research, the content and timing of government policy itself has served as the dependent variable, while the independent variables have been a congeries of interests, institutions, and policy entrepreneurs. Our attention has been focused upon what government has done, why it was done, and what the effects were as measured in official data.

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MARSTON, GREG, e LYNDA SHEVELLAR. "In the Shadow of the Welfare State: The Role of Payday Lending in Poverty Survival in Australia". Journal of Social Policy 43, n. 1 (11 ottobre 2013): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279413000573.

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AbstractA defining characteristic of contemporary welfare governance in many western countries has been a reduced role for governments in direct provision of welfare, including housing, education, health and income support. One of the unintended consequences of devolutionary trends in social welfare is the development of a ‘shadow welfare state’ (Fairbanks, 2009; Gottschalk, 2000), which is a term used to describe the complex partnerships between state-based social protection, voluntarism and marketised forms of welfare. Coupled with this development, conditional workfare schemes in countries such as the United States, Canada, the UK and Australia are pushing more people into informal and semi-formal means of poverty survival (Karger, 2005). These transformations are actively reshaping welfare subjectivities and the role of the state in urban governance. Like other countries such as the US, Canada and the UK, the fringe lending sector in Australia has experienced considerable growth over the last decade. Large numbers of people on low incomes in Australia are turning to non-mainstream financial services, such as payday lenders, for the provision of credit to make ends meet. In this paper, we argue that the use of fringe lenders by people on low incomes reveals important theoretical and practical insights into the relationship between the mixed economy of welfare and the mixed economy of credit in poverty survival.

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Orsini, Michael. "Autism, Neurodiversity and the Welfare State: The Challenges of Accommodating Neurological Difference". Canadian Journal of Political Science 45, n. 4 (dicembre 2012): 805–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391200100x.

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Abstract.In the last decade, autism has become one of the most hotly contested health policy issues in North America and beyond. From debates about the role of vaccines to the efficacy of therapeutic interventions, a range of civil society actors has been advocating for policy and societal change in the field, with mixed success. In Canada, this culminated in 2004 with a much-publicized Supreme Court decision—Auton v. British Columbia—that pitted parents of autistic children against the BC government, which was unwilling to cover the costs of behavioural treatment for autistic children. In contrast to parent-led advocacy groups, there has been a flurry of civil society activity waged by autistic self-advocates who decry the focus on curing autistic people and press instead for the recognition of neurological difference. Drawing on interviews with advocates in Canada and the US, this article highlights these contending perspectives and argues that both pose fundamental challenges to how we view the redistributive aims of the welfare state in Canada and beyond.Résumé.Au cours de la dernière décennie, l'autisme est devenu l'un des enjeux les plus controversés dans le domaine de la santé au Canada et à l'étranger. Que ce soit lors de débats sur le rôle des vaccins ou encore sur l'efficacité des interventions thérapeutiques, plusieurs acteurs de la société civile ont milité, avec un succès mitigé, en faveur de changements dans politiques et sociaux par rapport à l'autisme. Au Canada, cet activisme résultera en une décision fort controversée de la Cour Suprême en 2004,Auton v. Colombie-Brittanique, portant sur un conflit entre les parents d'enfants autistes et le gouvernement de la Colombie-Britannique, qui refusait de payer le coût des traitements pour les enfants autistes. En parallèle au militantisme des parents d'enfants autistes, des individus autistes se sont aussi mobilisés pour dénoncer cette fois l'objectif même de guérir les personnes autistes. Ces derniers exigent plutôt que soient reconnues leurs différences et, de manière plus large, le principe de la diversité neurologique. Se basant sur des entrevues avec des militants et des militantes, cet article présente ces différentes perspectives et démontre qu'elles remettent en question la façon dont nous conceptualisons le modèle de redistribution associé à l'État-providence.

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Patterson, James T. "Congress and the Welfare State". Social Science History 24, n. 2 (2000): 367–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001018x.

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Thanks in part to the impeachment of President Bill Clinton, the popular reputation of Congress has recently plum meted to perhaps an all-time low.As the Senate deliberated in late January 1999, Jay Leno captured what seemed to be widespread disgust with Capitol Hill. He cracked, “We’ve reached a point where Congress does not affect anyone’s life, so we look at it as entertainment. It’s like the Jerry Springer show, except everyone has a law degree. They can’t fix health care, they can’t fix Social Security, so we look at them to provide a few laughs on a daily basis” (Providence Journal 1999).Leno’s wisecrack adds to a long history of jokes and laments about Congress, which throughout this century has taken far more hits from the public than has the executive branch. To listen only briefly to such criticism is to hear that Congress is inefficient, unresponsive, obstructionist, irresponsible, and undemocratic in its operations. Most often we are told that Congress suffers from two related weaknesses: it rolls over to please powerful interest groups, and it cravenly dreads reprisal from constituents.

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Leisering, Lutz. "Nation State and Welfare State: An Intellectual and Political History". Journal of European Social Policy 13, n. 2 (maggio 2003): 175–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928703013002005.

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Stevenson, Allyson. "Child Welfare, Indigenous Children and Children’s Rights in Canada". Revista Direito e Práxis 10, n. 2 (giugno 2019): 1239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2179-8966/2019/40639.

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Abstract In Canada, Indigenous children have been removed from their families and communities for residential schooling and for adoption and fostering by the state. These historic and ongoing policies have contributed to a general lack of awareness and respect for the rights of Indigenous children as children, as well as Indigenous rights bearers. This paper examines the ways in which historic Indigenous transracial adoption projects acted as a means of public education for ignorance, and argues there is an urgent need for increased public and academic attention to Indigenous children’s rights as both universal children’s rights and Indigenous rights.

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Koujanian, Diana Gabrielle. "‘Canadianism,’ the Welfare State, and policy growth". Canadian Journal for the Academic Mind 2, n. 1 (16 luglio 2024): 21–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2817-5344/70.

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This paper will explore Canadianism and its relationship to Universal healthcare. Canadianism, a term derived for the purpose of this text, is used to conceptualize an ‘Idea’ born out of Canadian identity and Economic Nationalism during commonwealth movements of the later 20th century. The Idea is studied to understand how Canadian civil society favors Universal systems, particularly in this paper healthcare, over private initiative. This paper will assess the roots of the privatization debate and argue the rivalrous nature between Canadianism and New Public Management [NPM]. A key deliberation will be had on the significant role that ethics plays in Canadianism, and how this had success in limiting the influence of NPM on Healthcare. This paper will also examine a current ‘privatization’ case, Bill C-60, and its potential threat to Keynesian Economics’ opportunity-for-all approach to healthcare. A second key deliberation will be had on the concept of ‘Trust,’ how it informs Canadianism and why this makes Bill C-60’s discourse convoluted. Conclusively, a discussion will be had on the issues with Canadianism in healthcare discourse through considering semantics and policy growth. The limits of Canadianism will be briefly highlighted. This paper finds that Canadian is essential to comprehend when considering why healthcare reform in Canada is difficult to manage.

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Michelmore, Molly C. "Whose Welfare?: New Directions in the History of the American Welfare State". Reviews in American History 45, n. 2 (2017): 293–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2017.0042.

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Granjon, Marie-Christine, e Pierre Melandri. "Le Welfare State en Amerique du Nord". Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, n. 73 (gennaio 2002): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3772158.

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Digby, A. "Changing Welfare Cultures in Region and State". Twentieth Century British History 17, n. 3 (25 maggio 2006): 297–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwl017.

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Hale, Frederick. "Sweden's Welfare State at a Turning Point". Current History 111, n. 743 (1 marzo 2012): 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2012.111.743.112.

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