Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Weak institutionalized state"
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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Weak institutionalized state":
1
Mancke, Elizabeth. "Early Modern Imperial Governance and the Origins of Canadian Political Culture". Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, n. 1 (marzo 1999): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900010076.
Abstract (sommario):
AbstractFor the last three decades, scholars of Canadian political culture have favoured ideological explanations for state formation with the starting point being the American Revolution and Loyalist resettlement in British North America. This article challenges both the ideological bias and the late eighteenth-century chronology through a reassessment of early modern developments in the British imperial state. It shows that many of the institutional features associated with the state in British North America and later Canada—strong executives and weak assemblies, Crown control of land and natural resources, parliamentary funding of colonial development and accommodation of non-British subjects—were all institutionalized in the imperial state before the American Revolution and before the arrival of significant numbers of ethnically British settlers to Newfoundland, Nova Scotia and Quebec. Ideological discourses in the British North American colonies that became Canada, unlike those that became the United States, traditionally acknowledged the presence of a strong state in its imperial and colonial manifestations. Rather than challenging its legitimacy, as had Americans, British North Americans, whether liberals, republicans or tories, debated the function of the state and the distribution of power within it.
2
Cai, Yongshun. "Collective Ownership or Cadres' Ownership? The Non-agricultural Use of Farmland in China". China Quarterly 175 (settembre 2003): 662–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003000890.
Abstract (sommario):
In China during the reform period, the multitude of conflicts between the state or its agents and peasants has become a serious concern for the Chinese government. A fundamental reason for these conflicts is the fact that peasants' basic economic or political interests have been threatened or ignored. Using the case of non-agricultural use of farmland, this study seeks to explain why the peasants' lack of resistive power appears institutionalized in China. The use of rural land often gives rise to conflicts because peasants are usually under-compensated for their land. Facing the encroachment of their interests, peasants may take ex ante preventive action and ex post measures. While ex ante action is more effective, it is not always feasible because it needs the organizing of village cadres. Hence, peasants are weak because usually action can only be taken ex post, which, more often than not, is ineffective because of the political arrangements through which the state, peasants and cadres interact.
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Klimenkov, Mihail. "Scientific-and-Expert Community and Government: Specifics and Models of Interaction in the Siberian Federal District". Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 2020, n. 3 (16 ottobre 2020): 296–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2020-5-3-139-304.
Abstract (sommario):
The present research featured the problems of interaction between scientific community and the local authorities in five regions of the Federal Siberian district: Kemerovo, Novosibirsk, and Tomsk regions, the Altai Territory, and the Republic of Tuva. The research objective was to identify and describe the dominant model of interaction between the scientific community and the authorities in Siberia. The study was based on the method of semi-structured expert interviews, which involved 34 scientists. The authors identified the level of subjectivity of regional scientific communities as groups of experts in the process of making political and state decisions. They also described the models and specifics in building interaction between scientists and the local authorities. The article introduces the main challenges to the process of building up an effective and collaborative relationship, namely the prevailing electoral-authoritarian regime and a weak expert function of the scientific community. The interaction was mostly represented by an informal (non-institutionalized) model with a poor involvement of expert community.
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Rasmussen, Magnus B., e Carl Henrik Knutsen. "Laying Down The Principles: How Local Socialist Achievements Spurred National Bourgeois Support for Noncontributory Pensions". World Politics 76, n. 1 (gennaio 2024): 172–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2024.a916344.
Abstract (sommario):
abstract: The authors develop a perspective of locally embedded welfare state development to explain how relatively weak national political actors can, nonetheless, shape national policy over time by pursuing local reforms. Empirically, the authors assess their argument by using municipality-level representative shares, data on noncontributory pension reforms, roll-call votes from parliament, and archival material from early twentieth-century Norway, in which several local governments introduced noncontributory old-age pensions before Norway adopted a national scheme. The authors show, first, how nationally underrepresented but highly institutionalized socialist parties with geographically concentrated support introduced local pensions. Over time, these parties thus shaped the possibility space for national reform, effectively locking the national policy agenda into a pension system preferred by the socialists—namely, noncontributory pensions. Citing high municipality-debt pressures in their constituencies, bourgeois politicians from districts with local pensions eventually supported and promoted national-level pension reform. This support, in turn, spurred the cross-class alliance required to establish a national noncontributory pension system.
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Saayman, Gert. "South Africa: Vulnerable Persons and Groups in a Vulnerable Democracy — Can Forensic Medical Services Help to Ensure Justice in Critical Times?" Academic Forensic Pathology 7, n. 3 (settembre 2017): 434–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23907/2017.036.
Abstract (sommario):
The role and contribution of an objective and professional medicolegal death investigation service should be valued and strengthened, especially in countries and communities where institutional and governmental corruption, incompetence, and abuse of power may exist, and where there are weak civil watchdog agencies such as a free press. South Africa is a fledgling democracy and is now at a critical juncture from a sociopolitical perspective. A number of incidents and historical perspectives are presented, all of which have specific relevance to the forensic medical community and which serve to illustrate the importance of ensuring the protection of the rights of vulnerable groups and persons who may easily suffer from disregard and abuse by state agencies and their representatives and which may ultimately impact very negatively on the broader society. Strengthening the organizational and legislative framework within which forensic pathologists can function is vital to ensure effective investigation in matters such as deaths in custody and of institutionalized persons/patients as well as deaths associated with police action and mob killings, to name but a few.
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Mansfield, Edward D., e Jack Snyder. "Democratic Transitions, Institutional Strength, and War". International Organization 56, n. 2 (2002): 297–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081802320005496.
Abstract (sommario):
The relationship between democratization and war has recently sparked a lively debate. We find that transitions from autocracy that become stalled prior to the establishment of coherent democratic institutions are especially likely to precipitate the onset of war. This tendency is heightened in countries where political institutions are weak and national officials are vested with little authority. These results accord with our argument that elites often employ nationalist rhetoric to mobilize support in the populist rivalries of the poorly-institutionalized democratizing state but then get caught up in the belligerent politics that this process eventually unleashes. In contrast, we find that transitions that quickly culminate in a fully coherent democracy are much less perilous. Further, our results refute the view that transitional democracies are merely the targets of attack due to their temporary weakness: in fact, they tend to be the initiators of war. We also refute the view that any regime change is likely to precipitate the outbreak of war: transitions toward democracy are significantly more likely to generate hostilities than transitions toward autocracy.
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Глатте, Юлия. "Knowledge, Power, and Trust: The Role of Experts in Russia’s Migration Regime". Journal of Social Policy Studies 18, n. 4 (29 dicembre 2020): 751–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/727-0634-2020-18-4-751-764.
Abstract (sommario):
This article examines the role of experts in the field of migration policy in an authoritarian environment and their collaboration with the state in times of crisis. While much of the literature on migration policy-making in Russia focuses on patron-client relationships between state and business, little is known about the collaboration of state actors and experts. Therefore, this paper provides an overview of the main migration experts and shows the conditions under which they are involved in migration policy. Despite various forms of collaboration, expert policy networks are strictly controlled by Russia’s authoritarian state. Measures of control include the sanctioning of foreign financing, a weak culture of dialogue, non-transparent political decisions, the absence of institutionalized political competition and an extremely personalized system of interaction that places experts in a relationship of dependence, thus preventing substantial criticism of political decisions and forcing loyalty. Since 2016, the conditions under which experts are involved in migration policy have become even more limited. It is argued that the reasons for the change are linked to a threefold loss of trust in the expertise of non-state actors, in particular, international organizations. This loss of trust can be explained firstly by a collision of the long-term logic of expert advice with the short-term crisis management of the state; secondly by a dynamic that followed from the institutional restructuring of the Federal Migration Service that dissolved long-standing personal relationships between experts and officials; and thirdly by a general loss of trust in Western policy solutions and liberal norms in the management of migration (crises).
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Swimelar, Safia. "LGBT Rights in Bosnia: The Challenge of Nationalism in the Context of Europeanization". Nationalities Papers 48, n. 4 (12 settembre 2019): 768–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.65.
Abstract (sommario):
AbstractNationalism has been one of the domestic constraints to progress on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights, especially in the Balkans that are dealing with multiple postwar transition realities. Ethno-nationalist challenges, often influenced by religion, have been significant in Bosnia-Herzegovina given weak state identity and democracy, competing institutionalized ethno-national identities, and slow Europeanization. Through the lenses of gendered nationalism, the societal security dilemma, and political homophobia, this article analyzes how the politics and discourse of LGBT rights during the past decade in Bosnia reveal tensions between competing and multiple identities and narratives—European, multiethnic, ethno-nationalist, and religious—using the violent response to the 2008 Queer Sarajevo Festival as a key illustration. However, in the past decade, LGBT rights have progressed and antigay backlash to LGBT visibility (in addition to stronger external leverage and other factors) has resulted in stronger activism and change. The public discourse and response to the announcement of Bosnia’s first Pride Parade represents another turning point in LGBT visibility that seems to reveal that ethno-nationalist challenges may be lessening as LGBT rights norms gain strength.
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Auffarth, Christoph. "Protecting Strangers: Establishing a Fundamental Value in the Religions of the Ancient Near East and Ancient Greece". Numen 39, n. 2 (1992): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852792x00032.
Abstract (sommario):
Abstract(1) In the current discussions about the rights of asylum on one hand there is urgency for decisions and actions of the politicians, on the other hand these actions must not erode the human right of asylum. It is not a question of the quantity of applicants but of the quality of their rights. Religionists are asked for the foundation of the rights of strangers, because the roots of these rights reach into the archaic past, when there was not yet a state with institutionalized laws ("Rechtsstaat"). The treatment of the stranger was both in (2) Ancient Israel and (3) Ancient Greece the test of the righteousness of the people. Not the exact and continuing performance of the cult of the Gods demonstrates the piety of the people, but the treatment of the poor and weak. In pre-state societies the right of the strongest does not rule. However, the pride of the citizens and the token of the richness of a city is the granting of protection to outcasts. The sacrality of the holy place ("sanctuary") does not automatically grant protection. The talk of divine protection enables the protectors to gain the advantage of wide acceptance which compensates for a deficit of actual power. (4) Human rights have to be defended against attempts of political administrations to cut them short, that is, in consequence: to take away an individual's right to enjoy asylum.
10
Bernstein, Steven. "The absence of great power responsibility in global environmental politics". European Journal of International Relations 26, n. 1 (5 luglio 2019): 8–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119859642.
Abstract (sommario):
Great powers routinely face demands to take on special responsibilities to address major concerns in global affairs, and often gain special rights for doing so. These areas include peace and security, global economic management, development, and egregious violations of human rights. Despite the rise in the importance and centrality of global environmental concerns, especially climate change and issues covered by the new Sustainable Development Goals, norms or institutions that demand or recognize great power responsibility are notably absent. This absence is puzzling given expectations in several major strands of International Relations theory, including the English School, realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Drawing on the reasoning behind these expectations, the absence of great power responsibility can be explained by a lack of congruence between systemic and environmental “great powers,” weak empirical links between action on the environment and the maintenance of international order, and no link to special rights. Instead, the institutionalized distribution of environmental responsibilities arose out of North–South conflict and has eroded over time, becoming more diffuse and decentered from ideas of state responsibility. These findings suggest a need to rethink the relationship among great powers and special rights and responsibilities regarding the environment, as well as other new issues of systemic importance.
Tesi sul tema "Weak institutionalized state":
1
Ehrari, Abdoul Fattah. "Le processus de privatisation dans un Etat en voie d’institutionnalisation (Afghanistan) au regard de l’exercice de sa souveraineté". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, HESAM, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023HESAC043.
Abstract (sommario):
À la fin 2001, grâce au soutien des pays occidentaux, l’Afghanistan a connu un grand changement politique, économique et social.Sur le plan économique, une nouvelle orientation économique est apparue. Elle comporte deux volets : le changement du modèle économique et la façon dont ce changement est mis en oeuvre. Le modèle de l’économie de marché est constitutionnalisé. Le secteur privé est identifié comme un moteur du développement économique. En outre, une politique de réforme est mise en œuvre pour permettre la privatisation d’un certain nombre d’entreprises publiques, y compris DABM, produisant de l’électricité, et la cimenterie Ghori / Karkar.Ce sont les deux études de cas de la thèse. Selon le New Public Management (NPM), le passage au premier plan du caractère financier n’est ni considéré comme une rupture dans la logique de la poursuite des missions, ni comme une rupture dans la logique de la délégation de souveraineté aux organisations privées. Il sera nécessaire de comprendre si ces deux logiques sont respectées dans cet État en cours d’institutionnalisation, et d’analyser les nouvelles politiques publiques dans une perspective d’importation des pratiques du NPM dans un État désinstitutionnalisé. Cette recherche tentera de répondre à ces questionsAt the end of 2001, thanks to the support of Western countries, Afghanistan has undergone great political, economic and social change.On the economic front, a new economic direction has emerged. It has two components: the change in the economic model and how this change is implemented. The market economy model is constitutionalized. The private sector is identified as a driving force of the economic development. In addition, a reform policy is implemented to allow the privatization of a number of public companies, including DABM, producing electricity, and the Ghori/Karkar cement plant. These are the two case studies of the thesis. According to the New Public Management (NPM), the move to the forefront of the financial character is neither seen as a break in the logic of the pursuit of missions, nor as a break in the logic of the delegation of sovereignty to private organizations. It will be necessary to understand whether these two logics are respected in this State in the process of institutionalization, and to analyze the new public policies in a perspective of importing the practices of the NPM in a deinstitutionalized State. This research will attempt to answer these questions
Libri sul tema "Weak institutionalized state":
1
Moehler, Michael. Morals and Politics. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198785927.003.0006.
Abstract (sommario):
In this chapter the author discusses for democratic societies some of the institutional implications of the two-level contractarian theory. The chapter argues that, for specific empirical circumstances, the demands of the weak principle of universalization are best institutionalized by a productivist welfare state. Further, for these circumstances, the chapter defends on productivist grounds an unconditional subsistence income for economically advanced democratic societies and the restriction of high levels of economic inequality, if such inequality negatively affects social and economic development. Finally, the chapter analyzes some of the institutional implications of the two-level contractarian theory for the topic of global justice.
2
Frymer, Paul. Citizenship and Race. A cura di Orfeo Fioretos, Tulia G. Falleti e Adam Sheingate. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199662814.013.21.
Abstract (sommario):
Contrary to a view that sees racism as an aberration within American liberalism or largely outside the broader dynamics of American politics, historical institutional scholars often emphasize the central place of racial conflict in American politics and especially in the development of the American state. Although racial conflict has been an obstacle to state-building, struggles over race also enhanced state authority in ways that defy conceptions of a weak American state. Approaching American politics through an historical institutional lens helps underscore the way efforts to confront long standing racial divisions and conflict helped to institutionalize key political and social rights.
Capitoli di libri sul tema "Weak institutionalized state":
1
Collord, Michaela. "Authoritarian Party Consolidation". In Wealth, Power, and Authoritarian Institutions, 60–106. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/9780191945335.003.0003.
Abstract (sommario):
Abstract This chapter sets out how authoritarian leaders’ strategic decision-making during an early period of regime consolidation, identified as a critical juncture, influences what ‘type’ of ruling party is likely to emerge. Where leaders pursue more direct state and party control over wealth accumulation and where they simultaneously invest in party-building, then the ruling party is more likely to approximate a centrally disciplined ‘institutionalized coalition’. Conversely, where leaders allow for a class of private accumulators to expand and where they forego serious party-building efforts, then the ruling party is more likely to approximate an internally fractious and institutionally weak ‘bargained coalition’. Given this theoretical focus, the empirical analysis centres on the initial period when TANU first consolidated power in Tanzania, forming an ‘institutionalized coalition’, and when the NRM took power in Uganda, forming a ‘bargained coalition’. It also incorporates details from Kenya and Rwanda to offer additional causal leverage. For each case, it first traces the decision-making process that resulted in leaders choosing one strategy of ‘politicized accumulation’ over another and then does the same for leaders’ choice of party-building strategy.
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Griffiths, Ryan D. "West Papua". In Secession and the Sovereignty Game, 80–93. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501754746.003.0006.
Abstract (sommario):
This chapter focuses on the long running independence effort in West Papua, an example of the weak combative type of secession movement. It demonstrates what can happen to secessionism in weakly institutionalized settings. The chapter discusses the two dominant normative appeals: the primary one stresses human rights and the second common appeal focuses on decolonization. It also analyses how key features related to electoral politics and freedom of speech prevent the secessionist movement from attaining the level of political voice that one normally finds in a democratized setting. West Papua is integrated with the larger state and yet cannot engage in electoral capture. Unlike Bougainville, it faces a powerful military opponent whom it cannot dislodge from the territory nor fight to a standstill. By this context, the chapter documents the tactics of the secessionists in West Papua that evolved in relation to their inability to challenge the state militarily.
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Mangla, Akshay. "The Indian Police". In Internal Security in India, 240—C10N42. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197660331.003.0010.
Abstract (sommario):
Abstract Prevention of collective violence between social groups is essential for internal security and a critical task for police agencies. Yet, the challenge of violence prevention is acute, especially in multiethnic polities with weak public institutions. In India, managing collective violence is made more challenging due to resource constraints and political interferences, which can lead to breakdowns of public order. How, under such conditions, do police agencies work to prevent collective violence? Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Madhya Pradesh, Mangla finds that local police agencies have developed organizational repertoires for socially embedded policing, involving intensive planning and coordination between senior-level and frontline officers, along with input from societal groups to prevent conflict. The chapter develops the argument through ethnographic observations of police activities around the twenty-fifth anniversary of the demolition of the Babri Masjid. It then locates socially embedded policing within the broader institutional capabilities and constraints of India’s state police forces. While a militaristic and stratified hierarchy enables police agencies to coordinate activities on a large scale, it limits information-sharing by frontline officers. A severe shortage of personnel, along with biases in police training, makes it difficult to institutionalize socially embedded policing practices. Consequently, police agencies are more likely to be overwhelmed or resort to heavy-handed physical tactics during public order situations. The chapter concludes with reflections for future research on policing and internal security.
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Clarke, Victoria, e Walsh Andrew. "Community mental health nursing care of a person with complex needs". In Fundamentals of Mental Health Nursing. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199547746.003.0010.
Abstract (sommario):
In this chapter we will consider the care of a person living in the community with complex needs. In the past, the majority of people who suffered from severe and enduring mental health problems would almost certainly have spent their lives living in institutionalized care. Today, the majority of people with such problems live in the community, and the issue of how well (or not) they are supported is a critical one for those working as part of a community mental health team. In this chapter we introduce ‘Anthony’, a service user who has a long history of mental health problems. Anthony lives alone, and apart from his brother David, he has little contact with other people. Anthony has been referred to mental health services following a long period in which he has been having a depot injection from the nurse at his GP’s surgery. He has a complex range of problems including harassment from local youths, possible physical ill health, and housing problems, as well as a deterioration in his mental health state. In the UK, the move from hospital-based care towards a more community-oriented model is a relatively recent one. Many of the care practices and attitudes you may encounter today have their roots in an institutionalized model. From the 1840s onwards a system of ‘lunatic asylums’ was developed, the intention being that these should provide a humane and morally disciplined environment for those identified as needing care for mental health problems. They were oft en linked to county asylums and workhouses and became associated in the public view with both poverty and ‘madness’. For ordinary people at this time of great industrial and social change, working conditions were harsh and the asylum policy was intended to provide a degree of social control (Rogers and Pilgrim 2001). A popular ditty of the time illustrates some of the prevailing attitudes:… Outside the lunatic asylum, I was there and I was breaking stones, When up popped a lunatic and said to me ‘Good morning Mr Jones, How much a week do you get for doing that?’ ‘Sixteen shillings’ I cried, ‘That’s not enough to keep a wife and six kids, Step inside you silly fella, step inside’. (Anon)…