Articoli di riviste sul tema "Ward Mansion (New York, N.Y.)"

Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. 390. Cloth, $22.50; Paper $8.95. Second Edition. Review by Donald J. Mabry of Mississippi State University. Edward M. Anson. A Civilization Primer. San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1985. Pp. 121. Spiral bound, $5.95. Review by Gordon R. Mork of Purdue University. Stephen J. Lee. Aspects of European History, 1494-1789. Second edition. London & New York: Methuen, 1984. Pp. viii, 312. Paper, $11.95. Review by Michael W. Howell of The School of the Ozarks. Roland N. Stromberg. European Intellectual History Since 1789. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1986. Fourth edition. Pp. x, 340. Paper, $18.95. Review by Irby C. Nichols, Jr. of North Texas State University. R. W. Southern. Medieval Humanism and Other Studies. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1985. Pp. 261. Cloth, $24.95; Paper, $10.95. Review by Benjamin F. Taggie of Central Michigan University. H. T. Dickinson. British Radicalism and the French Revolution, 1789-1815. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1985. Pp. 88. Paper, $6.95; F. D. Dow. Radicalism in the English Revolution, 1640-1660. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1985. Pp. 90. Paper, $6.95. Review by Harry E. Wade of East Texas State University. H. R. Kedward. Occupied France: Collaboration and Resistance 1940-1944. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1985. Pp. 88. $6.95; M. E. Chamberlain. Decolonization: The Fall of the European Empire. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1985. Pp. 86. $6.95. Review by Steven Philip Kramer of the University of New Mexico. Harriet Ward. World Powers in the Twentieth Century. London: British Broadcasting Corporation and the Heinemann Educational Books, 1985. Second edition. Pp. xvii, 333. Paper, $12.00. Review by Gerald H. Davis of Georgia State University. Paul Preston, ed. Revolution and War in Spain, 1931-1939. London and New York: Methuen, 1984. Pp. xi, 299. Cloth, $29.95: Paper, $12.95. Review by Robert Kern of the University of New Mexico. Glenn Blackburn. The West and the World Since 1945. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1985. Pp. vi, 152. Paper, $9.95. Review by Victoria L. Enders of Northern Arizona University. M. K. Dziewanowski. A History of Soviet Russia. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1985. Second edition. Pp. x, 406. Paper, $22.95. Review by Elizabeth J. Wilcoxson of Northern Essex Community College. Peter L. Steinberg. The Great "Red Menace": United States Prosecution of American Communists, 1947-1952. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1984. Pp. xiv, 311. Cloth, $35.00. Review by Kenneth G. Alfers of Mountain View College. Winthrop D. Jordan, Leon F. Litwack, Richard Hoftstadter, William Miller, Daniel Aaron. The United States: Brief Edition. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1985. Second Edition. Pp. xiv, 513. Paper, $19.95. Review by Richard A. Diem of The University of Texas at San Antonio. Edwin J. Perkins and Gary M. Walton. A Prosperous People: The Growth of the American Economy. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1985. Pp. xiii, 240. Paper, $14.95. Review by Larry Madaras of Howard Community College.

RÉSUMÉCette monographie de recherche examine l'influence qu'exerce l'environnement subjectif et objectif sur la vie quotidienne des personnes âgées. En se basant sur des données puisées d'une étude menée en 1980 à Albany-Schenectady-Troy dans l'état de New York, les auteurs se concentrent sur les contextes interpersonnel, social, et spatial à l'intérieur desquels vivent les personnes âgées. Ils en viennent à conclure que (1) l'âge comme tel détient très peu d'importance lorsqu'il s'agit de saisir les courants et divisions du voisinage, les réseaux officieux ou les attitudes envers le vieillissement, (2) il existe une diversité dans la nature et dans les composants du contexte environnemental du vieillissement et donc il n 'existe pas de personne âgée “typique,” et (3) le vieillisement doit étre interprété en termes interactionnels ou transactionnels. Ce livre s'adresse aux chercheurs qui oeuvrent dans ce domaine et non aux personnes qui désirent une simple vue d'ensemble des problèmes.

-Richard Price, C.G.A. Oldendorp, C.G.A. Oldendorp's history of the Mission of the Evangelical Brethren on the Caribbean Islands of St. Thomas, St. Croix, and St. John. Edited by Johann Jakob Bossard. English edition and translation by Arnold R. Highfield and Vladimir Barac. Ann Arbor MI: Karoma, 1987. xxxv + 737 pp.-Peter J. Wilson, Lawrence E. Fisher, Colonial madness: mental health in the Barbadian social order. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1985. xvi + 215 pp.-George N. Cave, R.B. le Page ,Acts of identity: Creloe-based approaches to language and ethnicity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. x + 275 pp., Andree Tabouret-Keller (eds)-H. Hoetink, Julia G. Crane, Saba silhouettes: life stories from a Caribbean island. Julia G. Crane (ed), New York: Vantage Press, 1987. x + 515 pp.-Sue N. Greene, Anne Walmsley ,Facing the sea: a new anthology from the Caribbean region. London and Kingston: Heinemann, 1986. ix + 151 pp., Nick Caistor, 190 (eds)-Melvin B. Rahming, Mark McWatt, West Indian literature and its social context. Cave Hill, Barbados, Department of English, 1985.-David Barry Gaspar, Rebecca J. Scott, Slave emancipation in Cuba: the transition to free labor, 1860-1899. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1985. xviii + 319 pp.-Mary Butler, Louis A. Perez Jr., Cuba under the Platt agreement, 1902-1934. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1986. xvii + 410 pp.-Ana M. Rodríguez-Ward, Idsa E. Alegria Ortega, La comisión del status de Puerto Rico: su historia y significación. Río Piedras, Puerto Rico: Editorial Universitaria. 1982. ix + 214 pp.-Alain Buffon, Jean Crusol, Changer la Martinique: initiation a l'économie des Antilles. Paris: Editions Caribeennes, 1986. 96 pp.-Klaus de Albuquerque, Bonham C. Richardson, Panama money in Barbados, 1900-1920. Knoxville: University of Tennesse Press, 1985. xiv + 283 pp.-Steven R. Nachman, Marcel Fredericks ,Society and health in Guyana: the sociology of health care in a developing nation. Authors include Janet Fredericks. Durham: Carolina Academic Press, 1986. xv + 173 pp., John Lennon, Paul Mundy (eds)

Background:SpA has historically been a difficult clinical diagnosis, especially early diagnosis. Two imaging techniques that address this problem are magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) and Single-Photon Emission Computed Tomography-Computed Tomography (SPECT-CT). Their accuracies have not been adequately compared.Objectives:The purpose of this study is to compare the sensitivities and specificities of SPECT-CT and MRI in SpA.Methods:This retrospective study assessed all patients who underwent SPECT-CT of the sacroiliac joint to assess for SpA. The results of SPECT-CT were compared against MRI for all patients in the cohort who underwent an MRI within 4 weeks of the SPECT-CT. A diagnosis of SpA in the discharge summary was considered the reference standard, and was based on a combination of clinical scenario, response to therapy, imaging,, patient history or lab index.Results:200 patients (173 men; average 22±4 years of age) were included SpA was diagnosed in 189 (AS patients=99 and excluded in 11. SPECT-CT and MRI had similar (P >0 .05;k ¼ 0.74) sensitivities (0.94 vs 0.94),specificities (1.00 vs 1.00),positive predictive values (1.00 vs 1.00),negative predictive values (0.94 vs 0.80),and accuracies (0.97 vs 0.95) when compared to the reference standard.Conclusion:Although MRI remains the initial modality of choice in early diagnosing SpA, SPECT-CT appears diagnostically equivalent and should be considered a viable supplementary or alternative imaging modality particularly if there is contra-indication or inaccessibility to MRI.References:[1]Taurog J D, Chhabra A, Colbert R A. Ankylosing Spondylitis and Axial Spondyloarthritis[J]. N Engl J Med, 2016,375(13):1303.[2]van der Linden S, Valkenburg H A, Cats A. Evaluation of diagnostic criteria for ankylosing spondylitis. A proposal for modification of the New York criteria[J]. Arthritis Rheum, 1984,27(4):361-368.[3]Ward M M, Deodhar A, Gensler L S, et al. 2019 Update of the American College of Rheumatology/Spondylitis Association of America/Spondyloarthritis Research and Treatment Network Recommendations for the Treatment of Ankylosing Spondylitis and Nonradiographic Axial Spondyloarthritis[J]. Arthritis Rheumatol, 2019,71(10):1599-1613.[4]Boonen A, Sieper J, van der Heijde D, et al. The burden of non-radiographic axial spondyloarthritis[J]. Semin Arthritis Rheum, 2015,44(5):556-562.[5]Sieper J, Rudwaleit M, Baraliakos X, et al. The Assessment of SpondyloArthritis international Society (ASAS) handbook: a guide to assess spondyloarthritis[J]. Ann Rheum Dis, 2009,68 Suppl 2:i1-i44.[6]Bermo M, Behnia S, Fair J, et al. Review of Extraskeletal Activity on Tc-99m Methylene Diphosphonate Bone Scintigraphy and Value of Cross-Sectional and SPECT-CT Imaging Correlation[J]. Curr Probl Diagn Radiol, 2018,47(5):324-332.[7]Ward M M, Deodhar A, Akl E A, et al. American College of Rheumatology/Spondylitis Association of America/Spondyloarthritis Research and Treatment Network 2015 Recommendations for the Treatment of Ankylosing Spondylitis and Nonradiographic Axial Spondyloarthritis[J]. Arthritis Rheumatol, 2016,68(2):282-298.[8]Abdelhafez Y G, Hagge R J, Badawi R D, et al. Early and Delayed 99mTc-MDP SPECT/CT Findings in Rheumatoid Arthritis and Osteoarthritis[J]. Clin Nucl Med, 2017,42(11):e480-e481.Figure 1.An 20-years-old man with 5 years of low back pain and spine malformation. (A) SPECT-CT showed an abnormal concentration of radioactivity in SIJ. (B–C) In SIJ, MRI showed a high signal on T1-WI, and a high signal on STIR.Figure 2.An 37-year-old man with 20 years of low back pain and spine malformation. (A) SPECT-CT showed an abnormal concentration of radioactivity in SIJ. (B–C) In SIJ, MRI showed a high signal on T1-WI, and a low signal on STIR.Disclosure of Interests:Qing Han: None declared, Zhaohui Zheng: None declared, Kui Zhang: None declared, Zheng Yu: None declared, Fengfan Yang: None declared, Qiang Liang: None declared, Ping Zhu: None declared, Xenofon Baraliakos Grant/research support from: Grant/research support from: AbbVie, BMS, Celgene, Chugai, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB and Werfen, Consultant of: AbbVie, BMS, Celgene, Chugai, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB and Werfen, Speakers bureau: AbbVie, BMS, Celgene, Chugai, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB and Werfen

The objective of this study was to describe the styles of adult attachment and alcohol consumption in young adults, measured through the CaMir-R test and the AUDIT questionnaire, analyzed under the InfoStat statistical program, respectively. Based on a sample of 167 young adults, men and women, between the ages of 18 and 32. The results show that 82.6% of the population is a consumer of alcohol with the highest prevalence in the secure attachment style, followed by the preoccupied insecure, insecure avoidant attachment style and the disorganized attachment indicator. The higher the level of alcohol consumption, the secure attachment scores decrease and rise in preoccupied insecure attachment style. The result does not statistically infer the linear causality of the study variables. The secure attachment style can function as a protective factor and the preoccupied insecure attachment as a risk factor for increasing the level of alcohol consumption. Keywords: adult attachment, alcohol use, alcoholism, risk of addiction. References [1]Organización Panamericana de la Salud; Organización Mundial de la Salud, «Agenda de Salud Sostenible para las Américas 2018-2030: Un llamado a la acción para la salud y el bienestar en la región,» de 29.a Conferencia Sanitaria Panamericana, Washington, 2017. [2]Comisión Interamericana para el Control del Abuso de Drogas; Organización de los Estados Americanos , «Informe sobre el Consumo de Drogas en las Américas 2019,» Organización de los Estados Americanos, Washington, D.C., 2019. [3]Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos, «Compendio de Resultados de la Encuesta de Condiciones de Vida ECV 2014,» INEC, Quito, 2014. [4]E. Becoña Iglesias, E. Fernández del Río, A. Calafat and J. Fernández-Hermida, «Apego y consumo de sustancias en la adolescencia: Una revisión de aspectos conceptuales y metodológicos,» Adicciones, vol. 26, nº 1, pp. 1-11, 2014. [5]K. MacDonald, The Interfaces Between Sociobiology and Devolopmental Psychology, New York: Springer, 1988. [6]J. Feeney and P. Noller, Apego Adulto, Bilbao: Desclée de Brouwer, 2001. [7]J. Bowlby, Vínculos afectivos: Formación, Desarrollo y Pérdida, Madrid: Ediciones Morata, 2014. [8]O. Barroso, «El Apego Adulto: La relación de los Estilos de Apego Desarrollados en la Infancia en la Elección y las Dínamicas de Pareja,» Revista Digital de Medicina Psicosomática y PSicoterapia, vol. 4, nº 1, pp. 1-25, 2014. [9]S. Freud, El malestar de la cultura, Obras Completas, Buenos Aires: Amorrortu, 1930. [10]F. Naparstek, Introducción a la clínica con toxicomanías y alcoholismo, Buenos Aires: Grama Ediciones, 2005. [11]J. A. Miller, La experiencia de lo real en la cura psicoanalítica, Buenos Aires: Paidós, 2003. [12]M. Barradas, N. Fernández and L. Gutierrez, «Prevalencia de consumo de alcohol en estudiantes universitarios, » Revista Iberoamericana para la Investigación y el Desarrollo Educativo, vol. 6, nº 12, 2016. [13]M. Cornellà-Font, F. Viñas-Poch, J. Juárez-López, M. d. l. M. Martín-Perpiñá and S. Malo-Cerrato, «Temperament and attachment as predictive factors for the risk of addiction to substances in adolescents,» Revista De Psicopatología Y Psicología Clínica, vol. 23, nº 3, pp.179-187, 2019. [14]L. Anderson, J. Connor, J. Voisey, R. Young and M. Gullo, «The unique role of attachment dimensions and peer drinking in adolescent alcohol use,» Personality and Individual Differences, vol. 149, pp. 118-122, 2019. [15]C. Pinto-Cortez, M. Beyzaga, M. F. Cantero, X. Oviedo and V. Vergara, «Apego y psicopatología en adolescentes del Norte de Chile,» Revista de PsicologíaClínica con Niños y Adolescentes, vol. 5, nº 3, pp. 23-29, 2018. [16]K. Ward and G. Limb, «Emerging Adult Attachment and Alcohol Abuse Among American Indians Raised in Stepfamilies,» The British Journal of Social Work, vol. 49, nº 6, pp. 1452-1471, 2019. [17]C. Fairbairn, D. Briley, D. Kang, C. Fraley, B. Hankin and T. Ariss, «A meta-analysis of longitudinal associations between substance use and interpersonal attachment security,» Psychological Bulletin, vol. 144, nº 5, pp. 532-555, 2018.

“I suppose in reality not a leaf goes yellow in autumn without ceasing to care about its sap and making the parent tree very uncomfortable by long growling and grumbling - but surely nature might find some less irritating way of carrying on business if she would give her mind to it. Why should the generations overlap one another at all? Samuel Butler, The Way of All Flesh1 Millenials or Generation Y physicians (born 1977/1980-1995) today form the majority of medical personnel, from medical students and residents in their early twenties and thirties to young attending physicians hitting forty; practicing side-by-side with Generation X (1965-1976/1980) in their late thirties to early fifties; Baby Boomers (1946-1964) in their mid-fifties, sixties and early seventies; and the last of the Silent Generation or Traditionalists (1925-1945) in their mid-seventies, eighties and nineties.2,3 Among 734 Fellows of the Philippine Society of Otolaryngology – Head and Neck Surgery alone, there are currently 18 Traditionalists, 192 Boomers, 360 Generation X, and 164 Millenials. Assuming the 862 board-certified Diplomates waiting to become full-fledged Fellows and 182 Residents-in-Training are also Millenials, there are a total of 1,208 Millenials in the field of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery in the Philippines. With four distinct generations simultaneously in the workforce, it is not unusual to hear older physicians gripe about “these Millenials,” and how different they are from previous generations. The so-called generation gap has been used to characterize inter-generational relations, wherein the preceding generation historically puts down the younger, and the succeeding generation usually complains about the older one. I posit that central to this conflict is a clash between tradition -- the way things should be done (as perceived by the older generation) -- and disruption, the way things can be done differently (from the perspective of the younger generation). In particular (meaning no offense to the “in-between” Generation X, and at risk of being overly simplistic), this is highlighted by the supposed looming showdown between Baby Boomers who are not yet ready to leave and Millenials who can hardly wait to take over.4 Tradition, a “statement, belief or practice handed down from generation to generation” comes from the Old French tradicion “transmission, presentation, handing over” and directly from the Latin traditionem “delivery, surrender, a handing down, a giving up,” from tradere “deliver, hand over,” derived from trans – “over” + dare “to give.”5 Although older generations may like to think they uphold tradition (giving them the right and duty to pass it on to succeeding ones), a large part of what defines each generation in the first place is their departure from the statements, beliefs or practices of their predecessors. Such a transition may have been gradual or sudden, and more pronounced in some generations than in others. Our post-war Boomer generation grew up in a world where face-to-face communication was supplemented by the written (handwritten, typewritten, typeset or telegraphed) and spoken (rotary-dial telephone) word. In medicine and medical education, history and physical examination were taught through lectures (with overhead and opaque projectors, slides on carousels and filmstrips) and live demonstrations on patients and on one another. The advent of word processing and advances in telecommunications and technology that became available to Generation X (who in the Philippines include “martial law babies” oblivious to our “wonder years” of the sixties) gradually changed the landscape of medical education and practice, but it would take the digital and internet revolution to finally, drastically change the world-- and Millenials were the primary beneficiaries of this change. Disruption, from the Latin disruptionem “a breaking asunder,” which comes from disrumpere “break apart, split, shatter, break to pieces,” from dis- “apart” + rumpere “to break”6 perhaps best describes the Baby Boomer generation’s experience of the technological revolution that Millenials grew up with. Suddenly, everything could be had in a split-second and the world was connected in real time. No longer did one have to master penmanship, typing and speed-reading, and homes no longer displayed dictionaries and encyclopedias. Even the library card catalogue and periodicals index became obsolete, as most anything became instantly available and accessible – including information, fast food and relationships. Millenials grew up with this transition, and readily mastered the rapidly changing technology. The locus of socialization was no longer face-to-face interaction within the family, but the worldwide web and social media. In medical education, lectures gave way to podcasts and webinars; heavy textbooks gave way to electronic references; and even dissection gave way to 3D virtual human anatomy. The Millenials’ expertise in, and dependence on, technology can both be their boon and bane – as I often note when residents and students automatically search their peripheral brains (a.k.a. mobile devices) to answer a ward round question. But they are also as quick to intuitively master the diagnostic and therapeutic tools that did not exist when their older colleagues were in residency.7 The early access that Millenials and Generation X had to computer resources in childhood certainly laid “a critical foundation for use of these systems later in life,” compared to Baby Boomers and Traditionalists whose “lack of early experience may limit their enthusiasm” for such tools.3 As Cole puts it, “Baby Boomers don't react well to a 20-something coming in and disrupting the way things have ‘always been’ while Millennials don't react well when they're told to shoot for the moon and ‘do big things,’ and then when they walk in the door with new ideas ready to disrupt age-old models, get told to know their place.”8 Thus, older generations of physicians may question how the stock knowledge and clinical eye of Millenials can compare to theirs, who learned medicine without these tools, and wonder how Millenials would fare in conflict and catastrophic situations when technology fails, or in low- and middle-income rural settings where technology is scarce. Conversely, Millenials wonder why Boomers insist on their old ways and just don’t get it! Perhaps we can learn from Mohr et al.3 about bridging generational issues in medical and surgical education—for instance, between the Socratic Method whereby Boomers may appear to intimidate learners9 versus the Millenial expectation that presentation of information be tailored to their needs, individually or via available technology.10 It could be helpful for Millenials who are “outcomes-oriented and value doing more than knowing”11 “to realize that Traditionalists and Boomers ‘know how to do’ and are ready and able to teach.”3 On the other hand, “when instructing Boomers in new technology or information,” the Millenial teacher “should recognize that this role reversal is uncomfortable to older generations” and “mitigate discomfort … by focus(ing) on the relevance of the information and creat(ing) an environment in which it is ‘safe’ to ask questions and challenge the teacher.”3 Indeed, if inter-generational differences could be surmounted, there is much that Boomers can learn from Millenials, and vice versa. If as Cole observes, “this great debate is hauntingly similar to a parent/child argument,”8 it is because Boomers and Millennials are “also each other’s children and parents, bound together in an intricate web of love, support, anxiety, resentment, and interdependence.”4 Perhaps by involving Generation X in bridging the great divide, and fostering an environment that allows for inter-generational differences in teaching and learning styles, non-disruptive disruption of tradition can take place. Each generation must have the humility (as opposed to intellectual arrogance) to accept that they can learn from other generations – younger or older—for truly meaningful medical progress to take place. We cannot do otherwise, for Generation Z (born after 1995, and about to enter Medical School) is already poised to join the fray. References Butler S. The Way of All Flesh. New York: Dover Publications, 2004. 315 pages. The Center for Generational Kinetics. How to determine generational birth years. November 28, 2016 ©2016 [cited 2017 Nov 2.] Available from: http://genhq.com/generational_birth_years/ Mohr NM, Moreno-Walton L, Mills AM, Brunett PH, Promes SB. Generational Influences in Academic Emergency Medicine: Teaching and Learning, Mentoring, and Technology (Part I). Acad Emerg Med. 2011 Feb;18(2):190-199. DOI: 10.1111/j.1553-2712.2010.00985.x PMID: 21314779 PMCID: PMC3076332 Taylor P, Pew Research Center. The Next America: Boomers, Millenials, and the Looming Generational Showdown. New York: PublicAffairs, 2016. 384 pages. Harper D. Online Etymology Dictionary © 2001-2017 [Cited 2017 November 2.] Available from: https://www.etymonline.com/word/tradition Harper D. Online Etymology Dictionary © 2001-2017 [Cited 2017 November 2.] Available from: https://www.etymonline.com/word/disruption Sopher M. How Millenial Doctors Will Shape the Future of Health Care. Blog on the Internet, Baltimore: Rendia, 2016 October 26. [Cited 2017 November 2.] Available from: https://blog.rendia.com/millennials/ Cole N. The Real Reason Baby Boomers and Millenials Don’t See Eye to Eye (Written by a Millenial). Southeast Asia. 2017 Jan 20 [Cited 2017 November 2] Available from: https://www.inc.com/nicolas-cole/the-real-reason-baby-boomers-and-millennials-dont-see-eye-to-eye-written-by-a-mi.html Seabrook M. Intimidation in medical education: students' and teachers' perspectives. Studies Higher Educ. 2004;29(1):59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1234567032000164877 Feiertag J, Berge ZL. Training generation N: How educators should approach the Net Generation. Education and Training. 2008 September;50(6):457–64. DOI: 10.1108/00400910810901782 Mangold K. Educating a new generation: teaching baby boomer faculty about millennial students. Nurse Educ. 2007 Jan-Feb;32(1):21-23. PMID: 17220763

Este trabajo presenta la identificación, mediante la consulta de la bibliografía más actualizada, de aquellos conocimientos fundamentales que deben ser impartidos en los centros educativos y que deben priorizarse independientemente de los recursos tecnológicos disponibles. Para abordar el tema, primero seexpondrá de qué manera la pandemia del Covid-19, ha impactado de maneras disruptivas en la economía y la política y la sociedad, cambiando la forma y el contenido que debe impartirse en los sistemas educativos. Para ello se realizó una síntesis bibliográfica sobre los enfoques en la literatura más actualizada que haga referencia a la problemática planteada. Se evidencia que la mayoría de las investigaciones se inclinan a las formas de transmitir un contenido específico y no en qué y por qué es relevante educar y cómo lograrlo. Por último, se realizó un análisis sistémico sobre por qué son prioridades algunas habilidades que son susceptibles a ser enseñadas en contraposición con otras, ofreciendo conclusiones al respecto. Palabras Clave: Conocimientos fundamentales, metodologías de enseñanza, herramientas digitales, enseñanzaaprendizaje, COVID-19. Referencias [1]United Nations, «News UN,» UN, 26 March 2020. [En línea]. Available: https://news.un.org/es/story/2020/03/1471822. [Último acceso: 23 February 2021]. [2]United Nations, «UN News,» UN, 03 March 2021. [En línea]. Available: https://news.un.org/es/story/2021/03/1489032. [Último acceso: 27 March 2021]. [3]United Nations, «UN News,» UN, 27 August 2020. [En línea]. Available: https://news.un.org/es/story/2020/08/1479572. [Último acceso: 20 February 2021]. [4]D. Quammen, «Por qué no estábamos preparados para el coronavirus,» Revista de Economía Institucional, vol. 23, nº 44, pp. 53-70, 2021. [5]F. Reimers y A. Schleicher, «Un marco para guiar una respuesta educativa a la pandemia del COVID-19,» Enseña, Lima, 2020. [6]I. Sanz, J. Sáinz Gonzalez y A. Capilla, «Efectos de la crisis del coronavirus en la educación,» Organización de Estados Iberoamericanos para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (OEI), Madrid, 2020. [7]T. Espinosa Castro, «COVID-19 and risks for disadvantaged students: a media coverage analysis from a cultural psychology perspective,» Intercultural Education, vol. 31, nº 6, pp. 661-670, 2020. [8]L. A. Seusan y R. Maradiegue, «Educación en pausa: Una generación de niños y niñas en América Latina y el Caribe está perdiendo la escolarización debido al COVID-19,» Fondo de las Naciones Unidas para la Infancia (UNICEF), Panamá, 2020. [9]L. Failache, N. Katzkowicz y A. Machado, «Consecuencias del Cierre de Escuelas por el Covid-19 en las,» Revista Internacional de Educación para la Justicia Social, vol. 9, nº 3e, pp. 1-9, 2020. [10]G. Kumar, G. Singh, V. Bhatnagar, R. Gupta y S. Kumar Upadhyay, «Outcome of Online Teaching-Learning over Traditional Education during Covid-19 Pandemic,» International Journal Advanced Trends in Computer Science and Engineering, vol. 9, nº 5, pp. 7704-7711, 2020. [11]M. Yu, F. Tian, Q. Cui y H. Wu, «Prevalence and its associated factors of depressive symptoms among Chinesecollege students during the COVID-19 pandemic,» BMC Psychiatry, vol. 21, nº 66, pp. 2-8, 2020. [12]N. L. González-Jaimes, A. A. Tejeda-Alcántara, C. M. Espinosa-Méndez y Z. O. Ontiveros-Hernández, «Scielo Preprints,» 2020. [En línea]. Available: preprints.scielo.org. [Último acceso: 10 January 2021]. [13]L. Espino-Diaz, G. Fernández-Caminero, C. M. Hernandez-Lloret, H. Gonzalez-Gonzalez y J. L. Alvarez-Castillo, «Analyzing the Impact of COVID-19 on Education Professionals. Toward a Paradigm Shift: ICT and Neuroeducation as a Binomial,» Sustainability, vol. 12, nº 14, pp. 1-10, 5646. [14]G. R. 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To improve online learning pedagogy within the field of paralegal education, this study investigated how paralegal students and paralegal instructors perceived the effectiveness of synchronous and asynchronous online paralegal courses. This study intended to inform paralegal instructors and course developers how to better design, deliver, and evaluate effective online course instruction in the field of paralegal studies.Survey results were analyzed using independent samples t-test and correlational analysis, and indicated that overall, paralegal students and paralegal instructors positively perceived synchronous and asynchronous online paralegal courses. Paralegal instructors reported statistically significant higher perceptions than paralegal students: (1) of instructional design and course content in synchronous online paralegal courses; and (2) of technical assistance, communication, and course content in asynchronous online paralegal courses. Instructors also reported higher perceptions of the effectiveness of universal design, online instructional design, and course content in synchronous online paralegal courses than in asynchronous online paralegal courses. Paralegal students reported higher perceptions of asynchronous online paralegal course effectiveness regarding universal design than paralegal instructors. No statistically significant differences existed between paralegal students’ perceptions of the effectiveness of synchronous and asynchronous online paralegal courses. A strong, negative relationship existed between paralegal students’ age and their perceptions of effective synchronous paralegal courses, which were statistically and practically significant. Lastly, this study provided practical applicability and opportunities for future research. Akyol, Z., & Garrison, D. R. (2008). The development of a community of inquiry over time in an online course: Understanding the progression and integration of social, cognitive and teaching presence. Journal of Asynchronous Learning Networks, 12, 3-22. Retrieved from https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ837483.pdf Akyol, Z., Garrison, D. R., & Ozden, M. Y. (2009). Online and blended communities of inquiry: Exploring the developmental and perceptional differences. The International Review of Research in Open and Distributed Learning, 10(6), 65-83. Retrieved from http://www.irrodl.org/index.php/irrodl/article/view/765/1436 Allen, I. E., & Seaman, J. (2014). Grade change: Tracking online education in the United States. Babson Park, MA: Babson Survey Research Group and Quahog Research Group, LLC. Retrieved from https://www.utc.edu/learn/pdfs/online/sloanc-report-2014.pdf Alreck, P. L., & Settle, R. B. (2004). The Survey Research Handbook (3rd ed.) New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Irwin. 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Parents play an important role in the development of their children. This research reflects the role of parents in developing children. Through four stages of identification, screening, eligibility, and acceptable results, this method uses a systematic literature review using the PRISMA (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-analyses) method. The findings from the fourteen articles examined show that parenting skills play an important role in a child's growth and development from birth to death. The determining factor in the development of physical, motoric, moral, language, social-emotional, and life skills aspects is the role of both parents as important teachers for children from birth to adulthood. Parents can also use a variety of parenting strategies and skills, many of which they have learned throughout their lives and passed on to their children, to help their children grow. 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ABSTRAK Halal fashion saat ini menjadi salah satu sektor yang diminati konsumen di Indonesia. Mayoritas penduduk Indonesia yang merupakan muslim menjadikan pangsa pasar industri fashion Muslim sangat besar. Permintaan produk fashion muslim semakin tinggi karena kesadaran perempuan Muslim dalam menutup aurat juga sudah tinggi. Apalagi, konsumen saat ini suka melihat fashion influencer di sosial media seperti Instagram. Serta penggunakan content marketing yang menarik juga mempengaruhi konsumen untuk membeli sebuah produk. Penjualan produk fashion muslim semakin mudah diakses konsumen dengan andanya media digital untuk melihat dan bertransaksi. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk melihat pengaruh pendukung selebriti dan pemasaran konten. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kuantitatif. Dengan teknik data yaitu kuisioner yang disebarkan secara online kepada 100 responden perempuan muslim yang pernah mengakses platform online brand fashion muslim Vanilla Hijab. Teknik analisis yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu regresi linier berganda. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan celebrity endorser memiliki pengaruh positif signifikan terhadap niat beli, dan konten pemasaran juga memiliki pengaruh positif signifikan terhadap niat beli toko online fashion Vanilla Hijab. Kata-Kunci: Celebrity Endorser, Content Marketing, Purchase Intention, Fashion Muslim. ABSTRACT Halal fashion is currently one of the sectors that consumers in Indonesia are interested in. The majority of Indonesia's population who are Muslim makes the market share of the Muslim fashion industry very large. The demand for Muslim fashion products is getting higher because the awareness of Muslim women in covering their genitals is high. Moreover, consumers today like to see fashion influencers on social media like Instagram. And the use of attractive content marketing also influences consumers to buy a product. 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BackgroundThe experience of art offers an emerging field in healthcare staff development, much of which is appropriate to the practice of palliative care. The workings of aesthetic learning interventions such as interactive theatre in relation to palliative and end of-life care staff development programmes are widely uncharted.AimTo investigate the use of aesthetic learning interventions used in palliative and end-of-life care staff development programmes.DesignScoping review.Data sourcesPublished literature from 1997 to 2015, MEDLINE, CINAHL and Applied Social Sciences Index and Abstracts, key journals and citation tracking.ResultsThe review included 138 studies containing 60 types of art. Studies explored palliative care scenarios from a safe distance. Learning from art as experience involved the amalgamation of action, emotion and meaning. Art forms were used to transport healthcare professionals into an aesthetic learning experience that could be reflected in the lived experience of healthcare practice. The proposed learning included the development of practical and technical skills; empathy and compassion; awareness of self; awareness of others and the wider narrative of illness; and personal development.ConclusionAesthetic learning interventions might be helpful in the delivery of palliative care staff development programmes by offering another dimension to the learning experience. As researchers continue to find solutions to understanding the efficacy of such interventions, we argue that evaluating the contextual factors, including the interplay between the experience of the programme and its impact on the healthcare professional, will help identify how the programmes work and thus how they can contribute to improvements in palliative care.References. 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This study is aimed at evaluating the relationship among students’ skills and their employability based on surveying students using 5 point Likert scale. The survey includes 490 students whose major are foreign languages and the results show that there are differences in the level of awareness between first year students, third year students and last year students. Thanks to the data analysis, it is revealed that most students believe that the university reputation has an important role in their employability (Mean= 3.80), they can do any kinds of work provided that work matches their skills and experience (Mean=3.05); therefore, students need to have some other skills in order to become successful in finding their jobs. Among the skills mentioned in the survey, the skills for working in group, skills for adaptability, skills for listening to others, skills for risk acceptability, skills for public speaking and skills for critical thinking are more effectively contributing factors to employability in comparison with other skills. Keywords Students, employability, skills, attitude, influence References [1] Bộ Lao động Thương binh và Xã hội. (2018). Bản tin cập nhật thị trường lao động Việt Nam - quý II năm 2018. [2] Đào Đăng Phượng. (2017). Thị trường lao động và sự hình thành nguồn nhân lực ở Châu Âu và Việt Nam. Paper presented at the Hội Thảo Khoa Học Quốc tế "Tăng Cường Cơ Hội Tiếp Cận Thị Trường Lao Động Cho Thanh Niên và Sinh Viên Việt Nam Sau Khi Tốt Nghiệp. [3] Hà, T. T. (2017). Tiếp cận thị trường lao động cho sinh viên Việt Nam trong thời kỳ đổi mới giáo dục. 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Since the eruption of the global justice movement at 1999’s Battle of Seattle, much has been made about the impact of the Internet on progressive activism. Of particular interest have been the ways in which activists have used the Internet as a communication medium, as a forum for information dissemination and as a tool for organizing (Deibert, Kahn & Kellner; Meikle; Smith). Applications like Websites, email and Internet Relay Chat have largely facilitated the new movement as a global phenomenon (Bennett; van Aelst & Walgrave). Cyberactivism – political activism on the Internet – is a new mode of contentious action, and new practices such as virtual sit-ins, online petitions and email campaigns have enhanced the repertoire of contention (McCaughey & Ayers). But what effects have activists had on the Internet? How have they shaped the Internet to fit both their technical needs and movement goals? Geeks and Global Justice The global justice movement (GJM) has broadened to include a new brand of activism, one that moves beyond simply using technology toward particular ends to include the modification and transformation of technology itself. Tech activism combines the free software ethos derived from geek culture with concerns for social justice on a planetary scale. Tech activists are the computer programmers who write, develop and deploy software for the online projects of activist groups. They also develop and maintain activist Websites and provide technical support, largely on a volunteer basis. The novelty of tech activism moves beyond the political alliance of social justice activists and computer geeks, however. Rather, it lies in the way tech activists incorporate the democratic goals of the GJM into the very technology used to pursue those goals. That is to say, tech activists recode software intended for use by activists in a way that anticipates the progressive social change they pursue. In this way, tech activists produce both an alternative version of the technology that is accessible, participatory, and non-hierarchical, and an alternate vision of society based on those same ideals. Detailed histories of the Internet reveal it to be a social construction contingent upon social factors (Abbate; Ceruzzi). Conceptualizing it this way, we can better understand how the goals and values of the global justice movement are inflected in the Internet’s ongoing “invention” (Abbate). The tension between capitalist logic and democratic impulses that characterizes the Internet suggests that it is an unfinished and flexible technology (Feenberg & Bakardjieva). Thus it is not surprising that as corporate interests continue to settle the virtual frontier, the Internet emerges as the locus of a new struggle. Like the Internet itself, this struggle is multilayered. It is at once a contest between private and public interests manifested at the “content” layer of the Internet, composed of applications such as the World Wide Web, and also at the Internet’s underlying infrastructure, the “logical” layer comprising the data transport and transmission protocols (Lessig). Commercial interests are poised to dominate the Web, pushing democratic and public uses to the margins of cyberspace; further, corporate influence threatens to further close and commodify access to the Internet (Meikle). Politicizing Technology But if the Internet is a social construction that turns upon human agency in its ongoing development, opportunities for contestation and change exist. The chance to challenge power imbalances entrenched in contemporary industrial society, where technical action is an exercise of power, arises in the technical sphere. Technology, therefore, is recast as a political project. It is not a reified “thing” but rather and ambivalent process, one pregnant with both liberating and oppressive possibilities (Feenberg, “Critical Theory”). The current strain of tech activism embodied in the global justice movement exploits this ambivalence, returning to the radicalism of the Free Software Movement. The FSM in turn has roots in 1960s digital counterculture, with its foundational belief that information should be free (Stallman). While today the wider tech community has drifted from these radical origins, the enduring legacy of the FSM is twofold. It is at once the redefinition of technology as a political project subject to democratic intervention, and the promotion of an alternative social model based on decentralization, volunteerism, cooperation and self-empowerment. The disarticulation of software from the logic of capitalism thus appears as an example of democratic rationalization: the creation and use of technology that undermines the existing social hierarchy (Feenberg, “Questioning”). Tech activists in the global justice movement have reclaimed computer technology development as a political frontier for contentious action. It was at 1999’s Battle of Seattle that activists first realized the potential and power of the Internet for their burgeoning movement. Since then, tech activists have been central to the global justice movement, facilitating the novel combination of interactive digital technology and social justice activism. From hosting hacklabs and sending reclaimed computers to developing countries, to setting up transient media centres amidst political actions and natural disasters, tech activists have clearly embraced the politics of technology. One prominent example of tech activism in the GJM is the Independent Media Centre (IMC), a Web-based network of radical media making collectives that went live for the Seattle protest. Tech activists are responsible for the technical implementation and continued maintenance of IMC, which was founded to give voice to activists protesting the ill effects of global capitalism. Today it is widely recognized as the media arm of the GJM. Indymedia and Free Software The choice of free software for the global site, indymedia.org, was deliberate, and suggests a philosophical inheritance from the free software movement. It also shows with clarity the project’s political objectives. At present, all the software on the global network, which includes more than 130 “nodes”, is by charter free software. Throughout Indymedia’s six-year history, free software has enabled the IMC tech collective to develop applications “that encourage cooperation, solidarity, an equal field of participation” among volunteers (Henshaw-Plath. “Proposal”). Critically, free software met technical requirements while promoting social objectives: “It’s clear that the technology we use and process by which it’s constructed and articulated [are] deeply political. We are creating the technical systems that prefigure the change we want to see in society” (Henshaw-Plath, “IMC-Tech”). Clearly, tech activists understand coding as technical process with social implications. They make an explicit attempt to imbue software with ideals that mirror their social justice objectives, never losing sight of the social purpose of the software, nor of the user-technology relation. In the case of the continual hacking of Active, the original open publishing software, “the geeks of IMC-Tech were keenly aware that each technological design or set of features creates a particular publishing structure and, as a result, empowers users…in an equally particular way” (Hill 2). This is an example of user agency at the level of technical design; by including a wider array of values and needs in their software, tech activists are helping to democratize Internet technology. Tech activists thus display insight into the power asymmetries inherent in capitalist socio-technical systems, like the Internet, as well as the knowledge that such asymmetries are both socially constructed and reflective of inequality in the broader social context. Wild Wild Wikis: The Latest Frontier Activists in the global justice movement, supported by geeks who share their social conscience, created Indymedia to communicate their social objectives, including economic and environmental justice, participatory democracy and racial and gender equality. But internal communication among Indymedia activists was also important. Initially, the IMC Tech Collective communicated by email lists and Internet Relay Chat (IRC). They subsequently adopted wiki technology in an effort to create a sustainable system for documenting its project. As one member of the Docs Tech Working Group observed: “Getting a functioning and used wiki is really vital for the network…Email lists just aren’t cutting it for the level of organizing and information exchange and growth we need to help facilitate” (Windmueller). The purpose of the Global Indymedia Documentation Project is to gather collective knowledge about IMC’s history, its current projects and its short and long-term goals. Such documentation is vital to the success of Indymedia; not only does it provide a public record, it creates a fluidity that facilitates participation at varying levels. “The Indymedia Documentation Project looks like a normal Web site… except that it encourages contribution and editing of pages, questions, answers, comments and updates” (Indymedia). Wiki software has been popular in the business community as a “conversational knowledge management solution” that fosters an efficient and collaborative work process (Gonzalez-Reinhart, 5). A wiki is a series of linked, dynamic Web pages that can be created, edited and deleted by a logged-on user, with no coding skills necessary. All changes are documented, so the wiki’s history is preserved and accessible for viewing. Because of its accessible, collective and participatory design, Kahn and Kellner call the wiki “the next wave in the emerging democratic Internet” (196). By 2002, IMC techs adopted and hacked up TWiki, a free software wiki clone aimed at the corporate intranet world, assembling a number of separately running wikis in one Website, docs.indymedia.org. While mailing lists facilitate information exchange, and IRC enables real time discussion, neither application provides a collaborative space for Indymedia volunteers to work asynchronously on common projects. The wiki, however, facilitates information flow, which allows distributed teams to work together seamlessly and productively, and eliminates the one-Webmaster syndrome of outdated content. Further, the wiki has proven useful as a forum for discussing technical issues regarding the smooth running of the network, while its ability to store policy documents, research papers, proposals and meeting logs create an invaluable store of cumulative knowledge. A successful wiki has political implications beyond the virtual sphere, offering alternative ways of social organization offline. “The recognition of this might lead some people to take the organization of work in a wiki as a model that could succeed in the real world as well (Ebersbach & Glaser)” The “wiki way” (Cunningham) of self-organization and collaboration to produce high quality work without capitalist incentives reveals other ways to value technology, ways not currently embraced by the dominant social order as it is underwritten by corporate capitalism. As social software, wikis create prospects for democratic communication and collaboration online, making it an important new application for activist work. Conclusion The Internet remains an unfinished and contested technology. Because it is socially constructed, users can intervene in its development and shape its future direction(s). Tech activists in the global justice movement bridge the divide between geek and activist communities, developing and maintaining the digital infrastructure that supports progressive activism on a planetary scale. Through their free software work, tech activists develop Internet technology that reflects their technical needs and social objectives, deliberately opposing the commercial encroachment of cyberspace. In the case of Indymedia, tech activists redeployed wiki software to facilitate movement goals – by creating a public and democratic space for online collaboration, and by challenging inherent power inequities reflected in the broader society. 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(Mar. 2006) "Reconstructing the Internet: How Social Justice Activists Contest Technical Design in Cyberspace," M/C Journal, 9(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0603/10-milberry.php>.

Framing devices manifest themselves in the use of linguistic expressions, metaphors, patterns of argumentation, and keywords. Entry is connected to causal attributions cultural motifs Field of Application/Theoretical Foundation Framing devices can be used as a variable to analyse how texts contribute to frames through of their use of idioms, metaphors and key words. “Thus, the power of a frame can be as great as that of language itself.” (Entman, 1993, p. 55) References/Combination with other methods of data collection The manual content analysis combined both quantitative and qualitative categories of a press article. In addition to the formal categories that can be ascribed to a press release, the frame elements were also coded in the analysis. Hereby, the framing devices refer to the more qualitative analysis of an article. Example studies: Pentzold & Knorr (2024); Pentzold & Fischer (2017); Van Gorp & Vercruysse (2012) Information on Van Gorp & Vercruysse, 2012 Authors: Baldwin Van Gorp and Tom Vercruysse Research questions: What are the dominant frames used to represent dementia and what alternative frames could be proffered? Object of analysis: An inductive frame analysis to examine the various ways in which the media define dementia both in news aggregates and in audio-visual material from the internet. The aim is to find indications of how and what conceptions people gain of dementia through news, audiovisual material, novels, and public health brochures. Hereby, the analysis followed an initial three-step coding procedure: First, the authors conducted the material inductively by coding key terms, with regular feedback moments to discuss potential divergences. This first phase ended when no new frames were detected, followed by an axial coding procedure of the whole material during phase two. Here, every new passage from the material had to be connected to at least one frame package so to verify the pre-defined frames from phase one. Third and lastly, frame packages were created by linking both reasoning devices and framing devices with a cultural theme. Time frame of analysis and analyzed media type: The sample consisted of a representative selection of Belgian newspaper coverage from March 1, 2008 to July 1, 2010. In addition, books about dementia (n=20) were examined together with (audio-)visual material (n=14) based on the search results for “dementia” on www.imdb.com and www.youtube.com. Finally, public health brochures of dementia were part of the sample (n=15). Information about variable Variable/name definition: Frames/frame packages that define dementia Scale: Nominal Level of analysis: In the beginning by paragraph level, then the whole text as the frames began to emerge more clearly. Sample operationalization: A frame / frame package consists of seven elements. These are the following: (1) cultural theme; (2) definition of the problem; (3) cause (why is it a problem?); (4) consequences; (5) moral values involved; (6) possible solutions/actions; (7) metaphors, choice of vocabulary. Values: The qualitative analysis resulted in a total of twelve frame packages (six frames and six counter-frames). Each consists of a central cultural theme, a definition of dementia, the causes and possible consequences, the moral evaluation and possible future scenarios of dementia. (1A. Dualism of body and mind vs. 1B. Unity of body and mind; 2; The invader; 3. The strange travelling companion; 4A. Faith in science vs. 4B. Natural ageing; 5. The fear of death and degeneration; 6. Carpe diem; 7A. Reversed roles vs. 7B. Each in turn; 8A. No quid pro quo vs. 8B. The Good Mother) Reliability: First, both authors coded independently of each other and met to discuss differences. This resulted in tentative frames which were used for further qualitative research of the material. Then, the frames found were discussed with experts (in a workshop setting). Codebook: Description of the sample (newspapers and audiovisual material) can be found at the end of the article (appendix of Van Gorp & Vercruysse, 2012). Information on Pentzold & Knorr, 2024 Authors: Christian Pentzold and Charlotte Knorr Research questions: With which imaginaries do journalistic reports make sense of Big Data? (RQ1) How do these imaginaries evolve over time? (RQ2) To what extent are the imaginaries similar or different across countries? (RQ3) Object of analysis [and analyzed media type]: The project Framing Big Data (DFG 2021-2024) analyzed the media-communicatively articulated frames on “Big Data” in online newspapers and magazines from three countries: South Africa, Germany, and the United States. No visual material was collected or examined. In total, material from 26 newspapers and magazines was analyzed. The time frame ranged from 2011 to 2020 (N=1,456). Articles had to contain the keywords “big data” or “dataf*” (e.g., datafication, datafied) in the headline, sub-headline and/or first paragraph (sampling criteria). To analyze the frames manually, it was assumed that frames are organized according to three levels analysable in a press text. First, the reasoning devices, followed by – secondly – the framing devices (references, argumentation patterns, idioms, metaphors, topoi) and – thirdly – the cultural motifs. Coming from a socio-constructionist approach, a cultural motif is the anchor of an idea expressed in a text (Van Gorp, 2010, p. 7). It is connected to a social problem. To understand this connection, the problem definition, causal attribution, treatment recommendation, and moral evaluation associated with the coded cultural motif were analyzed (cf., Van Gorp, 2010, p. 91-92; Entman, 1991, p. 52). These four elements are the reasoning devices of a frame. They are accompanied by the so-called framing devices which are stylistic devices, catchphrases, metaphors, and references. To that end, for the manual frame analysis on Big Data in the press aggregates, we developed codes for framing devices (1), reasoning devices (2), and cultural motifs (3). All three elements form part of a frame package (Van Gorp, 2007, 2010). To build the frame packages, we followed procedures of both block modeling and cluster analysis. First, a block modeling was conducted – as introduced by White for structural analyses (White et al., 1976) – to prepare the data set for the cluster analysis. Then, the coded cultural motifs, the reasoning devices, and the framing devices that correlated strongly in the data set (a total of 9 variables and 34 codes) were chosen. With that, a hierarchical cluster analysis (Ward method) was conducted (Matthes & Kohring, 2008, p. 268). Binary variables were calculated for each of the codes of the nine variables. Time frame of analysis: 2011, Jan 1 – 2020, Dec 31 Analyzed media type: Online press aggregates from newspapers and magazines in three countries: South Africa, Germany, and the United States. In sum, the coded press aggregates were sampled from 26 periodicals. Codebook: Public_Codebook_FBD_fin.pdf Information about the variable Variable name/definition: Framing Devices Scale: Nominal Level of analysis: Whereas the formal categories in the manual content analysis were coded at the level of a single news item, the individual frame elements were coded at the level of propositional units. A propositional unit (= analysis unit) can be connected to several codes that are assigned to either a framing device, a reasoning device or a cultural motif. Not all but some frame elements had to be present in the news item, and at least one reasoning device. Furthermore, at least one reasoning device should be tied to a framing device and/or cultural motif to prove that the propositional unit contains semantic relationships and not just elements of “raw text” (van Atteveldt, 2008, p. 5). Sample operationalization: Framing devices encompass stylistic devices, catchphrases, metaphors, and references. What stylistic devices (idioms or topoi) are used to describe big data metaphorically? Framing devices can be coded several times per propositional unit. A maximum of four framing devices can be coded. Values: see Table 1. Reliability: α = .93 [Krippendorff’s alpha, intercoder reliability. A total of seven reliability tests were conducted, five of them during the coding phase and two as part of two pretests. Five coders were involved in four tests, four coders were involved in three tests. All tests were conducted in the period July 2022 to December 2022]. Table 1 Values used for the variable framing devices described in the context of Big Data (Pentzold & Knorr, 2024) Code Framing Device Description 1 Revolution/New age new era, transformation, new mindset, game changing, data-driven culture, tech evangelism, data-ism; data as new science 2 Effectiveness/efficiency in terms of how the data are (data quality; data as facts): accurate, exact, enlightening; intelligent machines as more-than-humans: their speed, capacity, permanence 3 new oil / gold mine / raw materials or natural goods wash data like gold; data as new oil, data refining, the new oil of the internet, harvesting data, gold of the 21st century, spinning data gold 4 military armament with data for mass surveillance Data as a weapon, killing for data, know-it all; Palantir struggle/war/surveillance: control, dominance, form of tyranny, manipulation, in the centre of electoral campaigns, data/psychological warfare, data targeting arsenal 5 Data as force for good Data as danger and chance, “connectivity”, no data like more data, the more-the better; profits, benefits everyone, new hope, driven by change 6 Data as natural resource collecting as in agriculture or with metals (mining, harvesting), raw-processing, profit maximization, data are valuable, “Informationskapitalismus” pure data, Rohstoff 7 Overwhelming abundance of data (e.g. mountain or water metaphors); all-availability, uncontrollability; data deluge, big-data wave, flood of data, wave of technology, ocean of data/algorithms 8 data-based representations data shadows, data profiles, data footprint, digital shadow/ twin simulation, distorted reflection of own identity 9 Data smog data pollution, data exhaust 10 “Hot shit” Big Data as trend/hype -98- / -99 Something else/ nothing detected Note: A maximum of four framing devices can be coded. 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“I’m fat–and it’s okay! It doesn’t mean I’m stupid, or ugly, or lazy, or selfish. I’m fat!” so proclaims Joy Nash in her YouTube video, A Fat Rant. “Fat! It’s three little letters–what are you afraid of?!” This is the question I pose to my class on day one of Fat Studies. Sadly, many college students do fear fat, and negative attitudes toward fat people are quite prevalent in this population (Ambwani et al. 366). As I teach it, Fat Studies is cross-listed between Psychology and Gender Studies. However, most students who enrol have majors in Psychology or other behavioural health science fields in which weight bias is particularly pronounced (Watkins and Concepcion 159). Upon finding stronger bias among third- versus first-year Physical Education students, O’Brien, Hunter, and Banks (308) speculated that the weight-centric curriculum that typifies this field actively engenders anti-fat attitudes. Based on their exploration of textbook content, McHugh and Kasardo (621) contend that Psychology too is complicit in propagating weight bias by espousing weight-centric messages throughout the curriculum. Such messages include the concepts that higher body weight invariably leads to poor health, weight control is simply a matter of individual choice, and dieting is an effective means of losing weight and improving health (Tylka et al.). These weight-centric tenets are, however, highly contested. For instance, there exists a body of research so vast that it has its own name, the “obesity paradox” literature. This literature (McAuley and Blair 773) entails studies that show that “obese” persons with chronic disease have relatively better survival rates and that a substantial portion of “overweight” and “obese” individuals have levels of metabolic health similar to or better than “normal” weight individuals (e.g., Flegal et al. 71). Finally, the “obesity paradox” literature includes studies showing that cardiovascular fitness is a far better predictor of mortality than weight. In other words, individuals may be both fit and fat, or conversely, unfit and thin (Barry et al. 382). In addition, Tylka et al. review literature attesting to the complex causes of weight status that extend beyond individual behaviour, ranging from genetic predispositions to sociocultural factors beyond personal control. Lastly, reviews of research on dieting interventions show that these are overwhelmingly ineffective in producing lasting weight loss or actual improvements in health and may in fact lead to disordered eating and other unanticipated adverse consequences (e.g., Bacon and Aphramor; Mann et al. 220; Salas e79; Tylka et al.).The newfound, interdisciplinary field of scholarship known as Fat Studies aims to debunk weight-centric misconceptions by elucidating findings that counter these mainstream suppositions. Health At Every Size® (HAES), a weight-neutral approach to holistic well-being, is an important facet of Fat Studies. The HAES paradigm advocates intuitive eating and pleasurable physical activity for health rather than restrictive dieting and regimented exercise for weight loss. HAES further encourages body acceptance of self and others regardless of size. Empirical evidence shows that HAES-based interventions improve physical and psychological health without harmful side-effects or high dropout rates associated with weight loss interventions (Bacon and Aphramor; Clifford et al. “Impact of Non-Diet Approaches” 143). HAES, like the broader field of Fat Studies, seeks to eradicate weight-based discrimination, positioning weight bias as a social justice issue that intersects with oppression based on other areas of difference such as gender, race, and social class. Much like Queer Studies, Fat Studies seeks to reclaim the word, fat, thus stripping it of its pejorative connotations. As Nash asserts in her video, “Fat is a descriptive physical characteristic. It’s not an insult, or an obscenity, or a death sentence!” As an academic discipline, Fat Studies is expanding its visibility and reach. The Fat Studies Reader, the primary source of reading for my course, provides a comprehensive overview of the field (Rothblum and Solovay 1). This interdisciplinary anthology addresses fat history and activism, fat as social inequality, fat in healthcare, and fat in popular culture. Ward (937) reviews this and other recently-released fat-friendly texts. The field features its own journal, Fat Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Body Weight and Society, which publishes original research, overview articles, and reviews of assorted media. Both the Popular Culture Association and National Women’s Studies Association have special interest groups devoted to Fat Studies, and the American Psychological Association’s Division on the Psychology of Women has recently formed a task force on sizism (Bergen and Carrizales 22). Furthermore, Fat Studies conferences have been held in Australia and New Zealand, and the third annual Weight Stigma Conference will occur in Iceland, September 2015. Although the latter conference is not necessarily limited to those who align themselves with Fat Studies, keynote speakers include Ragen Chastain, a well-known member of the fat acceptance movement largely via her blog, Dances with Fat. The theme of this year’s conference, “Institutionalised Weightism: How to Challenge Oppressive Systems,” is consistent with Fat Studies precepts:This year’s theme focuses on the larger social hierarchies that favour thinness and reject fatness within western culture and how these systems have dictated the framing of fatness within the media, medicine, academia and our own identities. What can be done to oppose systemised oppression? What can be learned from the fight for social justice and equality within other arenas? Can research and activism be united to challenge prevailing ideas about fat bodies?Concomitantly, Fat Studies courses have begun to appear on college campuses. Watkins, Farrell, and Doyle-Hugmeyer (180) identified and described four Fat Studies and two HAES courses that were being taught in the U.S. and abroad as of 2012. Since then, a Fat Studies course has been taught online at West Virginia University and another will soon be offered at Washington State University. Additionally, a new HAES class has been taught at Saint Mary’s College of California during the last two academic years. Cameron (“Toward a Fat Pedagogy” 28) describes ways in which nearly 30 instructors from five different countries have incorporated fat studies pedagogy into university courses across an array of academic areas. This growing trend is manifested in The Fat Pedagogy Reader (Russell and Cameron) due out later this year. In this article, I describe content and pedagogical strategies that I use in my Fat Studies course. I then share students’ qualitative reactions, drawing upon excerpts from written assignments. During the term reported here, the class was comprised of 17 undergraduate and 5 graduate students. Undergraduate majors included 47% in Psychology, 24% in Women Studies, 24% in various other College of Liberal Arts fields, and 6% in the College of Public Health. Graduate majors included 40% in the College of Public Health and 60% in the College of Education. Following submission of final grades, students provided consent via email allowing written responses on assignments to be anonymously incorporated into research reports. Assignments drawn upon for this report include weekly reading reactions to specific journal articles in which students were to summarise the main points, identify and discuss a specific quote or passage that stood out to them, and consider and discuss applicability of the information in the article. This report also utilises responses to a final assignment in which students were to articulate take-home lessons from the course.Despite the catalogue description, many students enter Fat Studies with a misunderstanding of what the course entails. Some admitted that they thought the course was about reducing obesity and the presumed health risks associated with this alleged pathological condition (Watkins). Others understood, but were somewhat dubious, at least at the outset, “Before I began this class, I admit that I was skeptical of what Fat Studies meant.” Another student experienced “a severe cognitive dissonance” between the Fat Studies curriculum and that of a previous behavioural health class:My professor spent the entire quarter spouting off statistics, such as the next generation of children will be the first generation to have a lower life expectancy than their parents and the ever increasing obesity rates that are putting such a tax on our health care system, and I took her words to heart. I was scared for myself and for the populations I would soon be working with. I was worried that I was destined to a chronic disease and bothered that my BMI was two points above ‘normal.’ I believed everything my professor alluded to on the danger of obesity because it was things I had heard in the media and was led to believe all my life.Yet another related, “At first, I will be honest, it was hard for me to accept a lot of this information, but throughout the term every class changed my mind about my view of fat people.” A few students have voiced even greater initial resistance. During a past term, one student lamented that the material represented an attack on her intended behavioural health profession. Cameron (“Learning to Teach Everybody”) describes comparable reactions among students in her Critical Obesity course taught within a behavioural health science unit. Ward (937) attests that, even in Gender Studies, fat is the topic that creates the most controversy. Similarly, she describes students’ immense discomfort when asked to entertain perspectives that challenge deeply engrained ideas inculcated by our culture’s “obesity epidemic.” Discomfort, however, is not necessarily antithetical to learning. In prompting students to unlearn “the biomedically-informed truth of obesity, namely that fat people are unfit, unhealthy, and in need of ‘saving’ through expert interventions,” Moola at al. recommend equipping them with an “ethics of discomfort” (217). No easy task, “It requires courage to ask our students to forgo the security of prescriptive health messaging in favour of confusion and uncertainty” (221). I encourage students to entertain conflicting perspectives by assigning empirically-based articles emanating from peer-reviewed journals in their own disciplines that challenge mainstream discourses on obesity (e.g., Aphramor; Bombak e60; Tomiyama, Ahlstrom, and Mann 861). Students whose training is steeped in the scientific method seem to appreciate having quantitative data at their disposal to convince themselves–and their peers and professors–that widely held weight-centric beliefs and practices may not be valid. One student remarked, “Since I have taken this course, I feel like I am prepared to discuss the fallacy of the weight-health relationship,” citing specific articles that would aid in the effort. Likewise, Cameron’s (“Learning to Teach Everybody”) students reported a need to read research reports in order to begin questioning long-held beliefs.In addition, I assign readings that provide students with the opportunity to hear the voices of fat people themselves, a cornerstone of Fat Studies. Besides chapters in The Fat Studies Reader authored by scholars and activists who identify as fat, I assign qualitative articles (e.g., Lewis et al.) and narrative reports (e.g., Pause 42) in which fat people describe their experiences with weight and weight bias. Additionally, I provide positive images of fat people via films and websites (Clifford et al. HAES®; Watkins; Watkins and Doyle-Hugmeyer 177) in order to counteract the preponderance of negative, dehumanising portrayals in popular media (e.g., Ata and Thompson 41). In response, a student stated:One of the biggest things I took away from this term was the confidence I found in fat women through films and stories. They had more confidence than I have seen in any tiny girl and owned the body they were given.I introduce “normal” weight allies as well, most especially Linda Bacon whose treatise on thin privilege tends to set the stage for viewing weight bias as a form of oppression (Bacon). One student observed, “It was a relief to be able to read and talk about weight oppression in a classroom setting for once.” Another appreciated that “The class did a great job at analysing fat as oppression and not like a secondhand oppression as I have seen in my past classes.” Typically, fat students were already aware of weight-based privilege and oppression, often painfully so. Thinner students, however, were often astonished by this concept, several describing Bacon’s article as “eye-opening.” In reaction, many vowed to act as allies:This class has really opened my eyes and prepared me to be an ally to fat people. It will be difficult for some time while I try to get others to understand my point of view on fat people but I believe once there are enough allies, people’s minds will really start changing and it will benefit everyone for the better.Pedagogically, I choose to share my own experiences as they relate to course content and encourage students, at least in their written assignments, to do the same. Other instructors refrain from this practice for fear of reinforcing traditional discourses or eliciting detrimental reactions from students (Watkins, Farrell, and Doyle-Hugmeyer 191). Nevertheless, this tack seems to work well in my course, with many students opting to disclose their relevant circumstances during classroom discussions: Throughout the term I very much valued and appreciated when classmates would share their experiences. I love listening and hearing to others experiences and I think that is a great way to understand the material and learn from one another.It really helped to read different articles and hear classmates discuss and share stories that I was able to relate to. The idea of hearing people talk about issues that I thought I was the only one who dealt with was so refreshing and enlightening.The structure of this class allowed me to learn how this information is applicable to my life and made it deeper than just memorising information.Thus far, across three terms, no student has described iatrogenic effects from this process. In fact, most attribute positive transformations to the class. These include enhanced body acceptance of self and others: This class decreased my fat phobia towards others and gave me a better understanding about the intersectionality of one’s weight. For example, I now feel that I no longer view my family in a fat phobic way and I also feel responsible for educating my brother and helping him develop a strong self-esteem regardless of his size.I never thought this class would change my life, almost save my life. Through studies shown in class and real life people following their dreams, it made my mind completely change about how I view my body and myself.I can only hope that in the future, I will be more forgiving, tolerant, and above all accepting of myself, much less others. Regardless of a person’s shape and size, we are all beautiful, and while I’m just beginning to understand this, it can only get better from here.Students also reported becoming more savvy consumers of weight-centric media messages as well as realigning their eating and exercise behaviour in accordance with HAES: I find myself disgusted at the television now, especially with the amount of diet ads, fitness club ads, and exercise equipment ads all aimed at making a ‘better you.’ I now know that I would never be better off with a SlimFast shake, P90X, or a Total Gym. I would be better off eating when I’m hungry, working out because it is fun, and still eating Thin Mints when I want to. Prior to this class, I would work out rigorously, running seven miles a day. Now I realise why at times I dreaded to work out, it was simply a mathematical system to burn the energy that I had acquired earlier in the day. Instead what I realise I should do is something I enjoy, that way I will never get tired of whatever I am doing. While I do enjoy running, other activities would bring more joy while engaging in a healthy lifestyle like hiking or mountain biking.I will never go on another diet. I will stop choosing exercises I don’t love to do. I will not weigh myself every single day hoping for the number on the scale to change.A reduction in self-weighing was perhaps the most frequent behaviour change that students expressed. This is particularly valuable in that frequent self-weighing is associated with disordered eating and unhealthy weight control behaviours (Neumark-Sztainer et al. 811):I have realised that the number on the scale is simply a number on the scale. That number does not define who you are. I have stopped weighing myself every morning. I put the scale in the storage closet so I don’t have to look at it. I even encouraged my roommate to stop weighing herself too. What has been most beneficial for me to take away from this class is the notion that the number on the scale has so much less to do with fitness levels than most people understand. Coming from a numbers obsessed person like myself, this class has actually gotten me to leave the scales behind. I used to weigh myself every single day and my self-confidence reflected whether I was up or down in weight from the day before. It seems so silly to me now. From this class, I take away a new outlook on body diversity. I will evaluate who I am for what I do and not represent myself with a number. I’m going to have my cake this time, and actually eat it too!Finally, students described ways in which they might carry the concepts from Fat Studies into their future professions: I want to go to law school. This model is something I will work toward in the fight for social justice.As a teacher and teacher of teachers, I plan to incorporate discussions on size diversity and how this should be addressed within the field of adapted physical education.I do not know how I would have gone forward if I had never taken this class. I probably would have continued to use weight loss as an effective measure of success for both nutrition and physical activity interventions. I will never be able to think about the obesity prevention movement in the same way.Since I am working toward being a clinical psychologist, I don’t want to have a client who is pursuing weight loss and then blindly believe that they need to lose weight. I’d rather be of the mindset that every person is unique, and that there are other markers of health at every size.Jones and Hughes-Decatur (59) call for increased scholarship illustrating and evaluating critical body pedagogies so that teachers might provide students with tools to critique dominant discourses, helping them forge healthy relationships with their own bodies in the process. As such, this paper describes elements of a Fat Studies class that other instructors may choose to adopt. It additionally presents qualitative data suggesting that students came to think about fat and fat people in new and divergent ways. Qualitative responses also suggest that students developed better body image and more adaptive eating and exercise behaviours throughout the term. Although no students have yet described lasting adverse effects from the class, one stated that she would have preferred less of a focus on health and more of a focus on issues such as fat fashion. Indeed, some Fat Studies scholars (e.g., Lee) advocate separating discussions of weight bias from discussions of health status to avoid stigmatising fat people who do experience health problems. While concerns about fostering healthism within the fat acceptance movement are valid, as a behavioural health professional with an audience of students training in these fields, I have chosen to devote three weeks of our ten week term to this subject matter. Depending on their academic background, others who teach Fat Studies may choose to emphasise different aspects such as media representations or historical connotations of fat.Nevertheless, the preponderance of positive comments evidenced throughout students’ assignments may certainly be a function of social desirability. Although I explicitly invite critique, and in fact assign readings (e.g., Welsh 33) and present media that question HAES and Fat Studies concepts, students may still feel obliged to articulate acceptance of and transformations consistent with the principles of these movements. As a more objective assessment of student outcomes, I am currently conducting a quantitative evaluation, in which I remain blind to students’ identities, of this year’s Fat Studies course compared to other upper division/graduate Psychology courses, examining potential changes in weight bias, body image and dieting behaviour, adherence to appearance-related media messages, and obligatory exercise behaviour. I postulate results akin to those of Humphrey, Clifford, and Neyman Morris (143) who found reductions in weight bias, improved body image, and improved eating behaviour among college students as a function of their HAES course. 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Causal attributions are an element of a frame (Entman, 1991). Furthermore, a causal attribution organizes the anatomy of a problem within a text. Hereby, causal attributions provide explanations of problems in terms of their expectations, the underlying reasons or the causes that led to one or more problems depicted in the text. Entry connected to framing devices cultural motifs Field of Application/Theoretical Foundation The causal attributions variable is used in both deductive and inductive framework analyses (e.g., Boesman & Van Gorp, 2018; Cools et al., 2024; Van Gorp, 2007, 2010). Frame analyses with a socio-constructionist approach (Van Gorp, 2007) discuss a strong correlation of causal attributions with cultural motifs (Gamson & Modigliani, 1989). However and in the context of journalistic articles in particular, the main aim tends to depict the facts and problems of an event that is being discussed and to be able to understand and solve it. To that, causal attributions are – presumably – more closely linked to the problem definition than to the cultural motifs. In other words, not every problem may be underpinned by a cultural dimension in a press release, but it is far more likely to be underpinned by a causal attribution. References/Combination with other methods of data collection Causal attributions refer to a causal interpretation of an event or an actors’ statement, while also highlighting certain aspects of cultural motifs. This may be a result of “discursive negotiation”. Example studies: Pentzold & Knorr (2024); Pentzold & Fischer (2017); Van Gorp & Vercruysse (2012) Information on Van Gorp & Vercruysse, 2012 Authors: Baldwin Van Gorp and Tom Vercruysse Research questions: What are the dominant frames used to represent dementia and what alternative frames could be proffered? Object of analysis: An inductive frame analysis to examine the various ways in which the media define dementia both in news aggregates and in audio-visual material from the internet. The aim is to find indications of how and what conceptions people gain of dementia through news, audiovisual material, novels, and public health brochures. Hereby, the analysis followed an initial three-step coding procedure: First, the authors conducted the material inductively by coding key terms, with regular feedback moments to discuss potential divergences. This first phase ended when no new frames were detected, followed by an axial coding procedure of the whole material during phase two. Here, every new passage from the material had to be connected to at least one frame package so to verify the pre-defined frames from phase one. Third and lastly, frame packages were created by linking both reasoning devices and framing devices with a cultural theme. Time frame of analysis and analyzed media type: The sample consisted of a representative selection of Belgian newspaper coverage from March 1, 2008 to July 1, 2010. In addition, books about dementia (n=20) were examined together with (audio-)visual material (n=14) based on the search results for “dementia” on www.imdb.com and www.youtube.com. Finally, public health brochures of dementia were part of the sample (n=15). Information about variable Variable/name definition: Frames/frame packages that define dementia Scale: Nominal Level of analysis: In the beginning by paragraph level, then the whole text as the frames began to emerge more clearly. Sample operationalization: A frame / frame package consists of seven elements. These are the following: (1) cultural theme; (2) definition of the problem; (3) cause (why is it a problem?); (4) consequences; (5) moral values involved; (6) possible solutions/actions; (7) metaphors, choice of vocabulary. Values: The qualitative analysis resulted in a total of twelve frame packages (six frames and six counter-frames). Each consists of a central cultural theme, a definition of dementia, the causes and possible consequences, the moral evaluation and possible future scenarios of dementia. (1A. Dualism of body and mind vs. 1B. Unity of body and mind; 2; The invader; 3. The strange travelling companion; 4A. Faith in science vs. 4B. Natural ageing; 5. The fear of death and degeneration; 6. Carpe diem; 7A. Reversed roles vs. 7B. Each in turn; 8A. No quid pro quo vs. 8B. The Good Mother) Reliability: First, both authors coded independently of each other and met to discuss differences. This resulted in tentative frames which were used for further qualitative research of the material. Then, the frames found were discussed with experts (in a workshop setting). Codebook: Description of the sample (newspapers and audiovisual material) can be found at the end of the article (appendix of Van Gorp & Vercruysse, 2012). Information on Pentzold & Knorr, 2024 Authors: Christian Pentzold and Charlotte Knorr Research questions: With which imaginaries do journalistic reports make sense of Big Data? (RQ1) How do these imaginaries evolve over time? (RQ2) To what extent are the imaginaries similar or different across countries? (RQ3) Object of analysis [and analyzed media type]: The project Framing Big Data (DFG 2021-2024) analyzed the media-communicatively articulated frames on “Big Data” in online newspapers and magazines from three countries: South Africa, Germany, and the United States. No visual material was collected or examined. In total, material from 26 newspapers and magazines was analyzed. The time frame ranged from 2011 to 2020 (N=1,456). Articles had to contain the keywords “big data” or “dataf*” (e.g., datafication, datafied) in the headline, sub-headline and/or first paragraph (sampling criteria). To analyze the frames manually, it was assumed that frames are organized according to three levels analysable in a press text. First, the reasoning devices, followed by – secondly – the framing devices (references, argumentation patterns, idioms, metaphors, topoi) and – thirdly – the cultural motifs. Coming from a socio-constructionist approach, a cultural motif is the anchor of an idea expressed in a text (Van Gorp, 2010, p. 7). It is connected to a social problem. To understand this connection, the problem definition, causal attribution, treatment recommendation, and moral evaluation associated with the coded cultural motif were analyzed (cf., Van Gorp, 2010, p. 91-92; Entman, 1991, p. 52). These four elements are the reasoning devices of a frame. They are accompanied by the so-called framing devices which are stylistic devices, catchphrases, metaphors, and references. To that end, for the manual frame analysis on Big Data in the press aggregates, we developed codes for framing devices (1), reasoning devices (2), and cultural motifs (3). All three elements form part of a frame package (Van Gorp, 2007, 2010). To build the frame packages, we followed procedures of both block modeling and cluster analysis. First, a block modeling was conducted – as introduced by White for structural analyses (White et al., 1976) – to prepare the data set for the cluster analysis. Then, the coded cultural motifs, the reasoning devices, and the framing devices that correlated strongly in the data set (a total of 9 variables and 34 codes) were chosen. With that, a hierarchical cluster analysis (Ward method) was conducted (Matthes & Kohring, 2008, p. 268). Binary variables were calculated for each of the codes of the nine variables. Time frame of analysis: 2011, Jan 1 – 2020, Dec 31 Codebook: Public_Codebook_FBD_fin.pdf Information about the variable Variable name/definition: Causal Attributions Scale: Nominal Level of analysis: Whereas the formal categories in the manual content analysis were coded at the level of a single news item, the individual frame elements were coded at the level of propositional units. A propositional unit (= analysis unit) can be connected to several codes that are assigned to either a framing device, a reasoning device or a cultural motif. Not all but some frame elements had to be present in the news item, and at least one reasoning device. Furthermore, at least one reasoning device should be tied to a framing device and/or cultural motif to prove that the propositional unit contains semantic relationships and not just elements of “raw text” (van Atteveldt, 2008, p. 5). Sample operationalization Causal attributions are part of reasoning devices that include a problem definition, a causal attribution, a treatment recommendation, and a moral evaluation. To identify a causal attribution, we asked: What causes, reasons or expectations are associated with big data while others are ignored? How does an articulated cause, reason or expectation shape a concrete problem of big data while hiding others? Either as expectations (following the conviction/hope etc. to …) OR reasons (in order to…) OR as causes (because of …) for big data. (multiple causal attributions can be coded per article; but only one per propositional unit) Values: see Table 1. Reliability: α = .669 [Krippendorff’s alpha, intercoder reliability. A total of seven reliability tests were conducted, five of them during the coding phase and two as part of two pretests. Five coders were involved in four tests, four coders were involved in three tests. All tests were conducted in the period July 2022 to December 2022]. Table 1 Values used for the variable causal attributions described for Big Data (Pentzold & Knorr, 2024). Code Label Description 1 advances in health and medicine, self-optimization (mostly expectations associated with Big Data); Big Data is used to predict future health and to cure / heal diseases; also research purposes for scientific purposes (to find something out) 2 military/governmental exploitation new technologies (AI, drones and robots) collect data and/or can be used for surveillance and defense, for military intelligence, police investigations, data for security: push-pull between privacy and security in the digital age 3 data as resource to make profit / sell data, also meta data; Advances in workflows: detailed information about consumers/workers/employees: data profiles (consumers, economic dimension), profiling social behavior and mobility patterns, consumer behavior, social media marketing, analyzing meta data to predict the future of what people will buy (not) buy, predicting consumer trends, changes on the labor market, economic developments, the machines that store data and the technologies that collect it are becoming increasingly efficient. this can save costs. 4 detailed information about voters; behavioural microtargeting (political dimension) voter mobilization; predicting voting behavior 5 networked architectures (macro) databases are globally connected, the technical infrastructures are already established, lower costs for data collection and storage, people are proceeded into data; free Services from companies for the price of some data, monitoring as default citizens get used to 6 risks of datafication are abstract, not considered (macro) lack of citizen interest and privacy interests in Big Data, “trends and changes are neglected” 7 deficient laws politically not regulated, in-transparency of contracts, police investigations are not regulated, grappling with balance of power: who will make decisions for us in the future? Ubiquitous mass surveillance; lack of expertise in handling Big Data (lack of organization of accumulated Big Data), persistence of data as data shadows (in the most negative sense: identities can be stolen) 8 Terror attacks in the past Big data analyses to prevent terrorist attacks like 9/11 9 something else/ nothing detected Note: No multiple coding. References Boesman, J., & Van Gorp, B. (2018). Driving The Frame: How News Values, News Pegs, and Story Angles Guide Journalistic Frame Building. In P. D’Angelo (Ed.), Communication Series. Doing news framing analysis II: Empirical and theoretical perspectives (Second edition, pp. 112–134). New York: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. Cools, H., Van Gorp, B., & Opgenhaffen, M. (2024). Where exactly between utopia and dystopia? A framing analysis of AI and automation in US newspapers. Journalism, 25(1), 3–21. https://doi.org/10.1177/14648849221122647 Entman, R. M. (1991). 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To Rodica, who died first / To Mircea, who continues me [I]In his book Picturing Health and Illness: Images of Identity and Difference, Sander L. Gilman argues that during the nineteenth century the healthy norm perceived as ugly not only those who were deformed, but also those who were ill, ageing, and/or experienced different bodily “loss of function” (53). In the nineteenth century, how much was medicine responsible for defining ugly as ill, deformed, and getting old, versus beautiful as healthy, and then, for the sake of the community’s health, firmly promoting these ideas? Furthermore, with the rise of photographic art, medicine was able to manipulate and control these ideas even more efficiently. According to Deborah Lupton, “The new technology of photography that developed from the mid-nineteenth century became a valuable strategy in the documentation of patterns of disease and illness, and the construction of the sites of dirtiness and contagion” (30). This essay focuses on the skin’s narrative as it presents its story when photographed. William Yang takes photos of his good friend, Allan, who is dying of AIDS. Of interests here is to discuss/approach the photographic art not from its scopophilic angle, that is, not from its perverse and pleasurable voyeuristic angle, but to analyze it side-by-side with Drew Leder’s notion of the “the remaining body.” He believes that in states of severe pain, one’s body “dys-appears,” “from the Greek prefix signifying ‘bad,’ ‘hard,’ or ‘ill,’” and he gives as example the English word “dysfunctional” (84). Yang’s photos offer variations of the “body that remains,” and, as we shall see, of the body that gradually did not remain. Through his work, Yang approaches visually the theme of the ars moriendi of the entropic body in pain as reminder of its mortal, gradually disabling fabric. [II] In the section of his work dedicated to AIDS, Gilman discusses only a collection of posters that have circulated in mass-media, which he researched at the National Library of Medicine at Bethesda, Maryland. Gilman thinks these posters function as the “still images of illness” (174). In other words, he believes these posters may have had an impact on the lay community, although not the intensified, urgent one, as he would have hoped. Because Gilman did not include a single photo of a patient dying of AIDS — although he understood this lack — I juxtapose one of the posters from his book with Yang’s photos taken of his dying friend, Allan, from his project entitled Sadness: A Monologue with Slides. Here I discuss the impact of Allan’s increasingly emaciated body versus the static, almost ineffective quality of the poster in order to consider the idea according to which “AIDS victims are living sculptures. … Both subject and object of art … they combine with their disease to overcome the narcissism of human consciousness. … It is an art of continuous transformation of subject into object and object into subject” (Siebers 220-21). Yang is an Australian artist with Chinese parentage. The images presented in this section originally appeared in print in Thomas W. Sokolowski’s and Rosalind Solomon’s collection of essays entitled Portraits in the Time of AIDS. According to the editors, Yang presented them as “monologues with slide projection in the theatre” (34) because the main actor of this one-man show is dying of AIDS. Yang’s work consists of seventeen slides with short texts written underneath them. In an attempt to respect the body that is dying, the texts are not recited, but the readers/spectators read them subvocally. The brilliance of this piece resides in its hushed tone, which parallels the act of dying when the patient’s body and mind become more and more tacit and lifeless. From one photo to another, and from one text to another, we discover Allan, although we never quite get to know him. The minitexts relate Allan’s story: how he was hospitalized at St. Vincent’s, known as “the AIDS ward” (35); how he decided to return home, into a studio shared with a dealer; how AIDS first attacked his lungs, and so he had to keep next to him “a large cylinder of oxygen as he was often out of breath” (37); how AIDS then affected his sight, and he developed a condition known as “CytoMegalo Virus — C.M.V. Retinctus” that gradually “destroyed the retina” of his eyes (39); how he decided “to go off medication” (46); and, how, finally “he went into a coma. I saw a nurse give him a glass of water but the water just ran out of his mouth” (50). To look at these photos time and time again is to be reminded of Albert Einstein’s vision of the passenger trapped in the train running with the speed of light. That passenger could not sense all that was happening in the train, and especially outside of it, because time moves in its cosmic, non-human, slippery dimension, and thus sensation could not profusely permeate his body. Juxtaposing Einstein’s vision with Allan’s decaying body, I read the latter’s body as if it were coiled up inside his mind just like a snail covers a part of its body under its hard shell. The photos are presented rapidly with no entr-acte in between; in a matter of minutes, time and space seem to collapse. There is no time for a prolonged reminiscence of Allan’s spent life. Allan is dying now, and he does not have time to remember his life. He barely has time to feel his body, a touch, or a kiss on his face, which seems to Yang “to have caved in” (47). Through this work, not only does Yang capture the disturbing moments of a friend dying, but he also touches on the “epidermis” of despair. This “epidermis” is both endotopic and exotopic, meaning that it starts within the patient and then it radiates/extends to his relatives and friends. Yang’s images of Allan dying give the impression that his body levitates, jutting out into space — but unfortunately without much meaning. On the other hand, the posters advertised for AIDS are simple, if not quite embarrassing and disrespectful given the gravity of this illness. They rarely touch on any aspects related to the illness itself, as they allude more to the immorality of homosexual acts. Gilman explains part of the rationale involved in the process of not presenting people dying of AIDS as follows: The image of the ‘positive’ body or the body with AIDS is strictly controlled in the world of the public health poster. Nowhere is an image of the ‘ugly’ or diseased body evoked directly, for any such evocation would refer back to the initial sense as a ‘gay’ disease. … Mens non sana in corpore insano cannot be the motto. For representing the ill body as a dying body is not possible. Such a body would point to ‘deviance from the norm’ in the form of illness. And this association with homosexuality and addiction labeled as illness must be suppressed. … All these images are images not of educating, but of control. (162) The poster chosen for illustration reads “LOVE AIDS PEOPLE,” with AIDS used as a verb and not as a noun; nonetheless, the construction’s subtlety is rather counterproductive. To a certain extent, this poster can be related to Michelangelo Merisi Caravaggio’s The Incredulity of Saint Thomas (1601-02). There, the Apostle touches the actual wound because he needs tactile proof to accept its existence. The act of touching, as well as the skin open by the wound, reveal the fact that “Skin lacks the depth, the interiority we want it to give us. … The flesh we crave as confirmation of our forms cannot do anything but turn us forever out even as we burrow into the holes we find there” (Phelan 42). But the poster presented below brings into focus verbally (therefore propagandistically) how one’s body might be destroyed because of AIDS. Furthermore, the symbol of the arrow is a recurrent motif in the art representing AIDS, especially in light of its religious association with the martyrdom of Saint Sebastian (see for example David Wojnarowicz art works which offer a personal interpretation of the martyrdom of Saint Sebastian). But if LOVE AIDS PEOPLE, and if gay men identify themselves with a martyr, then they might easily fall target to this twisted logic and think of themselves as victims. As Larry Kramer notes, gay men are tragic people partly because they feel responsible for an illness that has been affecting both the homosexual and heterosexual communities: “The continuing existence of HIV is essential for the functioning of the totalitarianism under which gay people now live. It works like this: HIV allows ‘them’ to sell us as sick. And that kills off our usefulness, both in our minds — their thinking we are sick — and in the eyes of the world — everyone thinking we are sick” (65).Gay men have always been a target since, allegedly, they are a menace to the institution of marriage, procreation, and to morality in general. Endocrinology studies have been conducted on gay men, but their results have not been able to say with certainty why some people prefer to engage in homosexual rather than heterosexual acts. According to Jennifer Terry, earlier studies from the 1930s aimed at determining distinct somatic features of homosexuals for the most part failed to produce any such evidence. Most of them focused on the overall physical structure of bodies, measuring skeletal features, pelvic angles and things like muscle density and hair distribution. (144) (Another useful resource is Holt N. Parker’s 2001 article “The Myth of the Heterosexual: Anthropology and Sexuality for Classicists.”) How and by whom are our sexual identities created? Does the presence of one specific anatomical organ delimit one person’s sexual identity? We have been trained into believing that there are only two genders, male and female, partly because of our binary way of thinking. Needless to say, just as in one color there are degrees of its intensity and saturation, so there are in us verbal, behavioral, and sexual tendencies that could make us look and act more or less masculine or feminine. Even more productive is to note the importance of power (control) and the erotic in our lives considering that the photos (and the minitexts) presenting Allan seem insufficient to initiate a dialogue by themselves. Because the eroticized body is what dies, that is, what is put at risk or could become powerless because of AIDS. The body that cannot touch and be touched anymore; the body that cannot control its needs and desires; and, ultimately, the body that is deprived of its pleasures and thus loses its erotic self. Therefore, AIDS is not only a way to redefine our erotic life, but also becomes a reason to question our hygiene practices. Elizabeth Grosz points out that “erotic pleasures are evanescent, they are forgotten almost as they occur” (195). But when erotic pleasures are controlled, as seems to be the case because of AIDS, have we intervened in such a manner as to program our intercourse? Admittedly, AIDS is predominantly linked with one’s sexuality and, hence, it could make one feel too self-aware about one’s needs, as well as rigid and self-conscious in an (intimate) act which, in essence, is all about losing oneself, being uninhibited. In the end, Allan’s sense of identity seems to be imprinted only in the camera’s objective lens. After he died, as Yang remembers, “I read his diaries […]. AIDS was a tragedy that was for sure, but as well he had an addictive personality and his day to day life was full of desperation. I hadn’t realize the extent of this and it came as a shock. Yet there were moments of clarity when his fresh test for life shone” (51). Yang does not say more about Allan’s intimate writings and, as he suggests, it was quite surprising for him to discover a richer, more intimate dimension of his friend. Still, until Allan’s diaries will be released to the public to offer us a more palpable view on his life, we rely exclusively on the selections of photos and minitexts accomplished by Yang, thus being aware that, no matter how exquisite they are, they could only say a few things about this enigmatic patient.[III] After exposing Allan’s gradually collapsing body, we may want to analyze to which extent is dying/death something that reveals our self-centricity. It is by now a truism to say that death is the final moment of our embodiment to which we are denied access. Nonetheless, we cannot stop thinking about (our) death, and the last passage of this essay proposes its own reflection on this subject. Norbert Elias argues that each one of us is a homo clausus (Latin for “closed, self-sufficient being”). He believes that this condition is a consequence of our living an advanced phase in our individualized life. Surprisingly, he relates this self-sufficiency to the ritual of dying. He believes that in highly industrialized societies, a patient may benefit from the most recent technical and medical equipment, but that that person usually dies alone, meaning without his family/relatives around him. On the other hand, as he goes on to argue, “families in less developed states … often go hand in hand with far greater inequalities of power between men and women. [The dying] take leave of the world publicly, within a circle of people most of whom have strong emotive value for them, and for whom they themselves have a such a value. They die unhygienically, but not alone” (87). Elias does not explore this idea in depth, so we are left to wonder what he meant by dying unhygienically, or if he thought that method was better in coping with death. Also, he never mentioned the exact countries/regions he had in mind when he made that remark; therefore, we are left unsatisfied by his comment. Nonetheless, as Elias reminds us, it is important to remember that the traditional death rituals were and are intimate moments (and they should remain like this). The homo clausus idea may be linked with a body that is reaching its final embodiment, and hence becoming a closing-in-itself body. However, how does a body transact and/or negotiate the moments of its final embodiment? The process of sinking in one’s body, to which I refer, is not a visually, aurally, or especially olfactorily pleasant experience. Our deceitful memory misdirects our emotional brains by indicating which subsystem is still functional and open and which has become useless, that is, closed. In this light, we should redefine Elias’s idea by saying that what appears to be a monolithic structure — a body: closed, sealed, and/or self-contained — is in fact a very fluid body; that death does not reveal our self-centricity because that reasoning may generate an absurd idea, namely, we die alone because we have spent a life alone. Consequently, the dying body becomes the margin par excellence, which, because it is completely out of control, does not stop from leaking and/or emitting smells. This theory is confirmed by a study conducted on dying patients, Dying Process: Patients' Experiences of Palliative Care (2000), where Julia Lawton notes that “on a number of occasions, staff kept aromatherapy oil burners running throughout the day and night in an attempt to veil the odour of excretia, vomit and rotting flesh. … I observed that smell created a boundary around a patient, repelling others away” (135). One has to close one’s eyes to vaguely imagine what it must feel like for the medical personnel to keep the vigil of the dying bodies. Nonetheless, the lay community is exposed to photographs of the dying only on rare occasions. According to Gilman, these images are not made public because “The classical model of ‘healthy/beauty’ and ‘illness/ugliness’ is part of a cultural baggage that accompanies any representation of the ill or healthy body” (118-19). While the skin is endowed with the capacity of regenerating itself after it has been wounded, thus effacing time, a photograph of a dying body seems to efface one’s memory of one’s accumulated experiences. Such a photograph makes its contents (that is, the time, location, personal context of the shooting) disappear since its details will eventually fade away. As a corollary, the absent body effaces its photographed version, leaving it few chances to be remembered. The theme of the ars moriendi, as presented in this essay, has demonstrated that what dies is not only one’s body, but also the echoed memory of its erotic self. ReferencesElias, Norbert. The Loneliness of Dying. New York: Blackwell, 1985. Gilman, Sander. Picturing Health and Illness: Images of Identity and Difference. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1995. Grosz, Elizabeth. Space, Time, and Perversion: Essays on the Politics of Bodies.New York: Routledge, 1995. Kramer, Larry. The Tragedy of Today’s Gay. New York: Penguin Group, 2005. Lawton, Julia. Dying Process: Patients' Experiences of Palliative Care. New York: Routledge, 2000. Leder, Drew. The Absent Body. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990. Lupton, Deborah. The Imperative of Health: Public Health and the Regulated Body. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications, 1995. Peggy Phelan. Mourning Sex: Performing Public Memories. New York: Routledge, 1997. Siebers, Tobin. The Body Aesthetic: From Fine Art to Body Modification. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000. Jennifer Terry. “The Seductive Power of Science in the Making of Deviant Subjectivity.” Posthuman Bodies. Eds. Judith Halberstam and Ira Livingston. Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1995: 135-162. Yang, William. “Allan from Sadness: A Monologue with Slides.” Portraits in the Time of AIDS. Eds. Thomas W. Sokolowski and Rosalind Solomon. New York: Grey Art Gallery & Study Center, 1988: 34-51.

This variable describes the cultural pattern of a text/article. The concept of “cultural motifs” refers to phenomena which are culturally embedded and which support interpretations that are normally associated with “culture”. Cultural motifs are the core of a statement in the text. Entry connected to framing devices causal attributions Field of Application/Theoretical Foundation As the core of a frame package, cultural motifs are seen as the anchor of a “frame” (Entman, 1993) and not as a frame itself. A cultural motif can be understood as “the implicit cultural phenomenon that defines the package as a whole, for instance, a value or an archetype” (Van Gorp, 2010, p. 97-98). Cultural motifs are often accompanied by the problem definition and/or a moral evaluation. But, in contrast to a problem definition, a causal attribution and/or a moral evaluation in a journalistic or a user statement, cultural motifs are rarely found in concrete words in the text. Cultural motifs serve as a sort of pivot, around which all framing and reasoning devices “revolve”. The concept can be used to identify the cultural assumptions around which a journalistic text, its problems and responsibilities, are built. References/Combination with other methods of data collection Cultural motifs are often used as a variable to identify frames and their structure. As they require an understanding and knowledge of the topics of the texts that are to be analyzed manually, no automated measurement procedures have yet been developed. Example studies: Pentzold & Knorr (2024); Pentzold & Fischer (2017); Van Gorp & Vercruysse (2012) Information on Van Gorp & Vercruysse, 2012 Authors: Baldwin Van Gorp and Tom Vercruysse Research questions: What are the dominant frames used to represent dementia and what alternative frames could be proffered? Object of analysis: An inductive frame analysis to examine the various ways in which the media define dementia both in news aggregates and in audio-visual material from the internet. The aim is to find indications of how and what conceptions people gain of dementia through news, audiovisual material, novels, and public health brochures. Hereby, the analysis followed an initial three-step coding procedure: First, the authors conducted the material inductively by coding key terms, with regular feedback moments to discuss potential divergences. This first phase ended when no new frames were detected, followed by an axial coding procedure of the whole material during phase two. Here, every new passage from the material had to be connected to at least one frame package so to verify the pre-defined frames from phase one. Third and lastly, frame packages were created by linking both reasoning devices and framing devices with a cultural theme. Time frame of analysis and analyzed media type: The sample consisted of a representative selection of Belgian newspaper coverage from March 1, 2008 to July 1, 2010. In addition, books about dementia (n=20) were examined together with (audio-)visual material (n=14) based on the search results for “dementia” on www.imdb.com and www.youtube.com. Finally, public health brochures of dementia were part of the sample (n=15). Information about variable Variable/name definition: Frames/frame packages that define dementia Scale: Nominal Level of analysis: In the beginning by paragraph level, then the whole text as the frames began to emerge more clearly. Sample operationalization: A frame / frame package consists of seven elements. These are the following: (1) cultural theme; (2) definition of the problem; (3) cause (why is it a problem?); (4) consequences; (5) moral values involved; (6) possible solutions/actions; (7) metaphors, choice of vocabulary. Values: The qualitative analysis resulted in a total of twelve frame packages (six frames and six counter-frames). Each consists of a central cultural theme, a definition of dementia, the causes and possible consequences, the moral evaluation and possible future scenarios of dementia. (1A. Dualism of body and mind vs. 1B. Unity of body and mind; 2; The invader; 3. The strange travelling companion; 4A. Faith in science vs. 4B. Natural ageing; 5. The fear of death and degeneration; 6. Carpe diem; 7A. Reversed roles vs. 7B. Each in turn; 8A. No quid pro quo vs. 8B. The Good Mother) Reliability: First, both authors coded independently of each other and met to discuss differences. This resulted in tentative frames which were used for further qualitative research of the material. Then, the frames found were discussed with experts (in a workshop setting). Codebook: Description of the sample (newspapers and audiovisual material) can be found at the end of the article (appendix of Van Gorp & Vercruysse, 2012). Information on Pentzold & Knorr, 2024 Authors: Christian Pentzold and Charlotte Knorr Research questions: With which imaginaries do journalistic reports make sense of Big Data? (RQ1) How do these imaginaries evolve over time? (RQ2) To what extent are the imaginaries similar or different across countries? (RQ3) Object of analysis [and analyzed media type]: The project Framing Big Data (DFG 2021-2024) analyzed the media-communicatively articulated frames on “Big Data” in online newspapers and magazines from three countries: South Africa, Germany, and the United States. No visual material was collected or examined. In total, material from 26 newspapers and magazines was analyzed. The time frame ranged from 2011 to 2020 (N=1,456). Articles had to contain the keywords “big data” or “dataf*” (e.g., datafication, datafied) in the headline, sub-headline and/or first paragraph (sampling criteria). To analyze the frames manually, it was assumed that frames are organized according to three levels analysable in a press text. First, the reasoning devices, followed by – secondly – the framing devices (references, argumentation patterns, idioms, metaphors, topoi) and – thirdly – the cultural motifs. Coming from a socio-constructionist approach, a cultural motif is the anchor of an idea expressed in a text (Van Gorp, 2010, p. 7). It is connected to a social problem. To understand this connection, the problem definition, causal attribution, treatment recommendation, and moral evaluation associated with the coded cultural motif were analyzed (cf., Van Gorp, 2010, p. 91-92; Entman, 1991, p. 52). These four elements are the reasoning devices of a frame. They are accompanied by the so-called framing devices which are stylistic devices, catchphrases, metaphors, and references. To that end, for the manual frame analysis on Big Data in the press aggregates, we developed codes for framing devices (1), reasoning devices (2), and cultural motifs (3). All three elements form part of a frame package (Van Gorp, 2007, 2010). To build the frame packages, we followed procedures of both block modeling and cluster analysis. First, a block modeling was conducted – as introduced by White for structural analyses (White et al., 1976) – to prepare the data set for the cluster analysis. Then, the coded cultural motifs, the reasoning devices, and the framing devices that correlated strongly in the data set (a total of 9 variables and 34 codes) were chosen. With that, a hierarchical cluster analysis (Ward method) was conducted (Matthes & Kohring, 2008, p. 268). Binary variables were calculated for each of the codes of the nine variables. Time frame of analysis: 2011, Jan 1 – 2020, Dec 31 Analyzed media type: Online press aggregates from newspapers and magazines in three countries: South Africa, Germany, and the United States. In sum, the coded press aggregates were sampled from 26 periodicals. Codebook: Public_Codebook_FBD_fin.pdf Information about the variable Variable name/definition: Cultural Motif Scale: Nominal Level of analysis: Whereas the formal categories in the manual content analysis were coded at the level of a single news item, the individual frame elements were coded at the level of propositional units. A propositional unit (= analysis unit) can be connected to several codes that are assigned to either a framing device, a reasoning device or a cultural motif. Not all but some frame elements had to be present in the news item, and at least one reasoning device. Furthermore, at least one reasoning device should be tied to a framing device and/or cultural motif to prove that the propositional unit contains semantic relationships and not just elements of “raw text” (van Atteveldt, 2008, p. 5). Operationalization: Cultural motifs are the cultural core of a social idea framed in a text. In the project we assume the following six core cultural motifs. These cultural motifs were developed as part of a critical discourse analysis of 17 bestsellers on the subject of Big Data/datafication (published between 2013 and 2017, Pentzold & Knorr, 2023). Big data is needed for/becomes/will be… [cultural motif 1-6] (multiple motifs can be coded per article; but only one per propositional unit). Values: see Table 1. Reliability: α = .810 [Krippendorff’s alpha, intercoder reliability. A total of seven reliability tests were conducted, five of them during the coding phase and two as part of two pretests. Five coders were involved in four tests, four coders were involved in three tests. All tests were conducted in the period July 2022 to December 2022]. Table 1 Values used for the variable cultural motif linked to Big Data as a cultural phenomenon (Pentzold & Knorr, 2024). Code Cultural motif Description 1 innovations for societal progress and/or personal advancement key to a narrative of an efficient and strong society (rapid technological developments/ innovations for, e.g., politics, journalism, economy. There is an underlying assumption of progress due to technological innovations, for instance in the field of education, health, but also mental health. 2 a shift in surveying and datafying society refers to the revolutionary character of Big Data. Big Data is associated with a historical turning point, notions of revolution and change. A new society is to be built and maintained with the help of Big Data. People shall be divided into groups or patterns with the help of artificial intelligence and automation. Data stands for facts and replaces gut feeling. 3 preventing wrongs negotiation processes on how Big Data can be used to prevent crimes and wars, and to predict risks. The deployment of technologies justifies police operations and changes political communication (potentially with references to Data Justice). 4 (discrete) surveillance counter-theme to the cultural motif “preventing wrongs”, this motif is subject to negotiation processes to what extent data are used and may/should be used for surveillance. For instance, Data are needed for and, moreover, justified by political, military, and corporate/economic oversight and intelligence. It is not just about justifying mass surveillance, but also about addressing its legitimacy on a fundamental level because forms of mass surveillance may threaten democracy. 5 profits and prediction economic dimension of Big Data. The value of the data is to be exploited and sold. Not just data but metadata of the users are retailed. “Clever software” affords identifying and mobilizing potential voters and enables target group-specific addressing and voter predictions, for example in election campaigns (behavioural microtargeting). 6 civic agency and empowerment focus on social principles in dealing with data and the preservation of privacy, and how it can be guided by a transparent data policy. Key values are privacy and the protection of private data plus people´s own initiative and empowerment to act together as publics (social data, human judgement). 7 Negative consequences of Big Data and their critics -98/-99 Something else /nothing detected (e.g., artificial intelligence/AI; globalization, robots, digitalization, digitization, cyberwar, technologies) Note: Multiple motifs can be coded per article; but only one per propositional unit. References Entman, R. M. (1991). Framing U.S. Coverage of International News: Contrasts in Narratives of the KAL and Iran Air Incidents: Symposium. Journal of Communication, 41(4), 6–27. Gamson, W. A., & Modigliani, A. (1989). Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach. American Journal of Sociology, 95(1), 1–37. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2780405 Jasanoff, S. (2015). Future Imperfect. In S. Jasanoff & S. Kim (Eds.), Dreamscapes of Modernity (pp. 1–33). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Matthes, J., & Kohring, M. (2008). The Content Analysis of Media Frames: Toward Improving Reliability and Validity. Journal of Communication, 58(2), 258–279. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2008.00384.x Pentzold, C., & Fischer, C. (2017). Framing Big Data: The discursive construction of a radio cell query in Germany. Big Data & Society, July-December, 1–11. https://doi.org/10.1177/2053951717745897 Pentzold, C., & Knorr, C. (2023). When data became big: revisiting the rise of an obsolete keyword. Information, Communication & Society, 27(3), 600–617. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2023.2227673 Pentzold, C. & Knorr, C. (2024). Making Sense of “Big Data”: Ten Years of Discourse Around Datafication (ICA 2024, 74th Conference, Gold Coast, Australia). Pentzold, C., & Knorr, C. (2021-2024). Framing Big Data (DFG). Leipzig University. https://www.sozphil.uni-leipzig.de/en/institut-fuer-kommunikations-und-medienwissenschaft/professuren/chair-of-media-and-communication/forschungs-und-praxisprojekte/framing-big-data van Atteveldt, W. (2008). Semantic network analysis: Techniques for extracting, representing and querying media content. SIKS dissertation series: no. 2008-30. BookSurge. Van Gorp, B. (2007). The Constructionist Approach to Framing: Bringing Culture Back In. Communication Research, 57, 60–78. Van Gorp, B. (2010). Strategies to Take Subjectivity Out of Framing Analysis. In P. D´Angelo & J. A. 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In the middle of the nineteenth century, Marcus Clarke famously described the Australian outback as displaying a “Weird Melancholy” (qtd. in Gelder 116). The strange sights, sounds, and experiences of Australia’s rural locations made them ripe for the development of the European genre of the Gothic in a new location, a mutation which has continued over the past two centuries. But what does it mean for Australia’s Gothic landscapes to be associated with the affective qualities of the melancholy? And more particularly, how and why does this Gothic effect (and affect) appear in the most accessible Gothic media of the twenty-first century, the television series? Two recent Australian television adaptations, Wake in Fright (2017, dir. Kriv Stenders) and Mystery Road (2018, dir. Rachel Perkins) provoke us to ask the question: how does their pictorial representation of the Australian outback and its inhabitants overtly express rage and its close ties to melancholia, shame and violence? More particularly, I argue that in both series this rage is turned inwards rather than outwards; rage is turned into melancholy and thus to self-destruction – which constructs an allegory for the malaise of our contemporary nation. However, here the two series differ. While Wake in Fright posits this as a never-ending narrative, in a true Freudian model of melancholics who fail to resolve or attend to their trauma, Mystery Road is more positive in its positioning, allowing the themes of apology and recognition to appear, both necessary for reparation and forward movement.Steven Bruhm has argued that a psychoanalytic model of trauma has become the “best [way to] understand the contemporary Gothic and why we crave it” (268), because the repressions and repetitions of trauma offer a means of playing out the anxieties of our contemporary nation, its fraught histories, its conceptualisations of identity, and its fears for the future. Indeed, as Bruhm states, it is precisely because of the way in which “the Gothic continually confronts us with real, historical traumas that we in the west have created” that they “also continue to control how we think about ourselves as a nation” (271). Jerrold E. Hogle agrees, noting that “Gothic fiction has always begun with trauma” (72). But it is not only that Gothic narratives are best understood as traumatic narratives; rather, Hogle posits that the Gothic is uniquely situated as a genre for dealing with the trauma of our personal and national histories because it enables us to approach the contradictions and conflicts of traumatic experience:I find that the best of the post-9/11 uses of Gothic in fiction achieve that purpose for attentive readers by using the conflicted un-naturalness basic to the Gothic itself to help us concurrently grasp and conceal how profoundly conflicted we are about the most immediate and pervasive cultural “woundings” of our western world as it has come to be. (75)Hogle’s point is critical for its attention to the different ways trauma can be dealt with in texts and by readers, returning in part to Sigmund Freud’s distinction between mourning and melancholia: where mourning is the ‘healthy’ process of working through or narrativising trauma. However, melancholia coalesces into a denial or repression of the traumatic event, and thus, as Freud suggests, its unresolved status reappears during nightmares and flashbacks, for example (Rall 171). Hogle’s praise for the Gothic, however, lies in its ability to move away from that binary, to “concurrently grasp and conceal” trauma: in other words, to respond simultaneously with mourning and with melancholy.Hogle adds to this classic perspective of melancholia through careful attention to the way in which rage inflects these affective responses. Under a psychoanalytic model, rage can be seen “as an infantile response to separation and loss” (Kahane 127). The emotional free-rein of rage, Claire Kahane points out, “disempowers us as subjects, making us subject to its regressive vicissitudes” (127; original emphasis). In Bodies That Matter, Judith Butler explicates this in more detail, making clear that this disempowerment, this inability to clearly express oneself, is what leads to melancholia. Melancholia, then, can be seen as a loss or repression of the identifiable cause of the original rage: this overwhelming emotion has masked its original target. “Insofar as grief remains unspeakable”, Butler posits, “the rage over the loss can redouble by virtue of remaining unavowed. And if that very rage over loss is publicly proscribed, the melancholic effects of such a proscription can achieve suicidal proportions” (212). The only way to “survive” rage in this mutated form of melancholia is to create what Butler terms “collective institutions for grieving”; these enablethe reassembling of community, the reworking of kinship, the reweaving of sustaining relations. And insofar as they involve the publicisation and dramatisation of death, they call to be read as life-affirming rejoinders to the dire psychic consequences of a grieving process culturally thwarted and proscribed. (212-13)Butler’s reading thus aligns with Hogle’s, suggesting that it is in our careful attendance to the horrific experience of grief (however difficult) that we could navigate towards something like resolution – not a simplified narrative of working through, to be sure, but a more ethical recognition of the trauma which diverts it from its repressive impossibilities. To further the argument, it is only by transforming melancholic rage into outrage, to respond with an affect that puts shame to work, that rage will become politically effective. So, outrage is “a socialised and mediated form of rage … directed toward identifiable and bounded others in the external world” (Kahane 127-28). Melancholia and shame might then be seen to be directly opposed to one another: the former a failure of rage, the latter its socially productive incarnation.The Australian Gothic and its repetition of a “Weird Melancholy” exhibit this affective model. Ken Gelder has emphasised the historical coincidences: since Australia was colonised around the same time as the emergence of the Gothic as a genre (115), it has always been infused with what he terms a “colonial melancholia” (119). In contemporary Gothic narratives, this is presented through the repetition of the trauma of loss and injustice, so that the colonial “history of brutal violence and exploitation” (121) is played out, over and over again, desperate for resolution. Indeed, Gelder goes so far as to claim that this is the primary fuel for the Gothic as it manifests in Australian literature and film, arguing that since it is “built upon its dispossession and killings of Aboriginal people and its foundational systems of punishment and incarceration, the colonial scene … continues to shadow Australian cultural production and helps to keep the Australian Gothic very much alive” (121).That these two recent television series depict the ways in which rage and outrage appear in a primal ‘colonial scene’ which fixes the Australian Gothic within a political narrative. Both Wake in Fright and Mystery Road are television adaptations of earlier works. Wake in Fright is adapted from Kenneth Cook’s novel of the same name (1961), and its film adaptation (1971, dir. Ted Kotcheff). Mystery Road is a continuation of the film narrative of the same name (2013, dir. Ivan Sen), and its sequel, Goldstone (2016, dir. Ivan Sen). Both narratives illustrate the shift – where the films were first viewed by a high-culture audience attracted to arthouse cinema and modernist fiction – to the re-makes that are viewed in the domestic space of the television screen and/or other devices. Likewise, the television productions were not seen as single episodes, but also linked to each network’s online on-demand streaming viewers, significantly broadening the audience for both works. In this respect, these series both domesticate and democratise the Gothic. The televised series become situated publicly, recalling the broad scale popularity of the Gothic genre, what Helen Wheatley terms “the most domestic of genres on the most domestic of media” (25). In fact, Deborah Cartmell argues that “adaptation is, indeed, the art form of democracy … a ‘freeing’ of a text from the confined territory of its author and of its readers” (8; emphasis added). Likewise, André Bazin echoes this notion that the adaptation is a kind of “digest” of the original work, “a literature that has been made more accessible through cinematic adaptation” (26; emphasis added). In this way, adaptations serve to ‘democratise’ their concerns, focussing these narratives and their themes as more publically accessible, and thus provoking the potential for a broader cultural discussion. Wake in FrightWake in Fright describes the depraved long weekend of schoolteacher John Grant, who is stuck in the rural town of Bundinyabba (“The Yabba”) after he loses all of his money in an ill-advised game of “Two Up.” Modernising the concerns of the original film, in this adaptation John is further endangered by a debt to local loan sharks, and troubled by his frequent flashbacks to his lost lover. The narrative does display drug- and alcohol-induced rage in its infamous pig-shooting (originally roo-shooting) scene, as well as the cold and threatening rage of the loan shark who suspects she will not be paid, both of which are depicted as a specifically white aggression. Overall, its primary depiction of rage is directed inward, rather than outward, and in this way becomes narrowed down to emphasise a more individual, traumatic shame. That is, John’s petulant rage after his girlfriend’s rejection of his marriage proposal manifests in his determination to stolidly drink alone while she swims in the ocean. When she drowns while he is drunk and incapable to rescue her, his inaction becomes the primary source of his shame and exacerbates his self-focused, but repressed rage. The subsequent cycles of drinking (residents of The Yabba only drink beer, and plenty of it) and gambling (as he loses over and over at Two-Up) constitute a repetition of his original trauma over her drowning, and trigger the release of his repressed rage. While accompanying some locals during their drunken pig-shooting expedition, his rage finds an outlet, resulting in the death of his new acquaintance, Doc Tydon. Like John, Doc is the victim of a self-focused rage and shame at the death of his young child and the abdication of his responsibilities as the town’s doctor. Both John and Doc depict the collapse of authority and social order in the “Weird Melancholy” of the outback (Rayner 27), but this “subversion of the stereotype of capable, confident Australian masculinity” (37) and the decay of community and social structure remains static. However, the series does not push forward towards a moral outcome or a suggestion of better actions to inspire the viewer. Even his desperate suicide attempt, what he envisions as the only ‘ethical’ way out of his nightmare, ends in failure and is covered up by the local police. The narrative becomes circular: for John is returned to The Yabba every time he tries to leave, and even in the final scene he is back in Tiboonda, returned to where he started, standing at the front of his classroom. But importantly, this cycle mimics John’s cycle of unresolved shame, suggests an inability to ‘wake’ from this nightmare of repetition, with no acknowledgement of his individual history and his complicity in the traumatic events. Although John has outlived his suicide attempt, this does not validate his survival as a rebirth. Rather, John’s refusal of responsibility and the accompanying complicity of local authorities suggests the inevitability of further self-damaging rage, shame, and violence. Outback NoirBoth Wake in Fright and Mystery Road have been described as “outback noir” (Dolgopolov 12), combining characteristics of the Gothic, the Western, and film noir in their depictions of suffering and the realisation (or abdication) of justice. Greg Dolgopolov explains that while traditional “film noir explores the moral trauma of crime on its protagonists, who are often escaping personal suffering or harrowing incidents from their pasts” (12), these examples of Australian (outback) noir are primarily concerned with “ancestral trauma – that of both Indigenous and settler. Outback noir challenges official versions of events that glide over historical massacres and current injustices” (12-13).Wake in Fright’s focus on John’s personal suffering even as his crimes could become allegories for national trauma, aligns this story with traditional film noir. Mystery Road is caught up with a more collectivised form of trauma, and with the ‘colonialism’ of outback noir means this adaptation is more effective in locating self-rage and melancholia as integral to social and cultural dilemmas of contemporary Australia. Each series takes a different path to the treatment of race relations in Australia within a small and isolated rural context. Wake in Fright chooses to ignore this historical context, setting up the cycle of John’s repression of trauma as an individual fate, and he is trapped to repeat it. On the other hand, Mystery Road, just like its cinematic precursors (Mystery Road and Goldstone), deals with race as a specific theme. Mystery Road’s nod to the noir and the Western is emphasised by the character of Detective Jay Swan: “a lone gunslinger attempting to uphold law and order” (Ward 111), he swaggers around the small township in his cowboy hat, jeans, and boots, stoically searching for clues to the disappearance of two local teenagers. Since Swan is himself Aboriginal, this transforms the representation of authority and its failures depicted in Wake in Fright. While the police in Wake in Fright uphold the law only when convenient to their own goals, and further, to undertake criminal activities themselves, in Mystery Road the authority figures – Jay himself, and his counterpart, Senior Sergeant Emma James, are prominent in the community and dedicated to the pursuit of justice. It is highly significant that this sense of justice reaches beyond the present situation. Emma’s family, the Ballantynes, have been prominent landowners and farmers in the region for over one hundred years, and have always prided themselves on their benevolence towards the local Indigenous population. However, when Emma discovers that her great-grandfather was responsible for the massacre of several young Aboriginal men at the local waterhole, she is overcome by shame. In her horrified tears we see how the legacy of trauma, ever present for the Aboriginal population, is brought home to Emma herself. As the figurehead for justice in the town, Emma is determined to label the murders accurately as a “crime” which must “be answered.” In this acknowledgement and her subsequent apology to Dot, she finds some release from this ancient shame.The only Aboriginal characters in Wake in Fright are marginal to the narrative – taxi drivers who remain peripheral to the traumas within the small town, and thus remain positioned as innocent bystanders to its depravity. However, Mystery Road is careful to avoid such reductionist binaries. Just as Emma discovers the truth about her own family’s violence, Uncle Keith, the current Aboriginal patriarch, is exposed as a sexual predator. In both cases the men, leaders in the past and the present, consider themselves as ‘righteous’ in order to mask their enraged and violent behaviour. The moral issue here is more than a simplistic exposition on race, rather it demonstrates that complexity surrounds those who achieve power. When Dot ultimately ‘inherits’ responsibility for the Aboriginal Land Rights Commission this indicates that Mystery Road concludes with two female figures of authority, both looking out for the welfare of the community as a whole. Likewise, they are involved in seeking the young woman, Shevorne, who becomes the focus of abuse and grief, and her daughter. Although Jay is ultimately responsible for solving the crime at the heart of the series, Mystery Road strives to position futurity and responsibility in the hands of its female characters and their shared sense of community.In conclusion, both television adaptations of classic movies located in Australian outback noir have problematised rage within two vastly different contexts. The adaptations Wake in Fright and Mystery Road do share similar themes and concerns in their responses to past traumas and how that shapes Gothic representation of the outback in present day Australia. However, it is in their treatment of rage, shame, and violence that they diverge. Wake in Fright’s failure to convert rage beyond melancholia means that it fails to offer any hope of resolution, only an ongoing cycle of shame and violence. But rage, as a driver for injustice, can evolve into something more positive. In Mystery Road, the anger of both individuals and the community as a whole moves beyond good/bad and black/white stereotypes of outrage towards a more productive form of shame. In doing so, rage itself can elicit a new model for a more responsible contemporary Australian Gothic narrative.References Bazin, André. “Adaptation, or the Cinema as Digest.” Film Adaptation. 1948. Ed. James Naremore. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers, 2000. 19-27.Bruhm, Steven. “The Contemporary Gothic: Why We Need It.” The Cambridge Companion to Gothic Fiction. Ed. Jerrold E. Hogle. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002. 259-76.Butler, Judith. Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of “Sex.” London: Routledge, 1993.Cartmell, Deborah. “100+ Years of Adaptations, or, Adaptation as the Art Form of Democracy.” A Companion to Literature, Film, and Adaptation. Ed. Deborah Cartmell. Chichester: Blackwell, 2012. 1-13.Dolgopolov, Greg. “Balancing Acts: Ivan Sen’s Goldstone and ‘Outback Noir.’” Metro 190 (2016): 8-13.Gelder, Ken. “Australian Gothic.” The Routledge Companion to Gothic. Eds. Catherine Spooner and Emma McEvoy. London: Routledge, 2007. 115-23.Hogle, Jerrold E. “History, Trauma and the Gothic in Contemporary Western Fictions.” The Gothic World. Eds. Glennis Byron and Dale Townshend. London: Routledge, 2014. 72-81.Kahane, Claire. “The Aesthetic Politics of Rage.” States of Rage: Emotional Eruption, Violence, and Social Change. Eds. Renée R. Curry and Terry L. Allison. New York: New York UP, 1996. 126-45.Perkins, Rachel, dir. Mystery Road. ABC, 2018.Rall, Denise N. “‘Shock and Awe’ and Memory: The Evocation(s) of Trauma in post-9/11 Artworks.” Memory and the Wars on Terror: Australian and British Perspectives. Eds. Jessica Gildersleeve and Richard Gehrmann. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. 163-82.Rayner, Jonathan. Contemporary Australian Cinema: An Introduction. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2000.Stenders, Kriv, dir. Wake in Fright. Roadshow Entertainment, 2017.Ward, Sarah. “Shadows of a Sunburnt Country: Mystery Road, the Western and the Conflicts of Contemporary Australia.” Screen Education 81 (2016): 110-15.Wheatley, Helen. “Haunted Houses, Hidden Rooms: Women, Domesticity and the Gothic Adaptation on Television.” Popular Television Drama: Critical Perspectives. Eds. Jonathan Bignell and Stephen Lacey. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2005. 149-65.

IntroductionDespite claims that the importance of distance has been reduced due to technological and communications improvements (Cairncross; Friedman; O’Brien), the ‘power of place’ still resonates, often intensifying the role of geography (Christopherson et al.; Morgan; Pratt; Scott and Storper). Within the film industry, there has been a decentralisation of production from Hollywood, but there remains a spatial logic which has preferenced particular centres, such as Toronto, Vancouver, Sydney and Prague often led by a combination of incentives (Christopherson and Storper; Goldsmith and O’Regan; Goldsmith et al.; Miller et al.; Mould). The emergence of high end television, television programming for which the production budget is more than £1 million per television hour, has presented new opportunities for screen hubs sharing a very similar value chain to the film industry (OlsbergSPI with Nordicity).In recent years, interventions have proliferated with the aim of capitalising on the decentralisation of certain activities in order to attract international screen industries production and embed it within local hubs. Tools for building capacity and expertise have proliferated, including support for studio complex facilities, infrastructural investments, tax breaks and other economic incentives (Cucco; Goldsmith and O’Regan; Jensen; Goldsmith et al.; McDonald; Miller et al.; Mould). Yet experience tells us that these will not succeed everywhere. There is a need for a better understanding of both the capacity for places to build a distinctive and competitive advantage within a highly globalised landscape and the relative merits of alternative interventions designed to generate a sustainable production base.This article first sets out the rationale for the appetite identified in the screen industries for co-location, or clustering and concentration in a tightly drawn physical area, in global hubs of production. It goes on to explore the latest trends of decentralisation and examines the upturn in interventions aimed at attracting mobile screen industries capital and labour. Finally it introduces the Scottish screen industries and explores some of the ways in which Scotland has sought to position itself as a recipient of screen industries activity. The paper identifies some key gaps in infrastructure, most notably a studio, and calls for closer examination of the essential ingredients of, and possible interventions needed for, a vibrant and sustainable industry.A Compulsion for ProximityIt has been argued that particular spatial and place-based factors are central to the development and organisation of the screen industries. The film and television sector, the particular focus of this article, exhibit an extraordinarily high degree of spatial agglomeration, especially favouring centres with global status. It is worth noting that the computer games sector, not explored in this article, slightly diverges from this trend displaying more spatial patterns of decentralisation (Vallance), although key physical hubs of activity have been identified (Champion). Creative products often possess a cachet that is directly associated with their point of origin, for example fashion from Paris, films from Hollywood and country music from Nashville – although it can also be acknowledged that these are often strategic commercial constructions (Pecknold). The place of production represents a unique component of the final product as well as an authentication of substantive and symbolic quality (Scott, “Creative cities”). Place can act as part of a brand or image for creative industries, often reinforcing the advantage of being based in particular centres of production.Very localised historical, cultural, social and physical factors may also influence the success of creative production in particular places. Place-based factors relating to the built environment, including cheap space, public-sector support framework, connectivity, local identity, institutional environment and availability of amenities, are seen as possible influences in the locational choices of creative industry firms (see, for example, Drake; Helbrecht; Hutton; Leadbeater and Oakley; Markusen).Employment trends are notoriously difficult to measure in the screen industries (Christopherson, “Hollywood in decline?”), but the sector does contain large numbers of very small firms and freelancers. This allows them to be flexible but poses certain problems that can be somewhat offset by co-location. The findings of Antcliff et al.’s study of workers in the audiovisual industry in the UK suggested that individuals sought to reconstruct stable employment relations through their involvement in and use of networks. The trust and reciprocity engendered by stable networks, built up over time, were used to offset the risk associated with the erosion of stable employment. These findings are echoed by a study of TV content production in two media regions in Germany by Sydow and Staber who found that, although firms come together to work on particular projects, typically their business relations extend for a much longer period than this. Commonly, firms and individuals who have worked together previously will reassemble for further project work aided by their past experiences and expectations.Co-location allows the development of shared structures: language, technical attitudes, interpretative schemes and ‘communities of practice’ (Bathelt, et al.). Grabher describes this process as ‘hanging out’. Deep local pools of creative and skilled labour are advantageous both to firms and employees (Reimer et al.) by allowing flexibility, developing networks and offsetting risk (Banks et al.; Scott, “Global City Regions”). For example in Cook and Pandit’s study comparing the broadcasting industry in three city-regions, London was found to be hugely advantaged by its unrivalled talent pool, high financial rewards and prestigious projects. As Barnes and Hutton assert in relation to the wider creative industries, “if place matters, it matters most to them” (1251). This is certainly true for the screen industries and their spatial logic points towards a compulsion for proximity in large global hubs.Decentralisation and ‘Sticky’ PlacesDespite the attraction of global production hubs, there has been a decentralisation of screen industries from key centres, starting with the film industry and the vertical disintegration of Hollywood studios (Christopherson and Storper). There are instances of ‘runaway production’ from the 1920s onwards with around 40 per cent of all features being accounted for by offshore production in 1960 (Miller et al., 133). This trend has been increasing significantly in the last 20 years, leading to the genesis of new hubs of screen activity such as Toronto, Vancouver, Sydney and Prague (Christopherson, “Project work in context”; Goldsmith et al.; Mould; Miller et al.; Szczepanik). This development has been prompted by a multiplicity of reasons including favourable currency value differentials and economic incentives. Subsidies and tax breaks have been offered to secure international productions with most countries demanding that, in order to qualify for tax relief, productions have to spend a certain amount of their budget within the local economy, employ local crew and use domestic creative talent (Hill). Extensive infrastructure has been developed including studio complexes to attempt to lure productions with the advantage of a full service offering (Goldsmith and O’Regan).Internationally, Canada has been the greatest beneficiary of ‘runaway production’ with a state-led enactment of generous film incentives since the late 1990s (McDonald). Vancouver and Toronto are the busiest locations for North American Screen production after Los Angeles and New York, due to exchange rates and tax rebates on labour costs (Miller et al., 141). 80% of Vancouver’s production is attributable to runaway production (Jensen, 27) and the city is considered by some to have crossed a threshold as:It now possesses sufficient depth and breadth of talent to undertake the full array of pre-production, production and post-production services for the delivery of major motion pictures and TV programmes. (Barnes and Coe, 19)Similarly, Toronto is considered to have established a “comprehensive set of horizontal and vertical media capabilities” to ensure its status as a “full function media centre” (Davis, 98). These cities have successfully engaged in entrepreneurial activity to attract production (Christopherson, “Project Work in Context”) and in Vancouver the proactive role of provincial government and labour unions are, in part, credited with its success (Barnes and Coe). Studio-complex infrastructure has also been used to lure global productions, with Toronto, Melbourne and Sydney all being seen as key examples of where such developments have been used as a strategic priority to take local production capacity to the next level (Goldsmith and O’Regan).Studies which provide a historiography of the development of screen-industry hubs emphasise a complex interplay of social, cultural and physical conditions. In the complex and global flows of the screen industries, ‘sticky’ hubs have emerged with the ability to attract and retain capital and skilled labour. Despite being principally organised to attract international production, most studio complexes, especially those outside of global centres need to have a strong relationship to local or national film and television production to ensure the sustainability and depth of the labour pool (Goldsmith and O’Regan, 2003). Many have a broadcaster on site as well as a range of companies with a media orientation and training facilities (Goldsmith and O’Regan, 2003; Picard, 2008). The emergence of film studio complexes in the Australian Gold Coast and Vancouver was accompanied by an increasing role for television production and this multi-purpose nature was important for the continuity of production.Fostering a strong community of below the line workers, such as set designers, locations managers, make-up artists and props manufacturers, can also be a clear advantage in attracting international productions. For example at Cinecitta in Italy, the expertise of set designers and experienced crews in the Barrandov Studios of Prague are regarded as major selling points of the studio complexes there (Goldsmith and O’Regan; Miller et al.; Szczepanik). Natural and built environments are also considered very important for film and television firms and it is a useful advantage for capturing international production when cities can double for other locations as in the cases of Toronto, Vancouver, Prague for example (Evans; Goldsmith and O’Regan; Szczepanik). Toronto, for instance, has doubled for New York in over 100 films and with regard to television Due South’s (1994-1998) use of Toronto as Chicago was estimated to have saved 40 per cent in costs (Miller et al., 141).The Scottish Screen Industries Within mobile flows of capital and labour, Scotland has sought to position itself as a recipient of screen industries activity through multiple interventions, including investment in institutional frameworks, direct and indirect economic subsidies and the development of physical infrastructure. Traditionally creative industry activity in the UK has been concentrated in London and the South East which together account for 43% of the creative economy workforce (Bakhshi et al.). In order, in part to redress this imbalance and more generally to encourage the attraction and retention of international production a range of policies have been introduced focused on the screen industries. A revised Film Tax Relief was introduced in 2007 to encourage inward investment and prevent offshoring of indigenous production, and this has since been extended to high-end television, animation and children’s programming. Broadcasting has also experienced a push for decentralisation led by public funding with a responsibility to be regionally representative. The BBC (“BBC Annual Report and Accounts 2014/15”) is currently exceeding its target of 50% network spend outside London by 2016, with 17% spent in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Channel 4 has similarly committed to commission at least 9% of its original spend from the nations by 2020. Studios have been also developed across the UK including at Roath Lock (Cardiff), Titanic Studios (Belfast), MedicaCity (Salford) and The Sharp Project (Manchester).The creative industries have been identified as one of seven growth sectors for Scotland by the government (Scottish Government). In 2010, the film and video sector employed 3,500 people and contributed £120 million GVA and £120 million adjusted GVA to the economy and the radio and TV sector employed 3,500 people and contributed £50 million GVA and £400 million adjusted GVA (The Scottish Parliament). Beyond the direct economic benefits of sectors, the on-screen representation of Scotland has been claimed to boost visitor numbers to the country (EKOS) and high profile international film productions have been attracted including Skyfall (2012) and WWZ (2013).Scotland has historically attracted international film and TV productions due to its natural locations (VisitScotland) and on average, between 2009-2014, six big budget films a year used Scottish locations both urban and rural (BOP Consulting, 2014). In all, a total of £20 million was generated by film-making in Glasgow during 2011 (Balkind) with WWZ (2013) and Cloud Atlas (2013), representing Philadelphia and San Francisco respectively, as well as doubling for Edinburgh for the recent acclaimed Scottish films Filth (2013) and Sunshine on Leith (2013). Sanson (80) asserts that the use of the city as a site for international productions not only brings in direct revenue from production money but also promotes the city as a “fashionable place to live, work and visit. Creativity makes the city both profitable and ‘cool’”.Nonetheless, issues persist and it has been suggested that Scotland lacks a stable and sustainable film industry, with low indigenous production levels and variable success from year to year in attracting inward investment (BOP Consulting). With regard to crew, problems with an insufficient production base have been identified as an issue in maintaining a pipeline of skills (BOP Consulting). Developing ‘talent’ is a central aspect of the Scottish Government’s Strategy for the Creative Industries, yet there remains the core challenge of retaining skills and encouraging new talent into the industry (BOP Consulting).With regard to film, a lack of substantial funding incentives and the absence of a studio have been identified as a key concern for the sector. For example, within the film industry the majority of inward investment filming in Scotland is location work as it lacks the studio facilities that would enable it to sustain a big-budget production in its entirety (BOP Consulting). The absence of such infrastructure has been seen as contributing to a drain of Scottish talent from these industries to other areas and countries where there is a more vibrant sector (BOP Consulting). The loss of Scottish talent to Northern Ireland was attributed to the longevity of the work being provided by Games of Thrones (2011-) now having completed its six series at the Titanic Studios in Belfast (EKOS) although this may have been stemmed somewhat recently with the attraction of US high-end TV series Outlander (2014-) which has been based at Wardpark in Cumbernauld since 2013.Television, both high-end production and local broadcasting, appears crucial to the sustainability of screen production in Scotland. Outlander has been estimated to contribute to Scotland’s production spend figures reaching a historic high of £45.8 million in 2014 (Creative Scotland ”Creative Scotland Screen Strategy Update”). The arrival of the program has almost doubled production spend in Scotland, offering the chance for increased stability for screen industries workers. Qualifying for UK High-End Television Tax Relief, Outlander has engaged a crew of approximately 300 across props, filming and set build, and cast over 2,000 supporting artist roles from within Scotland and the UK.Long running drama, in particular, offers key opportunities for both those cutting their teeth in the screen industries and also by providing more consistent and longer-term employment to existing workers. BBC television soap River City (2002-) has been identified as a key example of such an opportunity and the programme has been credited with providing a springboard for developing the skills of local actors, writers and production crew (Hibberd). This kind of pipeline of production is critical given the work patterns of the sector. According to Creative Skillset, of the 4,000 people in Scotland are employed in the film and television industries, 40% of television workers are freelance and 90% of film production work in freelance (EKOS).In an attempt to address skills gaps, the Outlander Trainee Placement Scheme has been devised in collaboration with Creative Scotland and Creative Skillset. During filming of Season One, thirty-eight trainees were supported across a range of production and craft roles, followed by a further twenty-five in Season Two. Encouragingly Outlander, and the books it is based on, is set in Scotland so the authenticity of place has played a strong component in the decision to locate production there. Producer David Brown began his career on Bill Forsyth films Gregory’s Girl (1981), Local Hero (1983) and Comfort and Joy (1984) and has a strong existing relationship to Scotland. He has been very vocal in his support for the trainee program, contending that “training is the future of our industry and we at Outlander see the growth of talent and opportunities as part of our mission here in Scotland” (“Outlander fast tracks next generation of skilled screen talent”).ConclusionsThis article has aimed to explore the relationship between place and the screen industries and, taking Scotland as its focus, has outlined a need to more closely examine the ways in which the sector can be supported. Despite the possible gains in terms of building a sustainable industry, the state-led funding of the global screen industries is contested. The use of tax breaks and incentives has been problematised and critiques range from use of public funding to attract footloose media industries to the increasingly zero sum game of competition between competing places (Morawetz; McDonald). In relation to broadcasting, there have been critiques of a ‘lift and shift’ approach to policy in the UK, with TV production companies moving to the nations and regions temporarily to meet the quota and leaving once a production has finished (House of Commons). Further to this, issues have been raised regarding how far such interventions can seed and develop a rich production ecology that offers opportunities for indigenous talent (Christopherson and Rightor).Nonetheless recent success for the screen industries in Scotland can, at least in part, be attributed to interventions including increased decentralisation of broadcasting and the high-end television tax incentives. This article has identified gaps in infrastructure which continue to stymie growth and have led to production drain to other centres. 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