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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Virtues (Roman religion)"
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Buzykina, I. N. "Roman Virtues in the Christian Context of St Augustine’s De Civitate Dei". Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 4, n. 3 (28 settembre 2020): 62–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-3-15-62-75.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The topic of this paper is the continuity of major religious, moral and ethical concepts of Roman culture in following periods. These are the virtues of the citizen, namely virtus, fides and pietas — which distinguish the Roman citizen as a brave warrior, honest magistrate and pious pater familias. The central one was the duty to the City. Some traces of this tradition can be observed in the most influental sources of the Christian Patristic period, although the very intention of morals has changed: res publica, a common/communal duty, was replaced by the adoration of God. With the view to a representative research, De Civitate Dei by Saint Augustine, the most famous Christian treatise dealing with the state, civic rights, state religion, authority etc. was analyzed. On the one hand, this great book provides multiple suitable illustrations for almost every feature of the continuity between the Ancient pagan culture and Christian intellectual one. On the other hand, it isn’t just a plain comparison of loci classici in pagan and Christian context, one can find the origins of a completely new approach to the world history, which had had an influence on minds of further generations of Christian theologians in Middle Ages and later periods.
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Noonkester, Myron C. "Gibbon and the Clergy: Private Virtues, Public Vices". Harvard Theological Review 83, n. 4 (ottobre 1990): 399–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000023865.
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When the inaugural volume of Edward Gibbon'sDecline and Fall of the Roman Empirewas published in February 1776, the English public greeted it with a mixture of veneration and anxiety. Many agreed that it was a classic work, but some critics, mostly clergy, questioned its treatment of Christianity. Scholars have approached the ensuing controversy from several angles: Gibbon's reticence reduced it, theologically speaking, to a sampling of doctrinal viewpoints; considered as a literary phenomenon, the controversy merely provoked Gibbon to relegate his opponents to literary oblivion; historiographically, it affirmed the subordination of religious to civil history and the application of philosophical principles to the study of early Christianity. Though each is valid, none of these approaches accounts sufficiently for the historical context in which the controversy occurred. Yet an appreciation of the historical context of the controversy is necessary if Gibbon's achievement and eighteenth-century England's perspective on the problem of Christian origins are to be understood. This article observes Gibbon as he perfected his approach to religion, pondered the criticisms of his opponents, and sought to vindicate himself. In contrast to previous appraisals, it emphasizes that Gibbon was an occasional polemicist, that the controversy affected him deeply, and that, judged by contemporary standards, his critics successfully exploited their advantages in the debate.
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MacCormack, Sabine. "Sin, Citizenship, and the Salvation of Souls: The Impact of Christian Priorities on Late-Roman and Post-Roman Society". Comparative Studies in Society and History 39, n. 4 (ottobre 1997): 644–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500020843.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The impact of Christianity on the functioning of the later Roman empire has been examined by historians ever since Gibbon published his Decline and Fall. Had the Christians hastened the decline and fall of Rome? Outlining some themes of his projected work, Gibbon suggested before 1774 that indeed they had. In 1776, when publishing the first volume of his history, he touched on this same issue with considerable circumspection; but five years later, his earlier opinion appeared in print under the heading of “General Observations on the Decline of the Empire in the West” by way of concluding the third volume of the work. Here, Gibbon stated:As the happiness of a future life is the great object of religion, we may hear, without surprise or scandal, that the introduction, or at least the abuse, of Christianity had some influence on the decline and fall of the Roman empire. The clergy successfully preached the doctrines of patience and pusillanimity; the active virtues of society were discouraged: and the last remains of military spirit were buried in the cloister; a large portion of public and private wealth was consecrated to the specious demands of charity and devotion; and the soldiers' pay was lavished on the useless multitudes of both sexes, who could only plead the merits of abstinence and chastity.
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Penella, Robert J. "Vires/Robur/OpesandFerociain Livy's Account of Romulus and Tullus Hostilius". Classical Quarterly 40, n. 1 (maggio 1990): 207–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800026902.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In a recent article I observed that Livy sees a dialectic at work in Roman history over the course of the reigns of the first four kings. The first king, Romulus, is associated with physical (i.e. military) strength and is devoted to war. His successor Numa is devoted to peace and to the advance of religion, law and the civilizing virtues. The Romulean thesis, having been answered by the Numan antithesis, reasserts itself in the reign of the third king, Tullus Hostilius. This time, devotion to war is even more intense: Tullus isferocior(1.22.2) than Romulus. Excessive devotion to war, however, entailed the neglect of other things: towards the end of his reign, during a plague to which he himself eventually fell victim, Tullus turned to religion, hoping that the gods would end the pestilence if he could balance his Romulean devotion to war with a Numan concern forsacra. But his efforts were too late and inept. It was not until the reign of the fourth king, Ancus Marcius, that a synthesis was achieved. Ancus had amedium ingeniumthat fused the Romulean and Numan tendencies. The adoption of theius fetialeby the Livian Ancus symbolizes this synthesis: theius fetialewas a martial (i.e. Romulean) ritual, but it also acknowledged the Numan claims of religion and right.
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Ployd, Adam. "Inseparable virtue and theimago Deiin Augustine: a speculative interpretation ofDe Trinitate6.4". Scottish Journal of Theology 72, n. 2 (3 aprile 2019): 146–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930619000024.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractInDe Trinitate6.4, Augustine compares the inseparability of virtues within the human soul to the divine attributes within the simple divine substance of the Trinity. In this paper, I will suggest that this is more than a convenient analogy. Rather, I contend, the soul's virtues become inseparable as the soul itself conforms to the image of God through the primary virtue of love. My argument includes an analysis of the history of inseparable virtue in Graeco-Roman philosophy and a comparison of Augustine's use of the concept inTrin. 6.4 with his more extended treatment inEpistle167. In the face of a seeming conflict in these two texts, I argue for a ‘soft’ or ‘imperfect’ version of inseparability in Augustine's view of the virtues. Finally, I suggest that the cultivation of the virtues within the unity of love may be understood as the way we come to image the Trinity.
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Decock, Paul B. "VIRTUE AND PHILOSOPHY IN 4 MACCABEES". Journal for Semitics 24, n. 1 (15 novembre 2017): 307–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3450.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The first section of this article focuses on the use of the term and theme of ἀρετή in the argument that the Jewish religion can be seen as a most worthy philosophy. The second section shows how 4 Maccabees can be seen as a Jewish version of a philosophical work in the ancient Greco-Roman tradition: it raises the practical question of the noble way of life and shows us inspiring examples of persons who embodied this way by the manner in which they faced their death. The third section explores how a reading of 4 Maccabees can be seen as one of the “spiritual exercises” in the philosophical tradition (Pierre Hadot). The fourth section touches briefly on the issue of the Hellenization of the Jewish religion, of which 4 Maccabees is a strong example.
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Guo, Xiaohua. "On Machiavelli's double Criticism of Christianity". Journal of Education and Educational Research 1, n. 2 (6 dicembre 2022): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/jeer.v1i2.3421.
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In the Treatise on Livy and the Prince, Machiavelli launched a double critique of Christianity. Machiavelli proposed his own new interpretation of religious belief by discussing the characteristics of the enemy of Christianity (Roman religion). He believed that religion was only a political tool manipulated by people and not divine, and criticized Christianity from the opposite side. Machiavelli criticized Christianity from a positive perspective by presenting views contrary to the Christian doctrine on Moses, the sovereign virtue, the origin of religion, the Great Flood, and the Christian Reformation.
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Batten, Alicia. "The moral world of Greco-Roman associations". Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 36, n. 1 (marzo 2007): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980703600107.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article examines the language and regulations of Greco-Roman associations with a focus upon their moral worlds. Many of the virtues ascribed to the benefactors of and participants in these associations are based more upon their financial and administrative contributions than personal character, but sometimes such virtues are applied to people who do not provide financial assistance, suggesting a democratization of Greek values. Although the evidence indicates that generally ancient associations did not require a moral transformation of their members, nor did they stress moral guidelines beyond activity in the association (for which they were criticized by others), the strictly enforced regulations for life in the association upheld important codes that were connected to broader societal values. Evidence from the associations is thus another important component for the examination of the background and tensions among religions of antiquity.
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Szada, Marta. "The Missing Link: The Homoian Church in the Danubian Provinces and Its Role in the Conversion of the Goths". Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 24, n. 3 (1 dicembre 2020): 549–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2020-0053.
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Abstract Frequently, studies focusing on the fourth-century Trinitarian controversy stop at the 380s and emphasize the importance of the Council of Constantinople and the Council of Aquileia in 381, and the end of Italian rule of the last Homoian emperor, Valentinian II. In very common interpretation, these events mark the virtual end of the Latin Homoianism—its final extirpation. This thesis mightily influenced the modern thinking about Christianization of the Goths and other barbarian peoples. The process was conceptualized as an “ethnic switch” —the people of non-Roman ethnicity embraced the religion while the Romans completely abandoned it. Thereby, the disavowed Roman heresy changed into the creed able to preserve ethnic difference under the Roman pressure of acculturation. In the present paper, I challenge this interpretation. I argue that the Latin Homoian Church survived long into the fifth century and had an active role in the process of converting the Goths into the Homoian Christianity. I also call into question the role of Wulfila as the Apostle of the Goths directly involved in their Christianization in the 370s, the controvertible image created by the fifth-century church historians. By these means, I aim at dismissing a vision of Christianization of the Goths relying on the solitary mission of a single person. The Goths did not cling to Homoianism because it kept them apart from the Roman neighbours and let preserve their traditions. Quite opposite, in the era of the emperor Valens it was an act of political loyalty to the Roman Empire which later under the formative influence of the Latin Homoian Church transformed into the religious identification founded on the concept of Catholicity—quality of being universally right in the matter of faith—and not on ethnic exclusivism.
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Mol, Eva. "Roman Cyborgs! On Significant Otherness, Material Absence, and Virtual Presence in the Archaeology of Roman Religion". European Journal of Archaeology 23, n. 1 (22 luglio 2019): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eaa.2019.42.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this article I explore different ways archaeologists can contribute to and learn from theorizing the digital world beyond the traditional functionalistic means of applying computational methods. I argue that current digital technologies can be a very constructive tool to create non-human experience and awareness. I pursue this argument by presenting ideas from a work-in-progress project experimenting with the post-human and the virtual, and by exploring significant otherness in Roman religion and the dark spots in human perception, through the analysis of an absent temple in Rome. Applying post-human philosophies and an expanded concept of virtuality beyond the digital makes it possible to change our approach to object/human/divine relations in Roman cults and how we present Roman heritage towards a post-humanist framework. Through this, digital archaeology can become one of the ways of re-examining and reinventing our ideas of the human, the past and the digital.
Tesi sul tema "Virtues (Roman religion)"
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Gurney, Lynn Katharine. "Divine supervisors : the deified virtues in Roman religious thought". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.421630.
Testo completoLibri sul tema "Virtues (Roman religion)"
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Varying virtue: Mythological paragons of wifely virtues in Roman elegy. Lund: Centre for Languages and Literature, Lund University, 2008.
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Amodei, Mike, e Boniface Hanley. Therese of Lisieux: Living Justice (Saints & Virtues). Ave Maria Press, 2005.
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Hartmann, Anna-Maria. Gods Save the King. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807704.003.0007.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In Alexander Ross’s Mel Heliconium (1642) and Pansebeia (1653), the ancient gods and the stories surrounding them are the product of the greatly successful civil theology of the Roman Empire. Ross’s first mythography was written to intervene, on the royalist and Laudian side, in the political and religious conflicts of the Civil Wars. In such times, the virtuous Romans and their use of religion could provide a positive example for governing England. Ross’s portrayal of Roman religion dissociates it from the disreputable beginnings of paganism and emphasizes its monotheism, rationality, moral superiority, and charity. In their undisputed political wisdom, ideal princes of the Roman Empire championed religion because they knew that this would stabilize their reign and keep people in order through the fear of God. Ross’s mythographical work attempts to re-create the ancient function of the fables, by using them to restore the people’s fear of God and king.
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Dufallo, Basil, a cura di. Roman Error. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803034.001.0001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the eyes of posterity, ancient Rome is deeply flawed, whether because of political corruption or imperial domination, the practice of slavery or religious intolerance, sexual immorality or other “decadence”—the list could extend considerably. Without denying the good reasons why certain aspects of Roman behavior are unacceptable within our present worldview, this volume reveals how, for centuries, the Romans’ “errors” have not only provoked opprobrium but also inspired wayward, novel, errant forms of thought and representation, for whose historical importance and continued relevance the contributors argue. Treating examples from history, philosophy, literature, psychoanalysis, and art history, extending chronologically from antiquity to the present, Roman Error examines ways in which the Romans’ faults have become the basis for creative experimentation, rejections of prevailing ideology, revolutionary departures from received opinion, even comedy and delight. Thus “Roman error,” as used here, comes to signify both something that the Romans did and something that their heirs (including ourselves) do, when receptions of Rome attract charges of “error” or at least make us especially aware of reception as “error” of a kind. The reception of Rome’s missteps and mistakes has been far more complex than simply denouncing or condemning them, simply labeling them as an exemplum malum to be shunned and avoided. This volume, its play on words joining the moral, cognitive, and physical senses of the Latin verb errare (“to stray from the path of virtue,” “to be mistaken,” “to wander about,” etc.), examines a particular, recurring manner in which this is so.
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Ledbetter, Mark. Virtuous Intentions: The Religious Dimension of Narrative (Masoretic Studies / The Society of Biblical Literature). An American Academy of Religion Book, 2000.
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Barnes, SJ, Michael. Waiting on Grace. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842194.001.0001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Whereas much theology of religions regards ‘the other’ as a problem to be solved, this book begins with a Church called to witness to its faith in a multicultural world by practising a generous yet risky hospitality. A theology of dialogue takes its rise from the Christian experience of being-in-dialogue. Taking its rise from the biblical narrative of encounter, call, and response, such a theology cannot be fully understood without reference to the matrix of faith that Christians share in complex ways with the Jewish people. The contemporary experience of the Shoah, the dominating religious event of the twentieth century, has complexified that relationship and left an indelible mark on the religious sensibility of both Jews and Christians. Engaging with a range of thinkers, from Heschel, Levinas, and Edith Stein who were all deeply affected by the Shoah, to Metz, Panikkar, and Rowan Williams, who are always pressing the limits of what can and cannot be said with integrity about the self-revealing Word of God, this book shows how Judaism is a necessary, if not sufficient, source of Christian self-understanding. What is commended by this foundational engagement is a hope-filled ‘waiting on grace’ made possible by virtues of empathy and patience. A theology of dialogue focuses not on metaphysical abstractions but on biblical forms of thought about God’s presence to human beings which Christians share with Jews and, under the continuing guidance of the Spirit of Christ, learn to adapt to a whole range of contested cultural and political contexts.
Capitoli di libri sul tema "Virtues (Roman religion)"
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O'Daly, Gerard. "‘Where Were the Gods?’". In Augustine's City of God, 96–123. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841241.003.0006.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The chapter analyzes Books 1–5, which are dominated by Augustine’s polemic against Roman polytheistic religion. Book 1 functions as an overture to central themes of the work, especially the contrast between the city of God, ‘an alien among the ungodly’, and the pride and desire for domination of the earthly city; it concentrates mainly on the moral and religious issues arising from Alaric’s sack of Rome in 410. The principal themes of these books are: pagan and Christian virtues; the moral deficiencies of Roman religion and the failure of the gods to protect Rome throughout its violent and disaster-prone history; God’s providential role in the success of empires, especially the Roman Empire; arguments against fate; Christian virtues and imperial rule.
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Niehoff, Maren R. "Power, Exile, and Religion in the Roman Empire". In Philo of Alexandria. Yale University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300175233.003.0003.
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This chapter examines how Philo emerged as a central author in the discourse on power, exile, and religion in first-century Rome. Highly aware of the tyrannical features of Claudius's rule, he develops a sophisticated language of projecting criticism onto Claudius's predecessor Gaius. Like his contemporary Seneca, Philo connects the loss of power—namely, exile—with philosophy, suggesting that it is a space for reasserting and refashioning one's identity. Close parallels appear between the Roman version of exile, exemplified by Flaccus, and the Jewish version of exile, exemplified by the Alexandrian Jews during the pogrom in their city. Within this distinctly Roman context, Philo develops a fascinating new notion of Judaism, which he defines by nobility of mind, the Jerusalem Temple, urbanity, and civic virtues. This dramatic refashioning of Judaism has significant implications for early Christianity and subsequent Greek authors in the Roman Empire.
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"Elementa virtutis: the elements of virtue". In Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 165–90. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203463260-19.
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Price, Simon. "Local Mythologies in the Greek East". In Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199265268.003.0014.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Overall Issue of this Chapter is the articulation of local identities within the broader context of the Greek and Roman world. The development of mythologies, that is, a shared sense of the past, is one of the key ways that this was achieved in the ancient world. Other people and places have done things differently. For example, in the Middle Ages struggles over the possession of the relics of saints was part of the jostling for ecclesiastical and political prominence. This chapter will focus on the High Empire, though it will look back to the Classical and Hellenistic periods. It aims to show the importance of joining up studies of Classical Greek religion with those of later periods. It aims also to illustrate the virtues of being aware of material of different types: not only texts, but also coins, sculpture, and buildings. One theme is that the sculpture and the coins be seen as ‘memory theatres’ in which communities represented to themselves and others images of their past and hence their identities. First, some remarks on the definition of ‘mythology’. Here, the word simply refers to stories about the gods and heroes. The term ‘histories’ would have been equally good, because there was and is a perfectly good case for seeing these stories as actual events, taking place in specific places and at specific times. Upholders of that view naturally believed in the possibility of a continuous narrative, from stories about the gods and heroes down to the present. Such a position was of course debatable and debated, from the fifth century onwards. So Diodorus, writing his Universal History, noted that earlier historians had excluded mythology on the grounds that it contained self-contradictions and confusions (so on evidential, not ontological grounds). He himself, however, proposed to include the deeds of gods and heroes, such as Dionysus and Heracles, who were benefactors of the human race. Such inclusiveness, however, remained controversial: Dionysius of Halicarnassus commended Thucydides’ exclusion of the mythical from his narrative, while noting that local historians did not live up to Thucydidean standards.
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Jillions, John A. "Roman Corinth". In Divine Guidance, 15–30. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190055738.003.0002.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This chapter gives the historical background of Corinth, its destruction by Roman forces in 146 BCE, and its establishment as a model Roman colony in 44 BCE. When Paul was there in the mid-first century it was a bustling crossroads of commerce and ideas. Archeology shows that Corinthian culture was still feeling the effects of the Roman Revolution under Augustus, which brought a distinctly Roman emphasis to all aspects of religion and society. Augustus himself had been very conscious of divine signs surrounding his elevation and rule. This had a marked effect on attitudes toward divine guidance in public worship and in household piety. In settings both public and private close observance of the religious traditions of Rome (whether or not one believed in them) was viewed as essential to Roman unity and prosperity. This piety was self-consciously Roman, emphasizing simplicity, virtue, and service to the community and state.
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de Beer, Susanna. "Weaponized Images of Roman Virtue and Vice". In The Renaissance Battle for Rome, 91–131. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198878902.003.0004.
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Abstract Chapter 3 starts by explaining how the papal claims to the imperial legacy of Rome were also legitimized with a claim to the moral legacy of Rome, triggering positive images of Rome as the City of Virtue by means of a narrative of moral reform. The chapter then examines the way in which “outsider” parties exploited negative counter-images of Rome as the City of Vice to undermine these claims, and how they used linear templates to suggest virtus romana (Roman virtue) had moved elsewhere. The chapter argues that the focus on Rome’s morality as foundation for political and religious authority, and the rhetorical uses of image and counter-image in claiming and contesting this authority, sharpened the divide between insiders and outsiders. Not only distinguishing more radical reformers from those who upheld the Roman church, it also deepened the divide between Italy and Northern Europe, regions that were also driven apart in the cultural domain. This chapter enters into discussion with scholarship on early modern (proto-)nationalist identities and tries to bridge the divide that is still visible between scholarship on Renaissance Rome and Italy until the Sack of Rome (1527), on the one hand, and on Reformation Europe, on the other.
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Gassman, Mattias P. "Commemorating Vettius Agorius Praetextatus". In Worshippers of the Gods, 140–67. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190082444.003.0006.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Late in 384, a leading pagan senator and priest, Vettius Agorius Praetextatus, died shortly before he was to take up the consulship. Senatorial aristocrats produced epigraphic and literary monuments that reveal the continued vitality of pagan religious discourse after the final separation of the traditional cults from Roman imperial power. As urban prefect, Symmachus negotiated one commemorative campaign between the Senate and Valentinian’s court, upholding Praetextatus as a model of non-sectarian civic virtue. This stance brought Symmachus into disagreement with the Vestals and Praetextatus’ wife, Paulina. As an initiative of an ancient Roman priesthood, the Vestals’ now-lost commemoration likely highlighted Praetextatus’ involvement in the civic cults. For Paulina, religion had indeed been her husband’s most important pursuit, but it aimed, beyond the well-being of Rome, at immortality. Attacking Paulina, Christians such as Jerome promoted an alternative aristocratic devotion focused on ascetical humility, rather than on the religious virtuosity, paralleled by political success, of which both pagan and Christian senators boasted. In his first book of Epistles, which was likely published some years later, Symmachus foregrounded Praetextatus’ expertise as a pontifex but ignored his private religious pursuits. For Symmachus, public religion was vital to Praetextatus’ legacy and to the aristocratic world they had shared.
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Gargola, Daniel J. "The Ritual of Centuriation". In The Religious History of the Roman Empire, 263–94. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199644063.003.0011.
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Abstract This chapter explicates how surveying is regarded as a rite. It considers the surveying techniques of Frontinus and Hyginus Gromatics from their collection Corpus Agrimensorum Romanorum. Frontinus and Hyginus Gromaticus started with the description of centuriation’s origins and virtues. Centuriation had been primarily developed and deployed in the colonies and viritane assignments that accompanied Roman expansion. The chapter elucidates the process of surveyors in centuriating a field, while also acknowledging that other scholars correlated centuriation and Roman augury. It then looks into the correlation between antiquarianism and administration that has been found within Roman works on public and sacred law.
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Brown, P. G. Mee. "The First Roman Literature". In The oxford history of The roman World, 74–89. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192802033.003.0004.
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Abstract Latin literature begins with a bang, with a dazzling display of virtuoso verbal fireworks in twenty comedies written by Plautus between about 205 and 184 BC. The start of Latin literature is conventionally dated to the performance of a play by Livius Andronicus at Rome in 240 BC, but these comedies by Plautus are the earliest works to have survived complete. They are modelled on Greek comedies, nearly all of them ‘New Comedies’ written by Menander and his contemporaries about 100 years before Plautus. Like the Greek comedies, they are written in verse. Greek comedies were written for performance in a permanent theatre at Athens, as central elements in a religious festival. Roman comedies were also performed at religious festivals, but they were one source of entertainment among many, and they were performed on a temporary stage erected for the occasion.
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Horsfall, Nicholas. "Virgil, history, and the Roman tradition". In Fifty Years at the Sibyl's Heels, 61–77. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198863861.003.0006.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Augustus’ typological recapitulation of the past lends weight to the impact of Virgil’s teleology: he is not merely the telos of Roman history, but embodies its greatest heroes and virtues. At the same time typology modifies the stark outline of a purely teleological presentation of Roman history; the stages in Rome’s undeviating advance are linked by association between the leading figures in that advance. For all its coherence and its importance in the history of ideas, Virgil’s conception of history has mixed, scattered, and often humble origins, in religious attitudes, in the traditions of patriotic oratory, in public representations of Roman family pride. As an interpreter of Roman history he was for his time uniquely intelligent and sophisticated, yet his vision has little if anything in common with orthodox historiography.
Atti di convegni sul tema "Virtues (Roman religion)"
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Graskemper, Michael David. "A BRIDGE TO INTERRELIGIOUS COOPERATION: THE GÜLENJESUIT EDUCATIONAL NEXUS". In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/aeaf6717.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Gülen movement’s educational mission is, at its core and in its praxis, remarkably simi- lar to the centuries-old Jesuit educational tradition. It can be argued that both educational movements are united in a shared mission today –a deep concern for the spiritual freedom of the individual and a commitment to the betterment of the world. Both movements seek to instil values such as honesty, dedication, compassion and tolerance. To achieve this goal, students are offered a narrative of the past as a foundation on which to build an understanding of the modern world. Furthermore, they are educated holistically – in ethics and social justice as well as the sciences – what Gülen calls a ‘marriage of mind and heart’. This paper focuses on four shared values of education: commitment, responsibility, virtue and service. Within this framework, themes found in the Gülen educational movement, such as the Golden Generation and the concept of hizmet, are compared to similar Jesuit notions such as A.M.D.G., cura personalis, and ‘Men and Women for Others’. Differences and nu- ances are also addressed in the paper. The discussion aims to highlight the importance of values-oriented education in the modern world. The Gülen–Jesuit educational nexus is one positive bridge to inter-religious understanding and, importantly, collaborative action. The educational endeavors associated with the Turkish-Muslim Gülen movement have popu- larized, possibly more than any other facet of the group, Fethullah Gülen’s mission to prom- ulgate and cultivate an individually transformative Islam in the modern world. As the teach- ers and business partners of the Gülen movement continue to work to form conscientious, open-minded and just students in different cultures across the world, they will continue to be challenged and influenced by a myriad of different perspectives, religions, and socio-political groups; and, in turn, they will succeed in positively influencing those same cultures, as they have in many cases already. Of the many groups with which the Gülen movement has inter- acted in its ever-expanding intercultural milieu, this paper will focus on one: the educational charge of a Roman Catholic religious order called the Society of Jesus, a group more com- monly known as the Jesuits. This paper shows that the educational mission of the Gülen movement is, at its core, remark- ably similar to the mission of the centuries-old Jesuit Catholic educational tradition. In fact, it can be argued that the Gülen and Jesuit educational missions are, in theory and in praxis, united in a shared mission today; one that is rooted in a deep concern for the spiritual free- dom of the individual and dedicated to the betterment of the world. In analyzing this shared mission, this paper aims to discuss the importance of values-oriented education; particularly by addressing how the Gülen-Jesuit educational nexus can act as one positive bridge to inter- religious understanding and, importantly, cooperation and action in our transitioning world. In order to achieve this end, this paper begins with a short analysis of each movement’s back- ground with regard to education. Afterwards, the each movement’s notion of religious educa- tion is discussed. Finally, the focus turns to the mission themes the educational movements have in common. While there is a plethora of shared mission traits from which one could choose, for practical purposes this paper uses as its foundation for comparison four themes distilled by William J. Byron, S.J., from a mission statement from Georgetown University, the Jesuit university in Washington, D.C., which reads: Georgetown seeks to be a place where understanding is joined to commitment; where the search for truth is informed by a sense of responsibility for the life of society; where academic excellence in teaching...is joined with the cultivation of virtue; and where a community is formed which sustains men and women in their education and their conviction that life is only lived well when it is lived generously in the service of others (Byron 1997, 653). The first of these themes is a commitment to the understanding that God works in the world through people. The second is a responsibility to raise individual students to act justly in and for the world. The third is virtue, with the understanding that the way to achieve the mission of these schools is through educating students to be morally upright. Finally, the fourth theme is the need to be actively engaged in service to make the world a more peaceful, tolerant and just place to live. Commitment, responsibility, virtue, and service are, significantly, foundational for not only Jesuit schools, but Gülen schools as well.