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Davidson, Jamie Seth. "Violence and politics in West Kalimantan, Indonesia". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10787.
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Herriman, Nicholas. "A din of whispers : community, state control, and violence in Indonesia". University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0075.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
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Setiawan, Dorita. "Islamic feminist community organizing for combatting violence against women : a case study of Rifka Annisa, Women Crisis Center, Yogyakarta, Indonesia". Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83160.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis focuses on an Islamic feminist community organization, and its activities in combating violence against women. The case example discussed in this study is the Rifka Annisa Women's Crisis Center (WCC Rifka Annisa) located in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. By examining the environment and the issues that WCC Rifka Annisa faces, broader thematic concerns can be applied to Indonesian society in general. This study reviews western feminist and community organizing approaches, and examines them in light of the specific religious, cultural, economic and political context in Indonesia. A blend of Islamic feminim and community organizing approaches has emerged in Indonesia. Data collection for this study was based on interviews and direct observations. Exploring this perspective will contribute to the knowledge, practice and values of social work generally, and development work in similar contexts in particular.
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Anis, Elis Z. "Framing conflict news in Poso Indonesia a comparative analysis of the Manado post, MAL, and Kompas newspapers /". Ohio : Ohio University, 2006. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1149693291.
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Hayati, Elli Nur. "Domestic violence against women in rural Indonesia : searching for multilevel prevention". Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Epidemiologi och global hälsa, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-83181.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Background: Domestic violence has been recognized globally as one of the most important Public Health concerns with severe negative health consequences for the exposed women. Through UN bodies several international milestones have successfully pushed attention towards worldwide improvements in the life situations of women. Since the ratification of the Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 1984, significant positive changes towards equality between men and women in Indonesia have been initiated, one being the enactment of the Domestic Violence Act in 2004. However, there is still a need to improve the knowledge about what preventive measures that are feasible and work in different settings. This thesis aims to contribute to a better understanding of appropriate prevention strategies against domestic violence in rural Indonesia by exploring: i) risk factors for domestic violence; ii) women’s ways of coping with exposure to violence; iii) men’s views on masculinity and violence within marriage; and iv) challenges faced by local service agency in managing services for women survivors of domestic violence. Methods: Data from a cross sectional population based study was used to analyze risk factors for physical and sexual abuse among a cohort of pregnant women in Purworejo district. Further, a qualitative phenomenological interview study was conducted to reveal the dynamics of coping among women survivors of domestic violence in the same district. A Grounded Theory study based on focus group discussions with men formed the basis for a situational analysis of the linkage between masculinity and the use of violence within marriage. Finally, a qualitative case study was performed to explore the management practices of a local service agency in the district, to understand the challenges faced in their efforts to address domestic violence. Results: Sexual violence was associated with husbands’ demographic characteristics (age and low educated) and women’s economic independence. Exposure to physical violence among women was strongly associated with husbands’ personal characteristics. The attitudes and norms expressed by women confirmed unequal gender relationships. Experiencing violence led women to using an elastic band coping strategy, moving between actively opposing the violence and surrendering or tolerating the situation. The national gender equality policies were shown to have played a crucial role in transforming gender power relations among men and women (the gender order) in the Indonesian society. Three different positions of masculinity were identified, the traditionalist, the egalitarian, and the progressive, with different beliefs about men’s role within marriage and with various levels of accepting the use of violence. Long term structural preventive efforts and individual interventions targeted to the conflicting couples were preferred over reporting the abuser to the authorities. The major challenges faced by the local service agency were the low priority given by the authorities, mirrored also in low involvement in the daily service by the assigned volunteers. The local agency also stammered in translating the current law and policies into a society that held on to traditional and religious norms regulating the relationships between men and women. Conclusion: Overall, this thesis illustrates that sociocultural traditions and religious teaching still viscously influence people’s attitudes and beliefs about the use of violence within relationships. Domestic violence has not been accepted as a criminal act but is still to a large extent seen as a private family affair. Culturally sensitive programs aimed to bridging the gap between the current laws and policies and the socio-cultural traditions need to be further developed to protect women from domestic violence and increase gender equity in the Indonesian setting.
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Lakawa, Septemmy Eucharistia. "Risky hospitality: mission in the aftermath of religious communal violence in Indonesia". Thesis, Boston University, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/19495.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Dissertation (Th. D.)--Boston University, 2011.This dissertation argues that in the aftermath of religious communal violence in Indonesia, Christian mission practice should take the form of hospitality. A fundamental Christian tradition, hospitality has been theologically reclaimed in recent decades and has become central to the contemporary discourse on mission and religious pluralism. This dissertation particularizes the broader discourse by identifying the missiological dimension of local Indonesian hospitality as a vital Christian interreligious practice in the aftermath of religious communal violence. [TRUNCATED]
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Sumanto. "Interreligious violence, civic peace, and citizenship: Christians and Muslims in Maluku, Eastern Indonesia". Thesis, Boston University, 2013. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/12856.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston UniversityThis dissertation focuses on the study of interreligious violence, civic peace, and citizenship in the Christian-Muslim conflict zone of Maluku (the Moluccas) in eastern Indonesia, especially in the region of Ambon. Violent conflict between Christians and Muslims broke out in the region on January 19, 1999, and continued for four years. Against this backdrop, the dissertation investigates factors underlying the interreligious violence as well as those shaping post-conflict peace and citizenship. The project examines the role of religious networks, organizations, and discourses before, during, and after the mayhem. It also explores the dynamics of Maluku's religious groups, government institutions, and civil society associations in responding to violence and reconciliation. The research, conducted from February 1, 2010, to March 30, 2011, utilizes ethnographic fieldwork, network and associational analysis, as well as historical and comparative research on the social formation of religious identities and associations in the Maluku region. It also draws on a questionnaire of one hundred former members of militia groups, both Christians and Muslims. The dissertation shows, first, that relations between Christians and Muslims in Maluku were not previously pacific but have been marked by competition and violence since European colonial times. Second, in the first phases of the Maluku wars, religious identities and discourses figured prominently in the framing and exacerbation of the strife. Third, synergy between state and society actors has been the key to stopping the mass violence and resolving conflict. The findings contrast with previous analyses that (1) portray pre-war Maluku as a stable area, (2) place singular emphasis on the political economy of the conflict, and (3) neglect the contribution of government in the peacemaking process. Fourth, while in some parts of Indonesia religious groups eagerly promote the application of Islamic Shari'a such as in Aceh or of Christian Law such as in Papua, the question of religious law did not figure prominently in Maluku. Fifth, in the aftermath of religious violence, ethnic difference, identification with clan, and regionalism are becoming more pronounced. If not addressed appropriately, these forces could serve as the sources for renewed collective conflict in the years to come.
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Lundqvist, Erika. "Intervening Religious and Cultural Based Violence Against Children in Indonesia : A Theortical Analysis". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-295422.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research is a case-study based primarily on theory and pre-existing documents describing the history and the current situation in regards to violence against children in Indonesia. The theory of intervention is analysed against the context of Indonesia with an aim to find which of the selected intervention approaches – the systems approach, the human ecology approach, the lifecycle approach and the community based approach – are considered most appropriate, in terms of minimal obstacles or barriers, for recommendation to be implemented by religious leaders to eliminate violence against children. Furthermore, this research finds which types of violence against children – those with religious motivation or those with cultural motivation – each of these four intervention approaches are best suited for. The study finds that the former two approaches are lesser recommended for religious leaders on their own to lead, and that the latter two are better able to provide the necessary social programming. While conditions apply, each of the approaches are capable of intervening violence motivated by both religious and cultural norms.
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Woodward, Kathleen Elizabeth. "Violent masses, elites, and democratization : the Indonesian Case /". The Ohio State University, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53707316.html.
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Weeraratne, Suranjan Uditha. "Degrees of 'scapegoatability': assessing spatial variations in collective violence against the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia". Thesis, McGill University, 2009. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66696.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Many instrumental expositions of collective violence have examined the role of self–interested ethnic/religious entrepreneurs in inciting riots. The concept of scapegoating is frequently used to explain how opportunistic elites attempt to deflect blame onto vulnerable ethnic minorities, particularly during times of socioeconomic and political upheaval. However, the notion of scapegoating is under-theorized in the conflict literature and the question of why elite scapegoating only sometimes leads to violence is seldom addressed. This dissertation seeks to redress the balance by interrogating spatial variations in violence against the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia (a widely scapegoated group) in the late New Order period of President Suharto. The study argues that elite-orchestrated campaigns of scapegoating succeed only if specific attributes invoked in such campaigns resonate at the local level; violence is more likely when prevailing local conditions amplify the pointed nature of the elite rhetoric. This in turn magnifies the threat perceived by the local community, provides focal point/s for mobilization against the disliked "other" and in turn makes certain Chinese communities more "scapegoatable." Typically, scapegoating of the Chinese entails invoking entrenched stereotypes of the group as non-Moslem, non-native, economically dominant outsiders. Local mechanisms which activate these stereotypes include higher visibility of non-Moslem sites of worship, heightened ethnic competition and ostensible symbols of wealth associated with the Chinese. The study draws on literature from political science, social psychology and ethnic demography, highlights the salience of local cleavages and stresses the interaction between macro- and micro-foundations of violence. Existing research practice often takes the "riot episode" as a single observation. The extent of spatial variations in violence demonstrated in thDe nombreuse explications instrumentales sur le violence collective ont examiné le rôle d'entrepreneurs ethniques et religieux intéressés dans des émeutes d'incitation. Le concept de bouc émissaire est fréquemment employé pour expliquer comment les élites opportunistes essayent de guider le blâme sur des minorités ethniques vulnérables, en particulier pendant des périodes de bouleversement socio-économique et politique. Cependant, la notion de bouc émissaire est sous-théorisée dans la littérature de conflit, et la question : pourquoi l'élite choisi un bouc émissaire mène quelquefois à la violence? est rarement abordée.Cette thèse cherche à redonner un équilibre en interrogeant des variations spatiales de violence contre les personnes d'origine Chinoise en Indonésie (un groupe largement considéré comme bouc émissaire) vers la fin de la 'Nouvelle Période d'Ordre' du Président Suharto. L'étude argumente que les campagnes orchestrées par élite qui choisissent un bouc émissaire réussissent seulement si les attributs spécifiques invoqués dans de telles campagnes résonnent au niveau local; la violence est plus probable quand les conditions locales amplifient la nature aiguë de la rhétorique des élites. Ceci amplifie la menace perçue par la communauté locale, fournit un ou plusieurs points focaux pour la mobilisation contre 'l'autre' peu apprécié et 'assure aux communautés chinoises d'être plus 'bouc émissair-able'. Typiquement, la faire bouc émissaire du Chinois nécessite d'appeler des stéréotypes indélogeables du groupe comme non-Musulmans, étrangers économiquement dominants non-natifs. Les mécanismes locaux qui activent ces stéréotypes incluent une visibilité plus élevée des emplacements de non-Musulmans du culte, de la concurrence ethnique intensifiée et des symboles apparents de la richesse liés au Chinois.Inspirée par la littérature des sci
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Wattie, Anna Marie. "Violence in the day-to-day lives of women plantation workers in Central Java, Indonesia". [S.l. : Amsterdam : s.n.] ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2004. http://dare.uva.nl/document/77733.
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Barron, Patrick. "Barriers to the consolidation of peace : the political economy of post-conflict violence in Indonesia". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a1dd34e0-475f-4279-b512-21faf35c55fb.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
What causes post-conflict violence to occur in some places emerging from extended violent conflict and not in others? Why does episodic post-conflict violence take different forms? And what causes episodic violence to escalate into larger renewed extended violence? This thesis contributes towards answers to these questions by examining the experience of Indonesia. Six provinces saw civil war or large-scale inter-communal unrest around the turn of the century. In each, war ended. Yet levels and forms of post-conflict violence vary significantly between areas. The Indonesian cases are used to build a theory of the sources of spatial and temporal variance in post-conflict violence. Multiple methods are employed. A new dataset, containing over 158,000 coded incidents, maps patterns of extended and post-conflict violence. Six districts in three provinces are then studied in depth. Comparative analysis of districts and provinces—drawing on over 300 field interviews—identifies the determinants of variations in post-conflict violence levels and forms. Adopting a political economy approach, the thesis develops a novel actor-based theory of post-conflict violence. Violence is not the result of failed elite bargains, dysfunctional inter-group relations, enduring grievances, or weak states. Instead, it flows from the incentives that three sets of actors—local elites, local violence specialists, and national elites—have to use violence for accumulation. Violence is used when it is beneficial, non-costly, and when other opportunities for getting ahead do not exist. How post-conflict resources are deployed, the degree to which those who use violence face sanctions, and the availability of peaceful means to achieve goals shape incentives and hence patterns of violence. Where only violence specialists support violence, post-conflict violence will take small-scale forms. Where local elites also support violence, escalation to frequent large episodic violence occurs. Extended violence only occurs where national elites also have reason to use violence for purposes of accumulation.
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Park, Jae Bong Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "Preventing ethnic violence in Indonesia : civil society engagement in Yogyakarta during the economic crisis of 1998". Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40314.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the engagement of civil society in Yogyakarta to prevent ethnic violence during the economic crisis of 1998. The thesis explains why and how the people of Yogyakarta avoided ethnic violence, particularly anti-ethnic Chinese riots, during the heightened socio-economic crisis of 1998. The thesis investigates interactions between civil society actors, local traditional leaders and grassroots people in Yogyakarta in preventing ethnic violence. I argue that various actions of civil society organisations in Yogyakarta were instrumental in preventing ethnic violence during the economic crisis of 1998. This argument runs counter to the popular Yogyanese myth that Sultan Hamengku Buwono X (HB X) played a dominant role in preventing ethnic violence during the economic crisis of 1998. The thesis will highlight some local mechanisms that have greatly contributed to the prevention of ethnic and religious violence in Yogyakarta. The findings are as follows: (1) Civil society in Yogyakarta including Non-government organisations, interfaith dialogue organisations, intellectuals, student organisations, religious leaders, and business associations played a key role in managing the socio-economic crisis through the provision of staple food packages, arranging coordination meetings, and organising vigilante teams. In contrast, unlike the popular myth, Sultan HB X's role was limited. (2) Local inter-ethnic civil society organisations such as Paguyuban Mitra Masyarakat Yogyakarta (Association of the Fellowship of Yogyakarta Society), Komite Kemanusiaan Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta Humanitarian Committee) and Tim Relawan Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta Volunteer Team) functioned as platforms of communication and coordination between Chinese and indigenous Indonesians, and Muslims and Christians. With the help of these inter-ethnic civil society organisations, the Chinese community and their business associations in Yogyakarta actively engaged in dispensing staple food packages. (3) Local Islam-affiliated organisations in Yogyakarta such as the LKiS, MUI, NU, Muhammadiyah, and the PPP also played a significant role in managing heightened tensions. They cooperated with other non-Islamic civil society organisations in encouraging ethnic and religious pluralism and restraining primordial sentiment during the economic crisis of 1998.
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Turner, Kathleen Therese. "Competing myths of nationalist identity : ideological perceptions of conflict in Ambon, Indonesia /". Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2006. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20060713.204930.
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Murni, Fiferi Pimpawun Boonmongkon. "Violence against women by male partners, : prevalence and women's strategies illustration from Jakarta and west Java-Indonesia /". Abstract, 1999. http://mulinet3.li.mahidol.ac.th/thesis/2542/42E-FiferiM.pdf.
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Hasan, Noorhaidi. "Laskar Jihad : Islam, militancy, and the quest for identity in post-new order Indonesia /". Ithaca, NY : Southeast Asia Program Publ, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0803/2008530106.html.
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Diprose, Rachael. "A comparison of communal conflict dynamics and sub-national patterns of violence in Indonesia and Nigeria, Central Sulawesi Province and Kaduna State". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.559824.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This mixed-methods study compares the processes of violent conflict escalation and de-escalation in two pairs of neighbouring, sub-national regions in Indonesia (Poso and Donggala districts) and Nigeria (Zangon Kataf and Kachia Local Government Areas). Despite similar contextual features, this thesis demonstrates that inter-group tensions have only escalated into repeated episodes of widespread violence in one of the two research sites examined in each country. This thesis argues that the onset of, or escalation in, violent communal conflict involves complex processes that shift inter- group relations back and forth along a continuum, from more peaceful interaction between groups at one extreme, towards repeated episodes of collective violence at the other extreme. In the presence of inter-group tensions, interventions and constraints at different points in the conflict trajectory may prevent tensions culminating in violence, or prevent repeated episodes of collective violence from occurring. Analysis of the evidence suggests that violence at the sub-national level is more likely to occur during periods of political-institutional change that are accompanied by economic decline. At such times, the opportunity for groups to re-negotiate their access to the state is enlarged, as there are higher stakes that encourage groups to participate in both violent and non-violent forms of contestation. Furthermore, at such times, this thesis argues that the risk of violent communal conflict increases when the heterogeneous interests and grievances of group members converge under politically salient identity frames, in opposition to other such groups. This is particularly the case if the convergence of motivations is underpinned by a local history of political or socio- economic inequalities between groups, or the unequal recognition of cultural groups by the state. Furthermore, inequalities between the elites of politically salient groups (for example, in terms of access to power and resources) drive their own interests in mobilising the wider group in collective action. However, power- and resource- sharing, as well as efforts to redress inequalities, can help to de-escalate tensions. Underpinning the shifts of inter-group tensions along the peace-violence continuum towards collective violence are those processes that focus public attention on inter- group differences rather than similarities. Such shifts are also underscored by constellations of actions and events that link past and present, and facilitate the mounting and staging of violence along salient identity group lines (such as the use of emotive group symbols, derogatory slurs, strategically targeted violence and other acts that invite violent reprisals). However, shifts towards more peaceful interaction tend to be driven by events and actions that focus public attention on group similarities and seek to redress inter-group tensions. The overarching argument of this thesis is that in the presence of inter-group tensions, sub-national outbreaks of violence are not always inevitable in plural societies. Supra-local tensions can stimulate communal violence, but repeated episodes of violence tend to occur when there are local roots, particularly those pertaining to inequalities.
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Riotor, Clotilde. "Une réconciliation contestée : l'affaire de la répression de Tanjung Priok : violence, justice et fabrique de l'après-violence en Indonésie (1984-2005)". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0123.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Pourquoi certains crimes d’État ou de masse sont-ils jugés au sortir d’un régime autoritaire ou d'une guerre civile, tandis que d'autres épisodes de violence voient leur traitement judiciaire en suspens ? Pourquoi passe-t-on parfois par des procédures ou institutions dites de « réconciliation » ? Ces dernières constituent-elles des formes de contournement de la justice ? La thèse tente de répondre à ces questions à l'aune d'un cas de violence survenu en 1984 en Indonésie. Tranchant avec un climat national souvent qualifié d'impunité des auteurs suspectés de violations graves passées, la « tragédie de Tanjung Priok » n'est pas restée sans suites. En 2003, cinq années après la démission de Suharto, quelque quinze militaires qui avaient été déployés sur les lieux lors du massacre furent jugés pour « crimes contre l'humanité » devant un tribunal national ad hoc des droits de l’homme. Or, une charte de « réconciliation », dite charte d'ishlah, se référant au droit islamique, signée avant le procès par les accusés et une partie des victimes, a déclenché une controverse et suscité l'embarras des acteurs institutionnels. Pour comprendre les enjeux de cette « réconciliation », ce travail fait dialoguer une revue comparative des mécanismes de justice transitionnelle à l'échelle internationale, avec un portrait de l'Indonésie en transition et une reconstitution historique des scènes-clés et polémiques ayant marqué l'ensemble d'une l'affaire qui s'étend sur plus de vingt ans. La thèse se démarque des descriptions surplombantes des lendemains de violence en insistant sur les dynamiques locales à l’œuvre sur une temporalité longue, à partir de sources variées (entretiens, tracts, procès, presse), depuis la contestation souterraine de la violence sous Suharto jusqu'aux années 2000. L'approche ici développée se distingue néanmoins des analyses centrées sur le déterminisme des structures pour mettre en lumière les effets de concaténation générés par la mondialisation des pratiques de justice transitionnelleWhy are some state or mass crimes judged in courts after a civil war or the fall of an authoritarian regime, while other episodes of violence see their judicial treatment suspended ? Why do they sometimes go through so-called “reconciliation” procedures or institutions? Are these forms of circumvention of justice ? This thesis is an attempt to answer these questions in the light of a case of violence in 1984 in Indonesia. In full contrast with a national climate often referred to as impunity of suspected perpetrators of serious past violations since the transition, the “tragedy of Tanjung Priok” has not remained without judicial consequences after the fall of Suharto in 1998. In 2003, about fifteen soldiers who were deployed on the scene during the bloody events were charged and tried for “crimes against humanity” before a national ad hoc human rights court. However, a charter of “reconciliation”, called ishlah charter, referring to Islamic law, signed before the trial between suspected perpetrators and some of the victims sparked off a controversy and the embarrassment of institutional actors. To understand the stakes of this “reconciliation”, this work makes an extensive review of the evolutions of transitional justice mechanisms on an international scale dialogue with a portrait of Indonesia in transition and a historical reconstitution of the key scenes and the controversies that have arisen over the course of this whole affair, which extends over more than twenty years. Thus, this thesis departs from disembodied descriptions of post-violence in order to insist on local dynamics at work on a long temporality, this being based on manifold sources (interviews, tracts, trials, press), from underground contests of State violence during Suharto's era up to the 2000s. Yet, it should also be distinguished from analysis in terms of determinism of structures and, conversely, puts the stress on the concatenation effects generated by the globalization of practices of transitional justice
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Idrus, Nurul Ilmi, e nurulilmiidrus@hotmail com. "To Take Each Other : Bugis Practices of Gender, Sexuality and Marriage". The Australian National University. Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, 2003. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20070710.145751.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is an ethnography of Bugis marriage. It is concerned with aspects of gender, sexuality and marriage in a bilateral, highly competitive, hierarchical society.
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I examine the fundamental concept of siri in relation to gender socialisation, courtship, the importance of kinship and status in marriage, how sexuality is regulated between the sexes, sex within marriage, and the dynamics of marriage, divorce, and reconciliation. The analysis considers how Islam combines with local custom (adat) in everyday practices, and how Bugis cultural specificities are affected within the national ideology of contemporary Indonesia.
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This ethnography explores an interpretation of Bugis social and sexual experience through examination of the construction of gender identities and how they are manifested in marriage. The thesis explores the complementarity of gender for the Bugis. Despite the ideal of feminine passivity, I demonstrate that women exercise agency in a number of circumstances, including how they manage the sexuality of their husbands, defending siri, the arrangement of marriage, remarrying, money management, divorce, and violent situations. I also examine the practices of illegal marriage (kawin liar) and illegal divorce (cerai liar) at local and personal levels. I analyse local and national debates on the legitimation of what is popularly known in Indonesia as marriage based on religion (nikah secara agama) as part of the examination of Bugis marriage and marital relations.
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My thesis contributes to the understanding of Bugis notions of sexuality, gender and social location, and how these interact with siri. I explore how and why violence occurs within marriage. I use a combination of informal interviews, participant observation and focus group discussions as well textual analysis of traditional manuscripts and incorporation of oral traditions.
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Rifai, Irfan. "Violence in an urban Indonesian high school". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15579/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this study is to examine the students’ perceptions of violence in an urban Indonesian high school. An ethnographically-informed case study is employed in an attempt to understand the students’ day-to-day life within the school environment and its influence on the construction of the students’ understanding of school violence. Drawing from participant observations over more than 6 months, personal interviews with 4 key students and 4 teachers, 5 focus group discussions, 15 selected students’ diaries, YouTube, Facebook, blogs and BlackBerry Messengers, this study presents some key findings in relation to the students’ perceptions of violence. First, school violence is associated with masculinity. Toughness and physical prowess are perceived to be the male characteristics which should be performed through school violence. Showing male characteristics through school violence is crucial to avoid the stigma of being banci or she-male – an unacceptable gender representation in Indonesian society. Second, school violence is crucially perceived by the students to be about identity, either in conjunction with the self, a group or institutional identity. Third, school violence is seen as a medium to construct social capital – strong connections, trustworthiness and reciprocity. This study argues that the students’ positive perceptions of violence are influenced by the dynamic of social and cultural practices within the educational environment. The segregation of school facilities, the designed place for hanging out, the communication patterns among the students and the overt hierarchical system between juniors, seniors and alumni regulated by the students’ norms are clear factors in this. This study, therefore, reiterates the view that attempts to control school violence should focus beyond the boundary of the individuals per se; it should consider the social, cultural and institutional context.
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Herlambang, Wijaya. "Exposing state terror : violence in contemporary Indonesian literature /". [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2005. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe18905.pdf.
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Situmorang, Mangadar. "Intrastate conflicts and international humanitarian intervention: case studies in Indonesia". Curtin University of Technology, Dept. of Social Sciences, 2007. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18582.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The differences in the international responses to the violent conflicts in East Timor (1998–1999), Maluku (1999–2003) and Aceh (1998–2005) are examined in this research. Given the growing acceptance of the significance of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes, the humanitarian crises in Maluku and Aceh might prima facie have justified humanitarian intervention similar to that in East Timor. By analysing the differences from the Indonesia’s domestic political point of view it is clear that the conscience-shocking situation caused by the violent conflicts was not the compelling factor for the international community to militarily intervene. The deployment of a multinational force in East Timor (INTERFET) was decided only after the UN and foreign major countries believed that such military intervention would not jeopardize the ongoing process of democratization in Indonesia. This suggested that Indonesia’s domestic circumstance was central to whether a similar measure in Maluku and Aceh would take place or not. Due to the reformasi (political reform) in Indonesia within which the independence of East Timor took place, two main changes within Indonesian politics, namely the growing sentiment of anti-international intervention and the continuing democratization process, helped to ensure that humanitarian intervention in the two other regions did not happen.These two conditions were fortified by the increasingly consolidated democratic politics which brought the communal conflict in Maluku to the Malino Peace Agreement. The emergence of a stronger and democratic government in Indonesia, furthermore, made cooperation with the international community possible in seeking a peaceful resolution to the armed conflict in Aceh. By involving the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) the government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) agreed to the Helsinki peace agreement and accepted the role of the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) to secure its implementation. Thus, a strong democratic government made an international military intervention for humanitarian purposes unnecessary.
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Björkhagen, Martin. "The Conflict in the Moluccas: Local Youths' Perceptions Contrasted to Previous Research". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23784.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Den våldsamma konflikten på Moluckerna (1999-2002) porträtteras ibland i termer av motsättningar mellan kristna och muslimer. Denna studie problematiserar den bilden genom att analysera flera konfliktfaktorer som belyses ur två perspektiv.Det första syftet med denna studie var att jämföra tidigare forskning gällande konfliktfaktorer i Moluckerna med lokala ungdomars perception. Det finns en forskningslucka rörande ungdomarnas upplevelser av konflikten, vilket denna studie syftar till att överbrygga. Ett andra syfte var att analysera diskrepansen mellan den akademiska litteraturen och ungdomarnas underifrånperspektiv.Det avslutande syftet var att applicera teorin om kollektiv skuldkänsla för att förklara och analysera ungdomarnas minnen och uppfattningar om konfliktfaktorerna i Moluckerna. En kvalitativ fallstudieansats har valts eftersom den kan inkludera både djupintervjuer och en litteraturgenomgång. Sex djupintervjuer genomfördes i Indonesien som utforskade ungdomarnas uppfattningar. Den källkritiskt granskade litteraturgenomgången användes för att erhålla data från sekundärkällor angående samma konfliktfaktorer, som undersöktes I samband med intervjuerna.Den första delen av analysen visade att det finns en diskrepans mellan de två perspektiven när det gäller några av konfliktfaktorerna. Analysen av kollektiv skuldkänsla visade att ungdomarna bara upplevde en begränsad känsla av kollektiv skuld. Detta berodde på att alla strategier som minskar den kollektiva skuldkänslan var representerade i ungdomarnas uppfattningar. Den mest använda strategin var att beskylla några "svarta får", eller i detta fall, några provokatörer för skadan den egna gruppen orsakat den motsatta gruppen.The violent conflict in the Moluccas (1999-2002) has occasionally been portrayed in terms of animosities between Christians and Muslims. This study problematizes that statement by analysing several conflict drivers seen through two perspectives.The first purpose of this study was to contrast previous research regarding conflict factors in the Moluccas to the perceptions of the local youths’. There is a research gap regarding the youths’ experiences of the conflict, which this study aims to bridge. A second purpose was to analyse discrepancy between the academic literature and the youths’ bottom-up perspective. The final purpose was to apply the theory of collective guilt to explain and analyse the youths’ memories and perceptions regarding the conflict factors in the Moluccas. A qualitative case study approach was adopted since it could include both in-depth interviews and an assessed literature review. Six in-depth interviews were conducted in Indonesia which explored the youth’s perceptions. The critically assessed literature review was used to obtain data from secondary sources regarding the same conflict factors, as was explored by the interviews.The first part of the analysis exposed a discrepancy between the two perspectives regarding some of the conflict factors. The collective guilt analysis found that the youths only seem to experience a rather limited feeling of collective guilt. This is because all strategies to reduce collective guilt were represented in the youths’ perceptions. The most used strategy was to blame a few ‘black sheep’, or in this context a few provocateurs for the harm inflicted by the in-group, towards the out-group.
24
Arendt, Fanny. "Securing the society - a woman's risk to take? : A field study on how women’s perception of safety is impacted by engaging in prevention of violent extremism". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-393927.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study explores how women’s perceptions of safety is impacted by participating in a program aimed at preventing violent extremism (PVE). The theoretical framework mainly draws on literature on women and conflict prevention, sacred values and human security studies. In combining theoretical arguments from these fields, I hypothesize that women’s perception of safety will be negatively impacted by participating in PVE-programs. That is because their participation will challenge sacred gender norms by taking up leadership roles in the community that usually belong to men. As a result, hostile reactions from community members will follow, i.e. from those whose sacred values are challenged, which in turn is expected to impact women’s perception of safety negatively. This thesis applies qualitative methods and to compare between two groups of women who participate in a PVE-program through different roles, and one group of non-PVE-participating women. Semi-structured interviews were held with two PVE-participating groups (female religious leaders and female economic leaders) as well as with non-PVE-participating women in Indonesia. The purpose of this case selection is twofold. First, to examine whether the PVE-participation in itself has an effect on women’s perceptions of safety. Second, to explore whether to explore whether certain roles that women take in a PVE-program challenge sacred gender norms more than others, and as such, leads to more negative perceptions of safety. The results indicate that PVE-participants challenge sacred norms, however, these norms do not always have a gendered underpinning, but are more religious in nature than anticipated. Contrary to my hypotheses, women’s perception of safety is not necessarily negatively impacted by participating in PVE-programs. The results rather indicate that women’s perception of safety can be both positively and negatively impacted by their participation, mainly depending on how their participation is understood by others. Additionally, PVE-participating women mainly challenge gender norms before they begin their participation, instead of during its active phase. As such, the results suggest that time aspects are important to fully understand women’s perception of safety.
25
Stoicescu, Claudia. "The syndemic effects of intimate partner violence, substance use, and depression on HIV risk among Indonesian women who inject drugs : findings from the Women Speak Out study". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8e331673-d5dd-4ecb-8085-3a00cf3c4f0f.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Background: Women who inject drugs face vast disparities in health outcomes relative to their counterparts in the general population, most notably in HIV. Intimate partner violence (IPV) victimisation has a detrimental individual effect on women's HIV risk behaviour. Furthermore, IPV often co-occurs with substance use and poor mental health among women in high-income countries, but little is known about the cumulative and interactive effects of these conditions on women's HIV risk behaviour in low- and middle-income countries. This thesis applied an ecological approach guided primarily by syndemics theory to understand influences on women's HIV behavioural outcomes. It examined associations and mechanisms linking IPV, substance use, and depression, with HIV sexual and injecting risk outcomes in the first quantitative study of Indonesian women who inject drugs, the Women Speak Out study. Methods: This study combined community-based participatory approaches and extensive formative research with quantitative survey methods. 731 women, â¥18 years of age, and injecting illicit drugs in the preceding year were recruited using respondent-driven sampling (RDS) from urban settings in Greater Jakarta and Bandung, Indonesia. Network characteristics of the sample were assessed using the RDS software package for Stata 14. Data were analysed using multivariate logistic regressions, marginal effects models, and interaction analyses on the additive and multiplicative scales. The study was conducted in collaboration with the Indonesian Drug User Network. Results: Paper 1: Past-year IPV victimisation doubled the odds of engaging in one or more sexual HIV risk behaviours. Several covariates were associated with higher odds of sexual risk behaviour: HIV-positive status, non-injection crystal methamphetamine (crystal meth) use, low educational attainment, younger age, and being single. Co-occurrence of psychological, physical and/or injurious, and sexual forms of IPV had cumulative effects: sexual risk behaviour was reported by 62% of women who did not experience any form of IPV, but increased to 89% among those exposed to all three forms. Paper 2: Past-year IPV elevated women's odds of receptive syringe sharing. These effects remained after controlling for socio-demographic confounders. Two covariates, injecting illicit pharmaceuticals (vs heroin only) and housing instability and/or homelessness, remained associated with receptive syringe sharing in multivariate analyses. Paper 3: More than 1 in 4 women experienced concurrent IPV, depressive symptoms, and crystal meth use. All three exposures had independent negative effects on HIV sexual risk outcomes. The co-occurrence of all three factors produced a 4-fold increase in rates of survival sex work, 5-fold increase in STI symptomatology, and a 7-fold increase in inconsistent condom use. The joint effect of depressive symptoms and crystal meth use together was greater than the product of the estimated effects of each exposure alone on STI symptomatology, indicating an interaction on the multiplicative scale. Statistically-significant positive additive interaction was detected between IPV victimisation and crystal meth on inconsistent condom use; depression and crystal meth on STI symptomatology and on survival sex work; and IPV and depression on STI symptomatology and survival sex work. Conclusion: This thesis provides new evidence of the individual and cumulative effects of IPV, methamphetamine use, and depression on HIV risk outcomes among Indonesian women who inject drugs. The interaction analyses are the first to empirically test the assertion that these co-occurring conditions interact synergistically to increase drug-using women's HIV risk. This thesis furthers our understanding of how syndemics function within women who inject drugs to produce health disparities, and contributes to the problem theory for HIV risk behaviour in this population. The findings of this study have great public health significance and important implications for future longitudinal research, interventions, and policy.
26
Assies, Tessa. ""The Government Believes That History Unfolds as History Unfolds" In what ways have consecutive Dutch governments sought to address Dutch violence during Indonesia's independence war of 1945-1949? A study into the approaches applied by Dutch governments over the course of almost seventy years". Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/31532.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Since the end of the twentieth century, more and more countries have been confronted with how to deal with injustice from the past. Current governments are increasingly asked requested to assume accountability for crimes committed by their predecessors. Due to the growth of human rights, the discussion surrounding this, a more conscious society and the empowerment of victims, old cases are increasingly being exposed. This is also the case for the Dutch government. During the war of independence in Indonesia between 1945 and 1949, the population of this country fought to be released from under the Dutch rule. Later research would show that the Dutch army committed crimes there under the guise of 'an internal mission' to preserve the colony for the kingdom. After the war, it remained undiscussed, and successive Dutch governments even actively 'neutralised' the case. Later, when a clearly defined group of victims emerged, the Dutch government had to deal with it differently. In the spirit of the global developments concerning human rights and interest in history, the Dutch government took some tentative steps in addressing the Indonesian issue. Real changes however were enforced through a lawsuit filed by the aforementioned group of victims. These victims won their case, and the ruling established for the first time that the Dutch state had a responsibility towards the group of victims from Indonesia. Did this lead to a change in the Dutch governmental approach towards the Dutch violence during the independence war? Has anything actually changed over the years to this approach? This thesis examines the attitude and approach of successive Dutch authorities towards Dutch violence in Indonesia, divided over three periods: the five-decades post-war; the period 1995-2011 (in this last year the lawsuit was filed); and the time post-lawsuit.
27
Astuti, Delvi Winda, e 祁連雪. "A Comparative Study on Domestic Violence Law in Taiwan and in Indonesia". Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/v8cfx4.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
碩士中央警察大學
外事警察研究所
107
It can be said that domestic violence is an old crime which means that this crime has existed since a long time ago. But why does domestic violence still exist today? Even with relatively high numbers. Domestic violence is a violent act committed against a person in a domestic relationship whom the law protects from assault, such as a spouse, a relative, or a dating or sexual partner. Some countries also classify threats to commit acts of violence against people who are protected as domestic violence through special laws governing them. This study is a comparative analysis on domestic violence laws in Taiwan and Indonesia. It is to reveal the early history of the legislation process on domestic violence law, to identify similarities and differences in the content of domestic violence law, and to analyze the implementation of domestic violence law enforcement. This study applies the Policy Sector Approach (PSA) comprising 3 features: cases, predications, similarities. The result shows that Taiwan and Indonesia have a long history in the process domestic violence law across regimes. Fundamental differences between Taiwan and Indonesian domestic violence laws are the paradigm or perspective on an offense of domestic violence, the prosecution system, the family members, the victims, and the reporting system while the similarities are to protect the victims and to prevent the domestic violence. In future, it is expected that the Indonesian Elimination of Domestic Violence Law No. 23 of 2004 could have a further revision in terms of evidence, victims, and reporting system while in the Taiwan Domestic Violence Prevention Act it is advised to improve the women’s safety among the rise of domestic violence. This study will contribute to the governments of Indonesia and Taiwan, especially the homes of Indonesian representatives, law makers, in revising domestic violence laws. then provide information about the rights of victims and perpetrators, and consider several new cases. as well as material knowledge and insight to be read by the public in general and further studied by the legal community in particular.
28
Wang, Pei-Jie, e 王蓓潔. "Political Violence in Indonesia Since World War II: The Predicaments in Nation-Building". Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/yp28q4.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
博士國立政治大學
國家發展研究所
107
The country of Indonesia was established after World War II. The integration policies of Sukarno and Suharto were not only closely linked with the generation of issues regarding the national building of Indonesia, but also one of the sources of the national political violence. In the beginning, the administrations of Sukarno and Suharto attempted to pursue “unity in diversity”(Bhinneka Tunggal Ika) through “Pancasila”, and tried to assimilate the Indonesian society by using all kinds of political, economic, and social measures. However, various political powers, including race groups, religious organizations, military and political groups of different ideology, pursued their own self-righteous goals of national building, leading to political instability, rising of coups, and frequently changing government. During the process of political development, the results did not achieve the expected goals. The un-equilibrium of the political system and the backfire of the oppressed gave rise to turmoil, crisis, and challenges in the process of national building of Indonesia. Based on the analysis of four aspects of “Radical Islamic groups”, “Communists”, “Indonesian Chinese” and “Outer island ethnicity”, this dissertation discourses the objects of political violence by national hegemony, and the situations and role of these four major communities in the process of nation-building since the independence of Indonesia, as well as how to transform in democratic process of post-Suharto. By this research, it finds that Indonesia is still not resolving the problems of radical Islamic movement and the communist factors for their goal of nation-building.
29
Kirksey, S. Eben. "From cannibal to terrorist : state violence, indigenous resistance and representation in West Papua /". 2002. http://www.papuaweb.org/dlib/s123/kirsey2/%5Frk.html.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Oxford, 2002.Supervisor: Dr P.B. Carey, Dr M. O'Hanlon. Title from start screen (viewed Aug. 19, 2004). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 101-107). Also issued online.
30
Agustiana, Endah Trista. "Living in the crisis : women's experience of violent conflict in Poso, Central Sulawesi, Indonesia /". 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3175375.
Testo completo
31
Munajat. "FPI (Islamic Defenders' Front): the Making of a Violent Islamist Movement in the New Democracy of Indonesia". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2012-05-10865.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The current study is aimed at investigating the puzzle of why FPI (Islamic Defenders' Front) has chosen to adopt violent strategies within the democratic context of Indonesia. Much of literature on social movements suggests that democracy is inherently nonviolent because it allows social movements to use a number of reasonable tactics to pursue their goals. On the contrary, authoritarianism is considered to be the cause of the emergence of violent movements. However, a violent movement is not necessarily absent in the context of democracy. Using the language of Islam, justice and democracy, FPI (Islamic Defender's Front) conspicuously committed at least 64 cases of violent collective actions from 1998 to 2010.
Three levels of analysis are used in order to investigate this social puzzle, namely the level of organization, individual characters and FPI's violent actions. Combining these three levels of analysis, this study found that the making of the violent Islamist movement (FPI) is complex and interconnected. First, there are at least four social environments that have led FPI to the adoption of violent means. They are the historical context of Islamist movements in Indonesia (1945-1998), the timing of violence by FPI, social support for FPI's violent actions and low state capacity. Second, there are at least four factors that relate to individuals and organization of FPI. They are FPI's encounter with so-called justified violence, FPI's engagement in violence-prone activities, fundamentalism and FPI's framing of its violent actions. Combining these factors has made FPI's violence become more persistent in the new democratic context of Indonesia.
Consequently, despite the fact that democracy inhibits political violence, democracy may also allow the use of violent means by social movements. In doing so, democracy opens an opportunity for people, especially elites, to support the cause of violence. Therefore, this can undermine the government's will to fully suppress the violent movement. In addition, there are other significant factors, other than state repression, that also facilitate violence, such as a movement's choice to engage in violence-prone activities, low state capacity, a good timing of violence (cultural resources) and a good framing of violence.
32
Gorman, Hilary. "Experiences of sexual and reproductive health among poor young women street sex workers in Surabaya, Indonesia". Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/1272.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the lives and experiences of poor young women street sex workers in the city of Surabaya, Indonesia. This thesis focuses on sexual and reproductive health
knowledge and practices; conditions of work; and experiences of discrimination,
marginalization, and agency. Qualitative research methods, including participant
observation techniques and multiple in-depth interviews, were used to gain a detailed
understanding of these women’s lives. Results of this research indicate that these young
women are severely marginalized through poverty, state ideologies, and public
moralities. Their marginalized status leads them to experience poor health outcomes,
physical violence, sexual violence, and police harassment. The concept of structural
violence is used to describe how poverty and marginalization impact these young
women’s health, everyday-lives, and life chances.
33
NooranaZahra, Anggri, e 左安如. "Factors Related to Workplace Violence against Nurses in Indonesian Emergency Departments". Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/32688611957861992478.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
碩士國立成功大學
護理學系
102
Objective: The objective of this study is to examine violent incidents experienced by nurses and the associated factors of violence against nurses in Indonesian emergency departments. Methods: A structured questionnaire from the World Health Organization (WHO) on workplace violence in the health sector was modified and translated into Bahasa. A total of 169 nurses working in emergency departments in six (6) hospitals in Jakarta and Bekasi Indonesia were participated in the study. The gathered data were analyzed using descriptive and multivariate logistic regression. Result: Ten percent of emergency nurses reported experiencing physical violence and mainly perpetrated by patients, whereas more than a half of emergency nurses (54.6 %) reported experiencing non-physical violence with patient’s relative as the main perpetrators. More than of nurses (55.6%) did not have encouragement to report workplace violence and very few (10.1%) of nurses had received any information or training about workplace violence. No predictors were found to be associated with physical violence, whereas the predictor for non-physical violence is type of hospitals. Conclusion: The findings of this study highlighted the seriousness of violence in Indonesian emergency departments. Support from the management, encouragement to report violence and availability of workplace violence training are expected to mitigate and manage violence against nurses in emergency departments.
34
Kábová, Adriana. "Obrazy jinakosti a odrazy turismu ve východní Indonésii". Doctoral thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-396643.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation is based on my research into distinction processes (Calhoun, 1994; Cerulo 1997) between tourists and inhabitants of West Sumba in Eastern Indonesia. The imaginiaries (Castoriadis, 1987; Strauss, 2006; Lacan, 1977; Anderson, 1991; Salazar, 2012) of West Sumbanese people about foreigners also emerge from diving rumors (Bysow, 1928; Allport and Postman, 1947/1965). Their origins, dissemination, and sharpening processes, as well as their consequences will be analysed herein. This case study demonstrates how mental models of otherness are formed and reified, how they clash, and for what purposes they may be utilized. It will also analyze how imaginaries influence behavior and may lead to miscommunication in West Sumba.