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1
Tokhtaboeva, Muyassarkhan. "BOTU’S VIEWS ON LINGUISTICS". International Journal Of Literature And Languages 03, n. 04 (1 aprile 2023): 47–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ijll/volume03issue04-09.
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Intellectuals who lived and worked at the beginning of the 20th century conducted serious research to solve the problems of our language. They organized a number of scientific conferences on the problem of alphabets and spelling, discussed ways to solve problems in newspapers and magazines. Mahmud Khodiyev, who worked under the pseudonym Botu, was such a passionate linguist, poet and publicist, one of the leading modern intellectuals. The article mentions Bothu’s views on linguistics.
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Le Blanc, Paul, e Annette T. Rubinstein. "The New York Intellectuals: Two Views". Monthly Review 39, n. 6 (5 novembre 1987): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-039-06-1987-10_5.
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Ravochkin, Nikita Nikolaevich, e Valerii Nikolaevich Bobrikov. "Networks of modern intellectuals in pursuit of overcoming crisis trends: theoretical-applied aspect". Социодинамика, n. 7 (luglio 2020): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2020.7.33460.
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This article examines the role of networks of intellectuals in the aspect of seeking ways to overcome the current crises (primarily political-legal) trends. The object of this research is the networks of modern intellectuals. The authors clarify the concept of the networks of intellectuals, review the structural elements and relationship models between the participants. Leaning on the contemporary scientific material, the article describes most popular relationship strategies between the users of the networks of intellectuals and the government. Practical examples of relationships between the U. S. and European intellectuals along with the key difference in the applied strategies are analyzed. Among the main conclusions, the authors note the peculiarities of interaction inside and between various networks of intellectual; however, confrontation between the opponents appeared to be most constructive. Networks of intellectuals can be formed and function for several centuries and on the territories of multiple countries, launching functional chains presented by the developed ideas and concepts. The applied analysis demonstrate that intellectuals of the United States and Europe (despite commonality of views) adhere to different behavioral strategies in their relationship with the authorities: being in management structures or holding a position of independent experts respectively.
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NOPRIYANSA, EKO. "Agama Sebagai Transpormasi Sosial". EL-Ghiroh 18, n. 01 (2 marzo 2020): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.37092/el-ghiroh.v18i01.156.
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Seems that the position of intellectual community gets its own attention to the public because by knowing it is expected to be able to convey an objective and neutral view in providing views on a social problem. Therefore intellectuals are characterized by their ability to respond critically to social problems through discussion or writing in the public sphere. In a wider social context, important roles as well as having the main potential in correcting social problems include religious leaders, pioneers, and intellectuals, where they have a great responsibility for a harmonious society both in religion and more in the state.
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Abhinav. "W. E. B. Du Bois and Ambedkar: Revisiting the Intellectual Historical Analysis of their Views on Race and Caste". Social Science Journal for Advanced Research 3, n. 1 (31 gennaio 2023): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54741/ssjar.3.1.6.
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Du Bois and Ambedkar, both intellectually sound personalities, challenged the established institutions of oppression of race and caste. Their intellectual and social legacies continue to have an impact on academia and society today. Their new interpretations of history changed the course of generations. This paper, using an intellectual historical method, attempts to revisit and analyse the issues of “race” and “caste” and the relevance of interpretations by both intellectuals. This paper is majorly divided into four parts, with the first one trying to explain the intellectual historical method, its problems in implementation, and its relevance to such an issue; the second one trying to excavate their conceptual perceptions of “race” and “caste.” The third part discusses the perception of both scholars on the driving forces behind these issues, and the last part discusses the concise history of their struggle towards establishing an egalitarian society.
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TEMKIN, MOSHIK. "CULTURE VS.KULTUR, OR A CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS: PUBLIC INTELLECTUALS IN THE UNITED STATES AND THE GREAT WAR, 1917–1918". Historical Journal 58, n. 1 (9 febbraio 2015): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000594.
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AbstractThis article analyses the historical conditions for, and implications of, the attitudes and conduct of a number of prominent or influential public intellectuals in the United States during the Great War. It argues that many intellectuals, particularly those who supported American entry to the war, shared a general lack of concern with the realities of full-scale warfare. Their response to the war had little to do with the war itself – its political and economic causes, brutal and industrial character, and human and material costs. Rather, their positions were often based on their views of culture and philosophy, or on their visions of the post-war world. As a result, relatively few of these intellectuals fully considered the political, social, and economic context in which the catastrophe occurred. The war, to many of them, was primarily a clash of civilizations, a battle of good versus evil, civilized democracy versus barbaric savagery, progress versus backwardness, culture versus kultur. The article describes several manifestations of American intellectual approaches to the war, discusses the correlation between intellectual and general public attitudes, and concludes with some implications for thinking about the relationship between intellectuals and war in more recent American history.
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Arifin, Syamsul, e Nafik Muthohirin. "The Viewpoint of The Young Muhammadiyah Intellectuals towards The Religious Minority Groups in Indonesia". TEOSOFI: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam 9, n. 2 (1 dicembre 2019): 282–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/teosofi.2019.9.2.282-305.
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Muhammadiyah keeps onto make a positive contribution to the progress of Indonesia. In the first century of its advent, Muhammadiyah focused on advancing education, health, and compensation to the du‘afā, while through the 47th Congress in Makassar (2015), Muhammadiyah had issued an important point which emphasizes on the minority groups. This article examines a number of issues dealing with the views that underlie young Muhammadiyah intellectuals in voicing partiality towards the religious minority, the role or form of alignments and the implications of these views on thought upheavals within Muhammadiyah internally and at the national level. The study finds that the young Muhammadiyah intellectuals play a pivotal role in fighting for the basic rights of a religious minority which continues to face the complicated problem of citizenship. The data has been focused on advocacy and intellectual works, including a literature review of statements of attitudes, published books, journals, research reports, and opinions in the national mainstream and alternative media.
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Paya, Ali. "Karl Popper and the Iranian Intellectuals". American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 20, n. 2 (1 aprile 2003): 50–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v20i2.521.
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The ways in which Popper’s ideas have been introduced to Iranian society will be discussed, and the reactions of several prominent Iranian intellectual groups, namely, the leftists, the Heideggerians, the religious conservatives, the religious intel- lectuals and the moderate seculars, to Popper’s views will be critically appraised.The upshot of the paper is that while Popper’s views have been used and misused in the power struggle between various groups in post-revolutionary Iran, they also have been instrumental in creating collective intentionalities and shared understandings con- cerning a range of important concepts in such diverse fields as epistemology, politics, culture, social action, and religious beliefs.
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Paya, Ali. "Karl Popper and the Iranian Intellectuals". American Journal of Islam and Society 20, n. 2 (1 aprile 2003): 50–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i2.521.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The ways in which Popper’s ideas have been introduced to Iranian society will be discussed, and the reactions of several prominent Iranian intellectual groups, namely, the leftists, the Heideggerians, the religious conservatives, the religious intel- lectuals and the moderate seculars, to Popper’s views will be critically appraised.The upshot of the paper is that while Popper’s views have been used and misused in the power struggle between various groups in post-revolutionary Iran, they also have been instrumental in creating collective intentionalities and shared understandings con- cerning a range of important concepts in such diverse fields as epistemology, politics, culture, social action, and religious beliefs.
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Biyanto, Biyanto. "PLURALISM DISCOURSE: The Views of Young Muhammadiyah Intellectuals". JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM 3, n. 2 (1 dicembre 2009): 314. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/jiis.2009.3.2.314-340.
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Yang, Myungji. "The Specter of the Past: Reconstructing Conservative Historical Memory in South Korea". Politics & Society 49, n. 3 (2 agosto 2021): 337–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323292211033082.
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Through the case of the New Right movement in South Korea in the early 2000s, this article explores how history has become a battleground on which the Right tried to regain its political legitimacy in the postauthoritarian context. Analyzing disputes over historiography in recent decades, this article argues that conservative intellectuals—academics, journalists, and writers—play a pivotal role in constructing conservative historical narratives and building an identity for right-wing movements. By contesting what they viewed as “distorted” leftist views and promoting national pride, New Right intellectuals positioned themselves as the guardians of “liberal democracy” in the Republic of Korea. Existing studies of the Far Right pay little attention to intellectual circles and their engagement in civil society. By examining how right-wing intellectuals appropriated the past and shaped triumphalist national imagery, this study aims to better understand the dynamics of ideational contestation and knowledge production in Far Right activism.
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Tarrant, Harold. "The Dramatic Background of the Arguments with Callicles, Euripides' Antiope, and an Athenian Anti-Intellectual Argument". Antichthon 42 (2008): 20–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001829.
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This paper does not aim to establish the ‘dramatic date’ of Plato's Gorgias, nor does it seek to establish with any precision the date at which Euripides’ fragmentary Antiope was written. Nor does it aim to show that Athenian anti-intellectualism had some fixed beginning and conclusion rather than persisting, in some fashion, as long as intellectuals frequented its public places. It does, however, have aims that may easily be mistaken for these. First, while Plato was not too particular about fidelity to a dramatic date, he frequently shows a strong desire to supply an intellectual background for the views that his characters will propound and the debates that follow from them. In the case of dialogues that employ a single interlocutor that certainly tends to produce a reasonably coherent dramatic date, but what matters to Plato is not so much fidelity to history as the appropriate intellectual context.
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Vakhrushev, Ivan Iurevich. "Populism and Anti-Intellectualism: the Evolution of the Political Views of the Italian "Five Star Movement" (2005–2022)". Исторический журнал: научные исследования, n. 1 (gennaio 2024): 108–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2024.1.68882.
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Among the characterizing features of populism, which has become an integral part of the party-political systems of Western countries, anti-intellectualism is often listed. It is understood as distrust of intellectuals, expert knowledge and the scientific community. Italy, the “political laboratory of Europe,” provides rich material for studying the connection between anti-intellectualism and populism. This article attempts to analyze the role and evolution of anti-intellectualism in populist discourse using the example of the Italian Five Star Movement (M5S). Five Stars, founded by comedian Beppe Grillo and IT entrepreneur Gianroberto Casaleggio, has become one of the main parties in the country, while expressing controversial views from the point of view of the scientific community. Using qualitative text and discourse analysis, the party's official blogs, M5S bills, articles from Italian and foreign media are analyzed. As a result, this work offers a balanced view of the gradual development of anti-intellectual sentiments within the Movement in the context of the overall process of institutionalization of the party into the mainstream of Italian politics during the period of 2005–2022. The subject of this article remains completely unexplored in Russian scientific literature and little studied in foreign science. Analysis of this subject shows that in the process of institutionalization, the long stay of the anti-establishment party in government, populist rhetoric, including anti-intellectual rhetoric, is emasculated and approaches the “mainstream”.
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Красиков, В., e V. Krasikov. "PHILOSOPHICAL VIEWS OF MODERN SLAVOPHILS". Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Humanities and Social Sciences 2017, n. 2 (25 giugno 2017): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2542-1840-2017-2-71-81.
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<p>This article has the Russian philosophical community as its object of study. Within the community there are some thinkers and groups that declare their identity as orientation to the native culture and national mentality features. As a concrete object of research the author considers the history of the emergence of these thinkers and groups in post-Soviet Russia, the formation of their institutions and history of relations with other intelligence groups. The author examines in detail the aspects of such topics as historical roots of these new emerging traditions, their representation in the academic and educational institutions, and especially the theoretical platform of their leaders.</p><p>The research methodology is based on an approach under which the structure network of relationship between intellectuals determines valid intellectual attention space, which is structured into several competing products.</p><p>The main results of the study can be considered as follows. Firstly, the author presented a description of the history and theoretical features of three intelligent approaches: conservative revolutionaries, Orthodox immanentists and existentialists of tradition. Secondly, the author has given the characteristic stylistic features of selfexpression, historical and philosophical roots and the historic-philosophical concepts of the main representatives of the traditionalists. Finally, the article discusses the features of the vicissitudes of their communication with other members of the Russian intellectual community.</p>
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Korolyov, G. "Slavic Federation and “Free Union”, or Ukrainian Debates on Federalism in the “Long XIX Century”". Problems of World History, n. 4 (8 giugno 2017): 86–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-6.
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The article describes the development and perception of federalism by Ukrainian intellectuals in the “long XIX century”. The genesis of federalist ideas in East Central Europe is highlighted under the influence of the Great French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars. Federalist projects of Masonic and Decembrist organizations were analyzed, which had a decisive influence on the Ukrainian debate on federalism; considered the interpretation of federalist utopias of the Cyril and Methodius’ Brotherhood, particularly his ideologist M. Kostomarov. The thesis on the intellectual interactions between various federalist ideas of Ukrainian intellectuals was proved. The federalist views of M. Dragomanov, who became one of the most outstanding federalist speakers in Europe, are highlighted in the context of nation-building. His project “Vilna Spilka-Volny Soyuz” (“Free Union”) is regarded as a classical federalist utopia.
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Schmidt, P. R. "PostColonial silencing, intellectuals, and the state: Views from Eritrea". African Affairs 109, n. 435 (9 marzo 2010): 293–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adq005.
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Tomczak, Maria. "Intelektualiści zachodnioeuropejscy od wybuchu II wojny światowej do współczesności". Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, n. 11 (1 gennaio 2015): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2015.11.7.
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This study aims to show the forms of political involvement of Western European intellectuals. In doing so, the paper attempts to answer the question about the role they played in Western and Central Europe in the discussed period. The paper also demonstrates the cultural and political causes of their decline.streszczenieFor the intellectuals of Western and Central Europe, World War 2 was an extremely difficult period. The genocidal policies of the totalitarian states induced them to take a position, while at the same time depriving them of the ability to express their views publicly. This engendered a sense of helplessness; also, apart for a few exceptions, only emigrants could actually perform the function of intellectuals. Among those, an important role to play fell to two groups: German emigrants who distanced themselves from their nation, and Jewish emigrants, who addressed the subject of the Holocaust. After the war, the Iron Curtain also restricted the actions of intellectuals. It soon turned out that the tenor of spiritual life was set by left-wing authors, fascinated with the USSR. The fascination petered out after the disclosure of Stalin’s crimes in 1956. It was terminated definitively by the ruthless suppression of the Prague Spring. It was at that time that conservatism and right-wing intellectuals returned to Europe. Their aim was to reverse the trend and prevent Western Europe from drifting leftward. The change of the paradigm served to settle the scores with the leftist intellectuals. They were accused of subversive activities against the state and nation or treason. Also, in the intellectual circles there emerged a conviction that the previous formula had been exhausted. A new formula of activities of intellectuals was considered particularly in France, by authors of such eminence as R. Aron, M. Foucault, or P. Bourdieu. The deconstruction of the figure of the intellectual was completed by J.-F. Lyotard, who pronounced the death of intellectuals. Involvement of intellectuals remained a valid notion only in the countries of the Eastern bloc. In post-Cold War Europe, the decline of intellectuals became even more discernible. This was occasioned by a number of political and cultural factors. In this respect, particular role should be attributed to postmodernism which, by disproving the Enlightenment understanding of culture, undermined the role played by intellectuals.
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Sakellariou, Alexandros. "Public Intellectuals and Islamophobia in Greek Society: Entrenching the Discourses of Fear". Religions 12, n. 11 (12 novembre 2021): 995. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12110995.
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The largest part of the existing literature with regard to Islamophobia in Greece focuses primarily on the policies, activities and discourse of politicians and political groups of the extreme right, Orthodox Church figures, state authorities, the media and the Internet. The purpose of this article is to cast light on an aspect which is frequently neglected in the study of Islamophobia, i.e., the role of public intellectuals, through a series of questions: Where do public intellectuals in Greece stand with regard to Islamophobia? What are the main themes in their public discourse with regard to Islam and Muslims? What is the role they play in the reproduction of Islamophobic views? Having in mind the debates over the concepts of Islamo-Fascism, Islamo-leftism, Islamophilia and Islamophobia, this article builds on the literature about the role of intellectuals in society with a special focus on their views about Islam. Analysing the discourse of three public intellectuals, the main argument is that Islamophobia in Greece is not an exclusive element of the extreme-right or the Orthodox Church. Self-proclaimed progressive or liberal intellectuals, through their public discourse, also contribute to the reproduction and entrenchment of the fear and moral panic about Islam.
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Желтов, Виктор, Viktor Zheltov, Максим Желтов e Maxim Zheltov. "C. W. MILLS ON KNOWLEDGE SOCIOLOGY (FROM THE HERITAGE OF THE AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENTIST)". Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 2017, n. 1 (25 marzo 2017): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2017-1-20-27.
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<p>The article reveals the position of the prominent American sociologist in matters of knowledge sociology. It gives the description C. W. Mills’s views on the origin of the pragmatism theory popular in the United States. The article highlights C. W. Mills’s original position in the matter of the attitude to the concepts of structural functionalism and empiricism, which were popular in his lifetime. The work reveals C. W. Mills’s views on the place and role of sociology in the United States, as well as on the social scientists’ role as intellectual craftsmen. C. W. Mills believes that sociology must proceed from the problems formulation in the valuation context of the whole mankind, so a social scientist cannot write only for intellectuals.</p>
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Pepe, Teresa. "Critics, Moralists and Intellectuals: The Transformation of the Udabāʾ in the Arab Nahḍah: a Historical-Conceptual Approach". Oriente Moderno 99, n. 1-2 (17 giugno 2019): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340213.
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Abstract This article analyzes the importance of the Nahḍah (Arabic Renaissance) for current developments in the field of Arabic literature. In particular it links the contemporary debate concerning the role and nature of writers and intellectuals (udabāʾ) in Arabic society to the semantic transformations undergone by the term adīb during the Nahḍah. The study analyses a number of statements made by Egyptian writers in the historical cultural press, critical essays, and ̩̩literary works, in which the term adīb is discussed, using R. Koselleck’s method of conceptual history. It shows that, during the Nahḍah, the term absorbed the European concepts of “author”, “man of letter”, “intellectual”. Nonetheless, the classical meanings of adīb as a subject associated with eloquence, encyclopaedic knowledge and moralistic attitude, were also revived, and this spurred a lively debate characterized by plurality of views and intellectual dispositions. Linking the nahḍawī debates to the debate concerning writers and intellectuals (udabāʾ) in contemporary society, the article shows how these same meanings are being re-disputed today in the midst of global and local cultural transformations.
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van Rooden, Aukje. "Kafka Shared Between Blanchot and Sartre". arcadia 55, n. 2 (9 novembre 2020): 239–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arcadia-2020-2010.
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AbstractEver since their translation in the course of the 20th century, the works of Kafka have been widely appreciated by French intellectuals. Kafka’s greatest admirers include Maurice Blanchot and Jean-Paul Sartre, both of whom consider his work an exemplary illustration of their own poetical-philosophical views. This is remarkable, because Blanchot’s and Sartre’s respective views are generally conceived of as opposites. Apparently, then, these two authors who are so divergent in their philosophical views and literary criticism, as well as in their own literary works, find themselves on the same page in their appreciation of Kafka. I will argue that this shared appreciation not only reveals some unexpected points of agreement between them, but also facilitates an interesting intellectual encounter between Blanchot and Sartre in the late 1940 s. It is, we will see, only on the basis of an agreement with regards to Kafka’s work that their ways can part.
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McDevitt, Michael, Perry Parks, Jordan Stalker, Kevin Lerner, Jesse Benn e Taisik Hwang. "Anti-intellectualism among US students in journalism and mass communication: A cultural perspective". Journalism 19, n. 6 (25 maggio 2017): 782–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917710395.
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This study explores how support for journalistic anti-intellectualism is condoned in the views of emerging adults in the United States as they develop attitudes toward news, audiences, and authority. Anti-rationalism and anti-elitism as cultural expressions of anti-intellectualism correlate as expected with approval of corresponding news practices. Identification with professional roles generally fails to inoculate college students against the endorsement of journalistic anti-rationalism and anti-elitism. With the exception of the adversarial function, role identities appear to justify journalistic anti-intellectualism beyond the influence of cultural anti-intellectualism. While reflexivity is often viewed as conducive to critical thinking, affinity for transparency in news work associates with a populist suspicion of intellectuals and their ideas.
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Benhabib, Seyla. "Exile, Statelessness, and Migration: Response to my critics". Philosophy & Social Criticism 46, n. 1 (gennaio 2020): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453719893556.
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My new book, Exile, Statelessness, and Migration. Playing Chess With History From Hannah Arendt to Isaiah Berlin, considers the intertwined lives and work of Jewish intellectuals as they make their escape from war-torn Europe into new countries. Although the group which I consider, including Hannah Arendt, Theodor Adorno, Walter Benjamin, Judith Shklar, Albert Hirschman and Isaiah Berlin, have a unique profile as migrants because of their formidable education and intellectual capital, I argue that their lives are still exemplary for many of the dilemmas and risks faced by all migrants. In the reply to critics, I consider such issues as the intellectual relations between Benjamin, Adorno and Horkheimer; differences between Arendt’s and Adorno’s views of an interpretive social science; and why international law played such an important role in the imagination of Jewish intellectuals. A further question involves the generalizability of the experience of Jewish otherness in European culture. Liberal societies always designate some others as their constitutive exterior. How continuous is the experience of emigré Jewish intellectuals with the exclusion of ethnic and racial minorities in our societies? Finally, if the founding of the State of Israel has by no means resolved the problems of statelessness but re-created it for the Palestinian population, what kind of political stance should we assume vis-à-vis this reality today?
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Tretyakova, M. S. "Jewish salonnières in Berlin as viewed by Christian authors of the late 18th – early 19th centuries". Adam & Eve. Gender History Review, n. 28 (2020): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2307-8383-2020-28-109-126.
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The author analyses works and comments by German au-thors of the late 18th — early 19th cc., which reflected their views on the role of Jewish salonnières in social and cultural life of Ber-lin. The article shows the role of Jewish financial and intellectual elite in the life of the capital of Prussia, and analyses the causes of the popularity of Jewish salons among German intellectuals and state officials. The author also looks into integrative strategies of the female members of the Berlin’s Jewish elite, which helped them charm the German public.
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Chebankova, Elena. "Ideas, Ideology & Intellectuals in Search of Russia's Political Future". Daedalus 146, n. 2 (aprile 2017): 76–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00436.
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The intellectual discourse of any state can function within two broad paradigms: consensual and pluralistic. In the first case, political elites, intellectuals, and the public agree on the base parameters of what constitutes “the good life” and argue about the methods of application. In the second case, participants hold radically different, incommensurable views, which coexist in society. This essay argues that the Western political system broadly rests on the politics of liberal consensus, formed throughout the period of capitalist modernization. But Russia's history took a different turn, following a path of alternative modernization. This engendered the politics of paradigmatic pluralism, in which a number of radically different politico-intellectual frameworks struggle for the dominant discourse. This essay examines these paradigms and argues that, due to the nature and substance of these models, fundamental change of Russia's dominant discourse, along with its main politico-institutional parameters, is unlikely.
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Machmudi, Yon, e Frial Ramadhan Supratman. "Islam, Modern Turkey, and a Javanese Intellectual: The Sutomo’s Visit to Turkey in 1937". Studia Islamika 30, n. 2 (27 dicembre 2023): 291–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.36712/sdi.v30i2.22386.
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The early twentieth century served as a dynamic age for various modern movement intellectuals. The steamboat discovery enabled people to rush from one place to another, allowing a more active exchange of ideas and insights. Sutomo was a Javanese intellectual playing an essential role in Indonesia’s modern history. In 1936-1937 he travelled around the world and visited several countries, one of which was Turkey. This article discussed Sutomo’s views on modernization processes taking place in Turkey. This study employed a historical method by using articles from Soeara Oemoem’s newspaper from 1936-1937. That newspaper elaborately described Sutomo’s journey while he was in Turkey. In this article, we argued that social and economic situations influenced Sutomo’s views on Turkey’s modernization in the Dutch East Indies. His experiences abroad influenced his further involvement in the discourse of Indonesian secular and Islamic nationalism.
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Maluleke, T. S. "African culture, African intellectuals and the white academy in South Africa - some implications for Christian theology in Africa". Religion and Theology 3, n. 1 (1996): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430196x00022.
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AbstractAttitudes towards African culture are central to the crisis of African intellectuals. This crisis is manifest in the issues of African identity, black self-love, black poverty, the stranglehold of the Western academy and white racism. For the debilitating aspects of the crisis to be converted to our advantage, African intellectuals must reconnect to African culture. However, such a reconnection must include not only an analysis and problematisation ofwhatAfrican culture is, but also the question of how best to connect to it. The call for African intellectuals to reconnect to African culture is not a call for the resuscitation of romantic views on African culture. Nor is it a call for a rehash of the often strident views of Western missionaries, philosophers and colonialists on African culture. It is also not a call for the self-hating castigation of African culture by Africans themselves. It is rather a call to a mature reappropriation of past and present manifestations of African culture within, because of and in spite of oppressive and racist conditions. This kind of appropriation will help African intellectuals emerge from the crisis. Such a reappropriation has significant implications for the teaching and the shape of Christian theology of Africa. Basic to these implications is the necessity to return to black and African theologies of liberation.
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Latysh, Yurii. "WHY DON’T LEFT PUBLIC INTELLECTUALS UNDERSTAND UKRAINE? (CASES OF NOAM CHOMSKY AND JÜRGEN HABERMAS)". European Historical Studies, n. 21 (2022): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.5.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article considers the attitude of left public intellectuals to the Russian-Ukrainian war. A brief analysis of the concept of “public intellectual”, the roles and functions of intellectuals in society is made. Based on the study of public speeches of famous philosophers and influential intellectuals Noam Chomsky (USA) and Jürgen Habermas (Germany), their views on the causes and possibilities of ending the Russian-Ukrainian war, as well as the circumstances of their reproduction of individual Russian narratives, were analyzed. The conclusions show that Noam Chomsky and Jürgen Habermas see the role of the public intellectual in the position of a critical dissident. They have traumatic memories of World War II, using of nuclear weapons, and the Cold War. Therefore, they seek to avoid a recurrence of these events. Chomsky wants to keep the chance for Europe as a “third power” between the United States and Russia and for the space of security from the Atlantic to Vladivostok. Habermas seeks to preserve the post-national and post-heroic mentality of the Germans as a guarantee of the revival of German militarism, which led to two world wars. Chomsky focuses on the problems of the global world order (and because of this he is ready to sacrifice Ukraine to the idea of a single European security space). Habermas is primarily concerned with internal German issues and fears the influence of an overly national Ukraine. He supports the Social Democrats and the moderate policies of Chancellor Olaf Scholz. Ukraine is not in the center of their attention, although they have sympathy for Ukraine. Russia abuses the fears of intellectuals, especially of a nuclear war. But they cannot be branded as agents of the Kremlin. We need to look for arguments for these authoritative and wise people how to make Ukraine interesting for them.
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Siregar, Parlindungan. "The History of Moslem Intellectuals: A Case Study at UIn Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta". Buletin Al-Turas 27, n. 2 (25 ottobre 2021): 329–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/bat.v27i2.21165.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study aimed to explain that the intellectual community who studied at and was born from the state Institute of Islamic Studies Syarif Hidayatullah (IAIN Jakarta) in the 1970s to 1985 were the second-generation intellectuals who had their own characteristics. As the study was library research, the data collection was done by examining deeply the written documents or literatures that were relevant with the problems being investigated. The obtained data were then qualitatively analyzed by comparing and connecting the existing variables; and inferences were drawn from the findings to get an ideal concept of building a good national and state life based on the Islamic substantial values. The results of the study showed that second generation intellectuals became international intellectuals as Islamic historians in Southeast Asia, theologians, political or socio-economic analysts, and activists of Islamic movements. The study also pointed out that it was not only the first generation that made the second generation successful in their career and studies, but many factors on and off campus contributed significantly, and affect the next generations continuously from time to time. Evidently, in their development, discussion activities of intra-or extra campus organizations, talked not only about Islam but also political issues, such as the old order government policies. The study concluded that the second generation of IAIN Jakarta Intellectual community played many roles in Islamic studies in national and international level. It suggested that studies on the same topis with different points of views are still necessary to conduct.
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Ottuh, Peter Ogenefavwe. "WHEN RELIGIOUS LANGUAGE IS RIGHT: A Case for God’s Anthropomorphic Identities". MAHABBAH: Journal of Religion and Education 3, n. 2 (21 ottobre 2022): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.47135/mahabbah.v3i2.53.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Is it possible to think about God without anthropomorphizing him? The fact that God has both anthropomorphic and non-anthropomorphic characteristics adds to theological confusion. Individual variances in God's views might be a reflection of how individuals understand God's portrayals. Intellectuals have argued for ages that theistic conceptions of God are excessively anthropomorphic, perplexing, and complex. The paper focused on religious language and God’s anthropomorphic identities. It employed a historico-comparative approach using library resources. The finding provides light on the limitations and potential of philosophico-religious transmission of the complex idea of anthropomorphism and offers a critical, constructive, and interpretive avenue for intellectual dialogue.
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Atherton, Cassandra. "‘Very Inflated Rhetoric, Polysyllables and So On’: The Public Intellectual and Jargon in the Academy". Media International Australia 156, n. 1 (agosto 2015): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1515600112.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The public intellectual, by their very definition, aims to reach a large sector of the public or publics. This requires proficiency, or at least the capacity to communicate in a variety of forms. As a large proportion of the public, to which the public intellectual appeals, is an online or cyber public, the importance of blogs in a computer-literate public cannot be under-estimated. The immediacy of the blog and the way in which an online presence facilitates immediate communication between the public and the public intellectual through the posting of comments online allow for a broad recognition of the intellectual in the public arena. My arguments will hinge on my interviews with contemporary American public intellectuals (Noam Chomsky, Howard Zinn, Todd Gitlin, Camille Paglia and Stephen Greenblatt) and their views on communication in a society experiencing a decline in the publication of print media.
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Vamkani, Zahra Khosravi, e Mehdi Najafi Komleh. "The Status of Women in the Idea of “Rifa’a Tahtavy”". International Journal of English Linguistics 6, n. 7 (1 dicembre 2016): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v6n7p171.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
<p>Arab intellectuals in the nineteenth century during their travels to Western countries wanted to reform the social problems of their country, which mixed with religion and tradition. Some of these problems were Women’s issues, including education, dress, marriage, etc. The intellectuals included of diverse groups of people: poet, author, historian, etc. “Rifa’a Tahtavy 1801-1873 AD” was one of the scholars of the movement that believed in gender equality in the areas of personal and social. In his view of point, modeling from European countries in the field of education was critical. Rifa’a believed that there is a strong relationship between the progress of women and promotion of intellectual and cultural level. In his mind, achievement of nations depends on their respect for women. He knew mutual love as the primary condition for the marriage of girls and chastity and decency of women affiliated with the correct training. In this article, we will attempt to look at women’s issues, including education, employment, marriage, and dress in Tahtavy views.</p>
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Tiéde, Lívia Maria. "From Brazil to The Planet: politics of race in the american black press". PerCursos 25 (19 aprile 2024): e0104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/19847246252024e0104.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the passage of the nineteenth to the twentieth century, Brazilian and American Black intellectuals expressed their views on racial disputes over the Black press. This article evaluates views of Black politics in the U.S. and Brazil as an essential grounding of the struggle for civil rights, understanding the past of both countries as emerging from a collective experience of discrimination. The primary sources are the letters written by J. S. Moore, an African American intellectual who lived in Bahia, Brazil. Moore addressed his writings to newspapers such as the New York Amsterdam News, Chicago Defender, and particularly the Richmond Planet. His critics' articles debated directly with editors from 1917 to the 1930s. The dialogue between the American continents also sheds light on Brazilians’ racial issues. It gives us a more complex perspective of the global fight against racism and makes it possible to understand the potential choices for resistance among diasporic societies.
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Lee, Young-Suk. "Some English Intellectuals’ Views of Japan in the Late Nineteenth Century". History & the World 54 (31 dicembre 2018): 501–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17857/hw.2018.12.54.501.
Testo completo
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Pillay, By Pravina. "CHALLENGES FACED BY SOUTH AFRICAN INTELLECTUALS: A GRAMSCIAN PERSPECTIVE". EPH - International Journal of Educational Research 2, n. 3 (18 settembre 2018): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/ephijer.v2i3.29.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this paper is to explore the relevance of one of Antonio Gramsci’s ideas, namely, intellectuals, to a different context from that in which his writings were conceived. It has been over seventy years since Gramsci’s death in 1937; perhaps the time is appropriate to question whether the ideas of one of the most ingenious thinkers and theorists of the twentieth century still has currency in the transformed circumstances of the twenty-first century. I aim, in fact, to prove the continuing relevance of Gramsci’s writings to a context other than early twentieth-century Italy by analysing, interpreting and assessing the ways in which his ideas on intellectuals still speak to us in the circumstances of apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa.Gramsci is important to South Africa as conditions in this country are notably similar to those prevailing in Italy in Gramsci’s time. I will show that South African intellectuals, like the Italian intellectuals described by Gramsci, also face numerous challenges. I will examine the views of various commentators on the roles, functions and challenges that South African intellectuals face in a post-apartheid society.
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Goldman, Merle. "Hu Yaobang's Intellectual Network and the Theory Conference of 1979". China Quarterly 126 (giugno 1991): 219–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100000518x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The theory conference that took place from mid-January till early April 1979 was a turning point in the history of the People's Republic of China. For the first time at an official forum, Mao Zedong's thought was rejected and demands were made for fundamental political reform of the Leninist system of democratic centralism. The exponents of these views were a network of intellectuals associated with Hu Yaobang, who was the conference chairman. While Hu was not necessarily a democrat within the context of the Deng Xiaoping regime, the intellectuals associated with him could be called a “democratic elite.”
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Fuad, Ahmad Nur, A. Arbaiyah, Syafiq Mughni e Achmad Jainuri. "Islam and Human Rights in Indonesia: An Account of Muslim Intellectuals’ Views". Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 45, n. 2 (28 dicembre 2007): 241–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2007.452.241-287.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The issue of Islam and human rights has become important issue in Indonesia at least since the last two decades. Indonesian Muslims have developed two different approaches to human rights: in complete agreement with the declaration of universal human rights; and in resistance to that declaration and developing understanding that Islam encompasses human rights values. The article argues for its part that human rights are not absolutely universal, because they are based chiefly on Western values, structures, ethics and morality. For that, it is reasonable to question their universality. The present article focuses on how Indonesian Muslim intellectuals conceive of human rights and Islamic values as they perceive the two. Specifically, it focuses on four principal issues in human rights discourse: freedom of opinion, religious freedoms, rights of women, and criminal law. The authors reveal in the conclusion that although some Indonesian Muslim intellectuals admit that universal human rights are truly universal, they still see differences in certain cases, due to differences in socio-cultural background. They have tried to affect a synthesis between the universality and particularity of both Islamic and universal human rights in order to make both fit within the Indonesian context.
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Mayo, Peter. "Gramsci: Power, culture & education". ACTIO NOVA: Revista de Teoría de la Literatura y Literatura Comparada, n. 4 (18 dicembre 2020): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/actionova2020.4.002.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper traces the connection between cultural work and power in the thinking and writing of Italian socio-political theorist and strategist, Antonio Gramsci. His rootedness in Marxism and a deep humanistic culture are emphasised as well as how his main conceptual tools (e.g. Hegemony, Intellectuals, ‘Popular Creative Spirit’, Critical Appropriation and ‘National-Popular’) are central to his analyses of different forms of cultural production, intellectual activity and educational developments in his time. The paper dwells on his musings on the ever so pertinent issue of Migration as it found expression in the literature of his time and their implication for reflection on the same issue in more recent times. Importance is given to the role of political and artistic movements of the period such as Futurism and their legacy for present day life. Parallels are drawn between Gramsci’s cultural views and those of later thinkers such as Raymond Williams, Stuart Hall and Henry A. Giroux who often adopt a Gramscian lens in their economic-social-cultural analysis. The core theme of this paper is the influence of culture and cultural workers/intellectuals in the process of social transformation.
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Sofi, Mohammad Dawood. "Reading Rashid Al-Ghannushi’s Debate on Human Rights". Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 3, n. 1 (10 giugno 2018): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v3i1.75.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Human rights, a hotly debated issue in the 1970s Muslim world, engaged diverse groups like governments, political activists, civil society members, intellectuals, thinkers and even common people. Though not a novel development, the phenomenon represented renewed interest by individuals and groups regarding many issues, including democracy and secularism. Shaykh Rāshid al-Ghannūshi ̇̄ – the ‘most adroit and flexible’ Tunisian Islamic reformist leader and primary ideologue of Ḥizb al-Nahḍah – is a prominent voice who discussed widely the issue of human rights. In this regard, his famous book al-Ḥurri ̇̄yyāt al-‘Ᾱmah fi ̇̄ al-Dawlah al-Islāmiyyah represents a core strand of his thought.
In the contemporary era, Ghannūshi ̇̄, through his prolific writing and appealing intellectual discourse, especially on the issues of Islam–West relations, democracy, pluralism and human rights, engages the minds of intellectuals globally. Considering the global importance of this religio-political thinker, the current study, while exploring how the concept of human rights emerged in the West, will examine and explore objectively Ghannūshi ̇̄’s views on human rights. Moreover, this article will focus on understanding his vision about hotly debated issues such as apostasy, freedom in Islam and the West, and the rights of women.
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Kasumović, Amila. "Pomiędzy Wschodem a Zachodem. Muzułmańscy intelektualiści w pogoni za modelem emancypowanej muzułmanki na początku XX wieku". Bracia, wrogowie, renegaci. Słowiańszczyzna i muzułmanie na Bałkanach w xix i xx w. 150, n. 2 (2023): 219–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.23.014.17951.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Between East and West: Muslim intellectuals in Search of a Model for the Muslim womenʼs emancipation in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the beginning of the 20th century After introduction of the Austro-Hungarian rule to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878, Bosnian Muslims became very concerned about preserving their Islamic identity under the rule of Christians. They were particularly disturbed by the modernization processes which have changed the social practices of the inhabitants of Bosnia and Herzegovina, one of which was the entering of Muslim female children into the secular education system and public sphere. This paper deals with the way that the Muslim intellectual circles viewed the emancipation of Muslim women: respectively, how they – to a certain extent – accepted European influences and how they supplemented them with Ottoman practices, having in mind that the modernization process was also evident in the Ottoman society, especially in the second half of the 19th century. The article analyzes the views of the leading Muslim intellectuals on the models for the emancipation of Muslim women in Bosnia and Herzegovina presented in Muslim journals at the beginning of the 20th century.
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Grantseva, Ekaterina. "Oases in the desert? Intellectual journals of the early years of Francoism". Latin-American Historical Almanac 35, n. 1 (24 settembre 2022): 276–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-35-1-276-293.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Many researchers, considering the situation that developed in the scientific and cultural life of Spain in the first post-war years, characterize it as a time of split and break in the intellectual tradition. Indeed, Spain split into winners and losers, a significant part of the intelligentsia left the country. The desire for an ideological monolith, censorship, control and repression were integral signs of the post-war period, but despite severe ideological pressure and official campaigns to uniformize culture, the components of the country's intellectual life retained some diversity, which is demonstrated by the very existence and content of Francoist intellectual journals. Of course, a significant part of the Francoist journals that touch on issues of ideology, culture, science and creativity can be called "conditionally intellectual." They, first of all, carried out a propaganda function, reflected and broadcast the dogmas of the Francoist ideology. However, some of them have become real "cultural oases", the first platforms for the exchange of views of intellectuals and a means of returning and rehabilitating the heritage of pre-war Spanish thought in the post-war intellectual environment.
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Athanasopoulos, Constantinos. "Metropolitan Amfilohije’s Views on St Gregory Palamas and Orthodoxy: A Return to Palamism". Akropolis: Journal of Hellenic Studies 5 (17 novembre 2021): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35296/jhs.v5i1.78.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In what follows, I examine the views of Metropolitan Amfilohije’s views on St Gregory Palamas and Orthodoxy, primarily focusing on his PhD thesis, which was defended at the University of Athens, Faculty of Theology in 1973, and published in Thessaloniki in the same year. I claim that his views there not only show him defending Palamas, but also highlight the need for a strengthening of Palamism in Greece and abroad. Some of the problems, which he identified in 1973, exist in Orthodoxy today and his suggestion that all contemporary Orthodox intellectuals should persist in the Philosophy and Theology of Palamism seems to be the only way to solve these problems, even today.
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Adamska, Iryna. "Образ Українського Козацтва в Брошурі Пантелеймона Куліша «Крашанка Русинам і Полякам на Великдень 1882 Року»". Studia Polityczne 50, n. 4 (23 febbraio 2023): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2022.50.4.10.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 1882, one of the most famous figures of the Ukrainian nation’s nineteenth-century revival, Panteleimon Kulish, published a work entitled ‘A Painted Egg for the Ruthenians and the Poles at Easter 1882’. In his work, he called on Poles and Ukrainians to establish dialogue and reconciliation, a prerequisite for which should be a critical rethinking of the well-established historical views of both peoples. To this end, Kulish devoted considerable space to the Cossacks and haidamakas. This article analyses the image of the Cossacks on painted Easter eggs. It also examines the evolution of Kulish’s historical views and the circumstances under which they took place, traces how they were manifested in his scientific works and considers the circumstances of the publication of his work. His strong criticism of the Cossacks and haidamakas corresponded to his views on Ukraine’s history at that time, although the decision to express it publicly was made for political reasons, to reconcile the Ukrainians with the Poles. To convince readers of his views, Kulish critically reinterpreted sources from the Cossack era and criticised both the Cossacks generally and specific historical figures, as well as some events of the early modern era. Kulish’s position was criticised by other representatives of the Ukrainian national movement. The reaction of the Polish political elite and intellectuals also failed to meet his expectations. As a result, disappointed by the ineffectiveness of his political manifesto, the Ukrainian intellectual gave up his efforts to strengthen Polish-Ukrainian dialogue.
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Karić, Enes. "Modern Islamic Views of Martin Luther and Protestantism". Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, n. 2 (21 marzo 2022): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2015.2.2.7.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper looks at how prominent Muslim reformers of the 19th and 20th century treated Martin Luther and the Reformation in their books, articles, pamphlets and essays. In most cases, they wrote on them positively and as a model for reforms they thought the Muslim world needed. The author cites their views and opinions to demonstrate that Martin Luther’s image in reformist circles in the traditional lands of Islam was as of a European reformer who drew upon Islamic sources. The paper also discusses the psychological reasons that contributed to the glorification of Luther ʼs personality in books and articles by reformist Islamic and Muslim intellectuals of the 19th and 20th centuries.
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Zhamelov, B. A., e Kh M. Tursun. "iews of national leaders on the policy of delimiting nation states in Central Asia". Bulletin of the Karaganda university History.Philosophy series 105, n. 1 (30 marzo 2022): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31489/2022hph1/40-48.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article examines the views of the Kazakh intelligentsia in connection with the policy of the national-state demarcation of Central Asia, pursued by the Soviet government in the 20s of the last century. During the political campaign of demarcation, perspectives of M. Shokai, who opposed to the Soviet policy, were indicated, along with Bolshevik national intellectuals’ viewpoints. Soviet government totally controlled the process of demarcation of the national borders; it opposed to the unification of the fraternal nations of Central Asia and created a separate republic for each nation. However, some Bolsheviks were against this political campaign of demarcation. For instance, S. Kozhanov, who opposed to the government’s unilateral decision, supported the idea of creating “federal state formation” in this region and T. Ryskulov favored the idea of preserving Turkestan ASSR. Their perspectives were also reviewed in this article. The Soviet authorities did not support the views of national intellectuals who were in favor of including Tashkent city, which was the political and economic center of Central Asia, to the territory of the Kazakh ASSR. The policy of demarcation was decided unilaterally by the Soviets, without considering the views of the Kazakh intelligentsia. The USSR authorities quickly abolished the Turkestan ASSR by dividing it into nation states and completed entirely this division campaign in 1924
46
Созинова, К. А. "Reading as an English Lady’s Accomplishment in the Second Half of the 18th Century". Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, n. 4(69) (16 febbraio 2021): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2020.69.4.008.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Эпоха Просвещения связана с формированием новой концепции чтения, широко известной как революция чтения. В данной статье автор обращается к роли данного феномена в изменении подходов к женскому образованию во второй половине XVIII века. В этот период английские интеллектуалы и интеллектуалки выпускали для воспитания «идеальных» леди многочисленные педагогические трактаты и сочинения, в которых обсуждались проблемы женского образования и рекомендовались «идеальные» списки для чтения. Особый взгляд на роль женского чтения отстаивали М. Уолстонкрафт, Э. Шапон, К. Маколей, С. Пеннингтон, Х. Мор, Э. Дарвин и др. Относительно полезности в образовательном процессе той или иной литературы часто по-разному высказывались и сами интеллектуалки. Не все были готовы предложить юным леди книги философского содержания, камнем преткновения стал также вопрос о пользе и вреде чтения романов. Важное значение в данном контексте обретает формирование правильных читательских привычек. The Age of Enlightenment is associated with the formation of a new concept of reading, which is widely known as the Reading revolution. The author of the article focuses on the role the Reading revolution played in changing attitudes to female education in the second half of the 18th century. In the late 18thcentury, British intellectuals, both male and female, issued various pedagogical essays and treatises for the benefit of ideal ladies. In these essays and treatises, British intellectuals of the time discussed urgent problems of female education and compiled book lists of recommended reading. M. Wollstonecraft, H. Сhapone, K. McAuley, S. Pennington, H. Mor, E. Darwin, etc. expressed their own unique views on female reading. Female intellectuals also expressed their views on the educational potential of female reading. Some intellectuals suggested that young ladies should read philosophical works, others argued whether or not young ladies should be allowed to read novels. The formation of good reading habits was generally understood to be important.
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Gökçek, Mustafa. "Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims". American Journal of Islam and Society 32, n. 4 (1 ottobre 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i4.216.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential dangers of pursuing nationalism in a multiethnic society. This article mostly focuses on the nationalist and traditionalist intellectuals. Among the first group was Halim Sabit, a Kazan Tatar who moved to Istanbul from Russia to pursue religious studies at a madrasa. He eventually became heavily involved in nationalist circles and published articles in Sırat-i Mustakım and İslam Mecmuası on how Islam allowed nationalism and how Turkish nationalism could serve Islam. At the same time, he participated in a trip to the Middle East to convince the Arabs of the need for Islamic unity. In contrast to Musa Kazım, Said Nursi, and other intellectuals, Sabit emphasized the unity of Muslim nations within the empire.
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Gökçek, Mustafa. "Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims". American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 32, n. 4 (1 ottobre 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v32i4.216.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential dangers of pursuing nationalism in a multiethnic society. This article mostly focuses on the nationalist and traditionalist intellectuals. Among the first group was Halim Sabit, a Kazan Tatar who moved to Istanbul from Russia to pursue religious studies at a madrasa. He eventually became heavily involved in nationalist circles and published articles in Sırat-i Mustakım and İslam Mecmuası on how Islam allowed nationalism and how Turkish nationalism could serve Islam. At the same time, he participated in a trip to the Middle East to convince the Arabs of the need for Islamic unity. In contrast to Musa Kazım, Said Nursi, and other intellectuals, Sabit emphasized the unity of Muslim nations within the empire.
49
Pham, Chi P. "Beyond the Indian Ocean Public Sphere". Journal of Vietnamese Studies 16, n. 2 (2021): 60–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2021.16.2.60.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
During the colonial period, particularly in the 1920s, Vietnamese intellectuals frequently debated Rabindranath Tagore’s Greater Indian, pan-Asian vision in their political exchanges. Drawing on scholarship on the rise of an Indian Ocean public sphere, this article analyzes periodicals covering Tagore in colonial Vietnam in order to explore alternative and less researched trajectories of contemporary Vietnamese nationalism. Specifically, it examines media coverage of Tagore’s works, ideas, personality, and appearance, and, in particular, his visit to Sài Gòn in 1929, to answer the question of how those depictions reflected and shaped different anticolonial imaginaries and ideological debates at the time. Radical and moderate forms of Vietnamese nationalism reflected both appreciation and criticism of Tagore’s views of Indian nationhood. The engagement of both moderate and radical Vietnamese intellectuals with Tagore’s work was thus an important early moment in the turn of Vietnamese intellectuals away from colonial models of nationalism toward those articulated by other colonized populations.
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Hyde, Joseph J., e Walter E. Block. "Oeconomia Suffocato: The Origins of Antipathy Toward Free Enterprise Among Catholic Intelligentsia". Studia Humana 7, n. 2 (1 giugno 2018): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sh-2018-0006.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract What is the source of the antipathy of Catholic intellectuals toward free markets? That is the issue addressed in the present paper. We see the antecedents of this viewpoint of theirs in terms of secular humanism, Marxism and mistaken views of morality and economics. One of the explanations for this phenomenon are the teachings of St Augustine. He greatly distrusted the City of Man, seeing it as anarchic and chaotic. In contrast, his City of God is more orderly, but far removed from the hurly burly of free enterprise. Another source of the rejection of capitalism on the part of Catholic intellectuals is liberation theology, which is Marxism minus the atheism of that doctrine. Both economic and cultural Marxism have played a role in the alienation of such intellectuals from the tenets of laissez faire capitalism. Are there any counter currents? Yes, the School of Salamanca, which has been all but forgotten in this community.