Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Urban freshness island"

Currently, cities have aroused the interest of researchers due the local climate change caused by the surface urban heat island (SUHI) effect. The impact of anthropogenic land use and cover changes has led to more frequent intense SUHI, with direct consequences on urban quality of life. Therefore, this research aims at analyzing the influences of natural and anthropogenic variables on the seasonality and spatial SUHI intensity in a Brazilian city, using remote sensing data and analysis of several physical parameters. Results show that the city of São Carlos has an SUHI mosaic and surface urban freshness island (SUFI). On average, 86% of the urban area presented a SUHI, whilst most SUFIs are located near watercourses, parks, slopes and valley bottoms, revealing the effects of green areas and relief on creation of microclimates. The SUHI showed significant seasonal variability.

Abstract Medan is the capital city of North Sumatra Province. It is one of the biggest cities on Sumatra Island. Big cities in Indonesia generally have problems with environmental degradation. One of the efforts to preserve the environment in urban areas is to provide public green spaces. Ahmad Yani Park is a green space dominated by trees that grow compactly and tightly in 1.3 ha of area. The research has been conducted at Ahmad Yani Park, one of the favorite places for people to gather and enjoy the freshness of clean air. Research on tree diversity in several public green spaces is needed to conduct as one of the efforts to provide biodiversity data and information in urban. This research is aimed to analyze the tree structure, composition, and diversity in Ahmad Yani Park to support sustainable development goals, especially in an urban area. The parameters of vegetation collecting by using census methods. The condition of vegetation and environment were assessed by using relative density, Shannon Wienner Diversity Index, and Evenness Index. The Ahmad Yani Park contained 240 individuals of 32 species It dominated by 62 individuals of Mahogany (S. macrophylla). The dominant vegetation is in 20 - 150 cm diameter class (59%). It is a mature phase of tree. While the juvenile and seedling stage have 26% and 15%. The Ahmad Yani Park has 2.75 score of Shannon Wiener Diversity index. It means this park is moderate diverse with a fairly stable environment.

The study is aimed at investigating the phenomenon of the Surface Urban Heat Island (SUHI) over the municipality of Prishtina. The SUHI was investigated based on the relationship between Land Surface Temperature (LST) estimated from Landsat 8 Thermal Infrared Sensor (TIRS) band with Normalized Difference Built-up Index (NDBI) and Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) from Landsat 8 Operational Land Imager (OLI) bands using Geographic Information System (GIS). To understand this relationship, a regression analysis was performed. Regression analysis in both cases showed high relationships between LST, NDVI and NDBI. LST relationships with NDVI showed a strong negative correlation having an R2 value of 0.7638 highlighting the extraordinary role of vegetation towards reducing the SUHI effect while LST relationships with NDBI showed a strong positive correlation having an R2 value of 0.8038 highlighting the role that built-up areas have in strengthening the SUHI effect. Built-up areas and bare surfaces are responsible for generating the SUHI effect while vegetation and water bodies minimize this effect by creating freshness. The maps in which the SUHI phenomenon are identified, are extremely important and should be paid great attention by the city leaders themselves. This should be done in order for urban planning policies to go to those areas where such a harmful phenomenon occurs in order for the lives of citizens to be as healthy as possible.

Within Asia, imported fruits and vegetables are often considered as a delicacy and of high value, and are increasingly demanded compared to local products. There are numerous significant factors involved with consumers’ characteristics and their corresponding values towards these products. This study investigates potential consumers and their preferences towards imported fruits and vegetables in three Asian countries: Taiwan, Japan, and Indonesia. A total of 1350 survey responses collected from Taiwan, Japan, and Indonesia are examined by a best–worst scaling method with a latent class multinomial logit model. Results show that consumers tend to choose imported fruits that are not commonly provided by domestic producers. While a food safety certified label and freshness are consistently identified as the most and second most important food values for Taiwanese, Japanese, and Indonesian consumers, price is still an important factor for certain consumer groups. The majority of Taiwanese and Japanese consumers (i.e., female, higher education, and from an urban area) prefer imported fruits and vegetables, while the majority of Indonesian consumers do not pay much attention to imported fruits and vegetables. While Taiwan, Japan, and Indonesia are island countries, the novelty of this study shows that consumer preferences do not behave the same. The implications of this study should be of interest to producers and exporters who wish to positively impact the design of their international marketing strategies.

The WHO estimates that, with the development of urbanization, 25% of the population is suffering from psychological and mental distress. Preliminary evidence has suggested that aquatic environments and riparian areas, i.e., waterscapes, can benefit psychological and mental wellbeing. The aim of this study was to identify the processes of waterscape psychological and mental health promotion through aliterature review. We propose a design framework of waterscapes for achieving psychological and mental health in the general population that often visits waterscapes, which has the function of therapeutic landscapes through values of accessibility, versatility, habitats, and biodiversity. According to theories, waterscapes can improve psychological and mental health to divert negative emotions through mitigation (e.g., reduced urban heat island), instoration (e.g., physical activity and state of nature connectedness), and restoration (e.g., reduced anxiety/attentional fatigue). By accessing water (e.g., streams, rivers, lakes, wetlands, and the coast) and riparian areas, people can get in close contact with nature and spend more time in activities (e.g., walking, exploring, talking, and relaxing). Waterscapes with healing effects can enhance psychological resilience to promote people’s psychological and mental health. Future research should focus on ensuring an adequate supply of waterscapes and promoting the efficiency of waterscape ecosystem services on mental health. Moreover, fora deep understanding of the complexity of nature–human health associations, it is necessary to explore more consistent evidence for therapeutic waterscapes considering the characteristics and functional mechanisms of waterscape quality, in terms of freshness, luminescence, rippling or fluidity, and cultural value, to benefit public health and biodiversity conservation.

Abstract Medan is the capital city of North Sumatra Province and the biggest city on the island of Sumatra. Big cities in Indonesia generally have problems with environmental degradation. One of the efforts to preserve the environment in urban areas is to provide public green spaces dominated by trees. In the process of its life, the tree experiences many disturbances and interventions from the surrounding environment. It can make it grow abnormally or become sick. One of the negative impacts of this is when extreme weather occurs and causes trees to break easily, fall, and fall on whatever is underneath. It can cause various material losses and even fatalities. The research has conducted at Beringin Park in Medan. It is one of the favorite places for people to gather and enjoy the freshness of clean air. Research on tree health surveys and inventories in public green spaces is important to do as one of the efforts to mitigate the occurrence of fallen tree disasters. This research is aimed to take an inventory of tree health in Beringin Park as an mitigation effort of the fallen tree disaster in Medan. Vegetation parameters were collected by using the census method at the pole and tree stage. The Shannon – Wienner diversity index has used to assess the biodiversity level of the research location. Then damage level index was analyzed by using Forest Health Monitoring Method. The results showed that the tree vegetation in Beringin Park was in the healthy category based on the Tree Damage Index Value which ranged from 1.20 to 4.10.

O presente trabalho, está vinculado a um projeto de iniciação científica desenvolvido junto ao Laboratório de Geoprocessamento da Universidade Regional do Cariri que tem como temática a modelagem espacial das ilhas de calor e de frescor na cidade de Juazeiro do Norte, Ceará, Brasil. Os resultados apresentados foram obtidos através do primeiro campo do referido projeto de pesquisa e foi realizado por meio da metodologia de transecto móvel, contemplando os trajetos na direção sul-norte e oeste-leste para a coleta dos dados de temperatura do ar, com o intuito de compreender os contrastes térmicos da cidade de Juazeiro do Norte. O transecto fora realizado ainda no período chuvoso e iniciou-se às 21:00 horas, não ultrapassando 50 minutos, coletando no total a temperatura de 25 pontos distribuídos no perímetro urbano e considerando as características geoeambientais e geourbanas. Os registros foram executados utilizando um termômetro digital com sensor externo com cabo de 2m Icotem e um receptor GPS (Global Positioning System) modelo Garmin Map 76CSX para marcação das coordenadas UTM dos respectivos registros de temperatura. As maiores temperaturas, de 24,8ºC á 25,8ºC foram registradas em espaços densamente construídos, as menores, entre 22,6ºC á 23ºC foram percebidas em áreas com características rurais e menos urbanizadas.Palavras-chave: Ilha de calor. Clima urbano. Transecto Móvel. ABSTRACTThe present work is linked to a project of scientific initiation, together with the Laboratory of Geoprocessing of the Regional University of Cariri, whose theme is the spatial modeling of the islands of heat and freshness in the city of Juazeiro do Norte, Ceará, Brazil. The results of the research were submitted through the mapping of the first study plan south-north and east-east to the collection of data of air temperature, with the intention. Of contracting the thermal contrasts of the city of Juazeiro of the North. The transectofor theater was still rainy and began at 21:00 hours, not exceeding 50 minutes, collecting in total the temperature of 25 points distributed in the urban perimeter and considering geo-environmental and georban features. The terminals were run using a digital thermometer with external sensor with 2m Icotem cable and a GPS (Global Positioning System) receiver model Garmin Map 76CSX for marking the UTM coordinates of the children temperature registers. The highest temperatures, from 24.8ºC to 25.8ºC were recorded in densely constructed spaces, the lowest temperatures, between 22.6ºC and 23ºC, were observed in areas with rural and less urbanized characteristics.Keywords: Island of heat. Urban climate. Transect Mobile. RESUMENEste trabajo está vinculado a un proyecto de iniciación científica desarrollado en el Laboratorio de Geoprocesamiento de la Universidad Regional de Cariri, cuyo tema es el modelado espacial de las islas de calor y frescura en la ciudad de Juazeiro do Norte, Ceará, Brasil. Los resultados presentados se obtuvieron del primer campo de este proyecto de investigación y se llevaron a cabo mediante la metodología de transecto móvil, contemplando las rutas sur-norte y oeste-este para la recolección de datos de temperatura del aire, con el fin de para comprender los contrastes térmicos de la ciudad de Juazeiro do Norte. El transecto se realizó durante la estación lluviosa y comenzó a las 21:00 horas, sin exceder los 50 minutos, recogiendo una temperatura total de 25 puntos distribuidos en el perímetro urbano y considerando las características geoambientales y geourban. Las grabaciones se realizaron utilizando un termómetro digital con sensor externo con cable Icotem de 2 m y un receptor del Sistema de Posicionamiento Global (GPS) Garmin Map 76CSX para marcar las coordenadas UTM de los respectivos registros de temperatura. Las temperaturas más altas, de 24.8ºC a 25.8ºC, se registraron en espacios densamente construidos, la más baja, entre 22.6ºC a 23ºC, se observó en áreas con características rurales y menos urbanizadas.Palabras clave: isla de calor. Clima urbano. Transecto móvil.

In this study, maps of the estimated heat index for a preservation area in the city of Cuiabá, Mato Grosso, Brazil, were constructed using temperature and relative humidity gradients. Understanding microclimate variable behavior is useful for explaining the relationship between urban sprawl and increased environmental distress. The implementation and preservation of green areas is one way to mitigate the environmental impacts of human activities. Urban parks are one common type of green area in cities. According to ISO 7243, heat exposure can be assessed using the Wet Bulb Globe Temperature (WBGT). This study used multivariate statistical techniques and ordinary kriging to produce a WBGT map of the park during the dry and rainy seasons. Places with heat or freshness islands were identified. Locations along hiking trails and areas with exercise equipment were analyzed for WBGT tendencies in order to propose precautionary heat exposure measures.

For this study on urban climatology, the study area is the city of Balneário Camboriú, belonging to the Brazilian state of Santa Catarina (SC), located at 26°59′42″ south latitude and 48°37′46″ west longitude. As it is the most vertical city in the entire Southern Hemisphere, Balneário Camboriú was selected as the study area for the development of this climate analysis. Then, this study was concerned with analyzing the formation of urban heat islands throughout the daytime and nighttime in the city of Balneário Camboriú, Santa Catarina, Brazil, on some days in October 2020, from the perspective of the local climatic zones. Seven fixed sampling points and one official weather station were selected for this research. These points were selected in order to facilitate analysis of the climatic behaviour of the urban area throughout the day, comparing it with the other points, and also to verify possible changes in the local climate in the most diverse types of LCZ. At these same points, the Sky View Factor (SVF) measurements were taken. to elaborate the map of LCZ of Balneário Camboriú, the WUDAPT method was used. There was a great variation of the SVF between the collection points, and different LCZs were mapped, which contributed to the formation of urban heat islands whose maximum magnitude was 10.8 °C and islands with freshnesses of magnitudes of −4.5 °C.

I miss the ferry to San Pietro, so after a long bus trip winding through the southern Sardinian rocky terrain past gum trees, shrubs, caper plants, and sheep, I take refuge from the rain in a bar at the port. While I order a beer and panini, the owner, a man in his early sixties, begins to chat asking me why I’m heading to the island. For the tuna, I say, to research cultural practices and changes surrounding the ancient tuna trap la tonnara, and for the Girotonno international tuna festival, which coincides with the migration of the Northern Bluefin Tuna and the harvest season. This year the slogan of the festival reads Dal Sulcis a Sushi ("From Sulcis to Sushi"), a sign of the diverse tastes to come. Tuna here is the best in the world, he exclaims, a sentiment I hear many times over whilst doing fieldwork in southern Italy. He excitedly gestures for me to follow. We walk into the kitchen and on a long steel bench sits a basin covered with cloth. He uncovers it, and proudly poised, waits for my reaction. A large pinkish-brown loin of cooked tuna sits in brine. I have never tasted tuna in this way, so to share in his enthusiasm I conjure my interest in the rich tuna gastronomy found in this area of Sardinia called Sulcis. I’m more familiar with the clean taste of sashimi or lightly seared tuna. As I later experience, traditional tuna preparations in San Pietro are far from this. The most notable characteristic is that the tuna is thoroughly cooked or the flesh or organs are preserved with salt by brining or drying. A tuna steak cooked in the oven is robust and more like meat from the land than the sea in its flavours, colour, and texture. This article is about taste: the taste of, and tastes for, tuna in a traditional fishing community. It is based on ethnographic fieldwork and is part of a wider inquiry into the place of tradition and culture in seafood sustainability discourses and practices. In this article I use the notion of a taste network to explore the relationship between macro forces—international markets, stock decline and marine regulations—and transformations within local cultures of tuna production and consumption. Taste networks frame the connections between taste in a gustatory sense, tastes as an aesthetic preference and tasting as a way of learning about and attuning to modes and meanings surrounding tuna. As Antoine Hennion asserts, taste is more than a connoisseurship of an object, taste represents a cultural activity that concerns a wide range of practices, exchanges and attachments. Elspeth Probyn suggests that taste “acts as a connector between history, place, things, and people” (65) and “can also come to form communities: local places that are entangled in the global” (62). Within this framework, taste moves away from Bourdieu’s notion of taste as a social distinction towards an understanding of taste as created through a network of entities—social, biological, technological, and so forth. It turns attention to the mundane activities and objects of tuna production and consumption, the components of a taste network, and the everyday spaces where tradition and transformation are negotiated. For taste to change requires a transformation of the network (or components of that network) that bring such tastes into existence. These networks and their elements form the very meaning, matter, and moments of tradition and culture. As Hennion reminds us through his idea of “reservoir(s) of difference” (100), there are a range of diverse tastes that can materialise from the interactions of humans with objects, in this case tuna. Yet, taste networks can also be rendered obsolete. When a highly valued and endangered species like Bluefin is at the centre of such networks, there are material, ethical, and even political limitations to some tastes. In a study that follows three scientists as they attempt to address scallop decline in Brest and St Brieuc Bay, Michael Callon advocates for “the abandonment of all prior distinction between the natural and the social” (1). He draws attention to networks of actors and significant moments, rather than pre-existing categories, to figure the contours of power. This approach is particularly useful for social research that involves science, technology and the “natural” world. In my own research in San Pietro, the list of human and non-human actors is long and spans the local to the global: Bluefin (in its various meanings and as an entity with its own agency), tonnara owners, fishermen, technologies, fish shops and restaurants, scientific observers, policy (local, regional, national, European and international), university researchers, the sea, weather, community members, Japanese and Spanish buyers, and markets. Local discourses surrounding tuna and taste articulate human and non-human entanglements in quite particular ways. In San Pietro, as with much of Italy, notions of place, environment, identity, quality, and authenticity are central to the culture of tuna production and consumption. Food products are connected to place through ecological, cultural and technological dimensions. In Morgan, Marsden, and Murdoch’s terms this frames food and tastes in relation to a spatial dimension (its place of origin), a social dimension (its methods of production and distribution), and a cultural dimension (its perceived qualities and reputation). The place name labelling of canned tuna from San Pietro is an example of a product that represents the notion of provenance. The practice of protecting traditional products is well established in Italy through appellation programs, much like the practice of protecting terroir products in France. It is no wonder that the eco-gastronomic movement Slow Food developed in Italy as a movement to protect traditional foods, production methods, and biodiversity. Such discourses and movements like Slow Food create local/global frameworks and develop in relation to the phenomenon and ideas like globalisation, industrialization, and homogenisation. This study is based on ethnographic fieldwork in San Pietro over the 2013 tuna season. This included interviews with some thirty participants (fishers, shop keepers, locals, restaurateurs, and tonnara owners), secondary research into international markets, marine regulations, and environmental movements, and—of course—a gustatory experience of tuna. Walking down the main street the traditions of the tonnara and tuna are palpable. On a first impression there’s something about the streets and piazzas that is akin to Zukin’s notion of “vernacular spaces”, “sources of identity and belonging, affective qualities that the idea of intangible culture expresses, refines and sustains” (282). At the centre is the tonnara, which refers to the trap (a labyrinth of underwater nets) as well as the technique of tuna fishing and land based processing activities. For centuries, tuna and the tonnara have been at the centre of community life, providing employment, food security, and trade opportunities, and generating a wealth of ecological knowledge, a rich gastronomy based on preserved tuna, and cultural traditions like the famous harvest ritual la mattanza (the massacre). Just about every organ is preserved by salting and drying. The most common is the female ovary sac, which becomes bottarga. Grated onto pasta it has a strong metallic offal flavour combined with the salty tang of the sea. There is also the male equivalent lusciami, a softer consistency and flavour, as well as dried heart and lungs. There is canned tuna, a continuation of the tradition of brining and barrelling, but these are no ordinary cans. Each part of the tuna is divided into parts corresponding loosely to anatomy but more closely to quality based on textures, colour, and taste. There is the ventresca from the belly, the most prized cut because of its high fat content. Canned in olive oil or brine, a single can of this cut sells for around 30 Euros. Both the canned variety or freshly grilled ventresca is a sumptuous experience, soft and rich. Change is not new to San Pietro. In the long history of the tonnara there have been numerous transformations resulting from trade, occupation, and dominant economic systems. As Stefano Longo describes, with the development of capitalism and industrialization, the socio-economic structure of the tonnara changed and there was a dramatic decline in tonnare (plural) throughout the 1800s. The tonnare also went through different phases of ownership. In 1587 King Philip II formally established the Sardinian tonnare (Emery). Phillip IV then sold a tonnara to a Genovese man in 1654 and, from the late 18th century until today, the tonnara has remained in the Greco family from Genova. There were also changes to fishing and preservation technologies, such as the replacement of barrels after the invention of the can in the early 1800s, and innovations to recipes, as for example in the addition of olive oil. Yet, compared to recent changes, the process of harvesting, breaking down and sorting flesh and organs, and preserving tuna, has remained relatively stable. The locus of change in recent years concerns the harvest, the mattanza. For locals this process seems to be framed with concepts of before, and after, the Japanese arrived on the island. Owner Giuliano Greco, a man in his early fifties who took over the management of the tonnara from his father when it reopened in the late 1990s, describes these changes: We have two ages—before the Japanese and after. Before the Japanese, yes, the tuna was damaged. It was very violent in the mattanza. In the age before the pollution, there was a crew of 120 people divided in a little team named the stellati. The more expert and more important at the centre of the boat, the others at the side because at the centre there was more tuna. When there was mattanza it was like a race, a game, because if they caught more tuna they had more entrails, which was good money for them, because before, part of the wage was in nature, part of the tuna, and for this game the tuna was damaged because they opened it with a knife, the heart, the eggs etc. And for this method it was very violent because they wanted to get the tuna entrails first. The tuna remained on the boat without ice, with blood everywhere. The tonnara operated within clear social hierarchies made up of tonnarotti (tuna fishermen) under the guidance of the Rais (captain of tonnara) whose skills, charisma and knowledge set him apart. The Rais liaised with the tonnarotti, the owners, and the local community, recruiting men and women to augment the workforce in the mattanza period. Goliardo Rivano, a tonnarotto (singular) since 1999 recalls “all the town would be called on for the mattanza. Not only men but women too would work in the cannery, cutting, cleaning, and canning the tuna.” The mattanza was the starting point of supply and consumption networks. From the mattanza the tuna was broken down, the flesh boiled and brined for local and foreign markets, and the organs salted and dried for the (mainly) local market. Part of the land-based activities of tonnarotti involved cleaning, salting, pressing and drying the organs, which supplemented their wage. As Giuliano described, the mattanza was a bloody affair because of the practice of retrieving the organs; but since the tuna was boiled and then preserved in brine, it was not important whether the flesh was damaged. At the end of the 1970s the tonnara closed. According to locals and reportage, pollution from a nearby factory had caused a drastic drop in tuna. It remained closed until the mid 1990s when Japanese buyers came to inquire about tuna from the trap. Global tastes for tuna had changed during the time the tonnara was closed. An increase in western appetites for sushi had been growing since the early 1970s (Bestore). As Theadore Bestore describes in detail, this coincided with a significant transformation of the Japanese fishing industry’s international role. In the 1980s, the Japanese government began to restructure its fleets in response to restricted access to overseas fishing grounds, which the declaration of Excusive Economic Zones enforced (Barclay and Koh). At this time, Japan turned to foreign suppliers for tuna (Bestore). Kate Barclay and Sun-Hui Koh describe how quantity was no longer a national food security issue like it had been in post war Japan and “consumers started to demand high-quality high-value products” (145). In the late 1990s, the Greco family reopened the tonnara and the majority of the tuna went to Japan leaving a smaller portion for the business of canning. The way mattanza was practiced underwent profound changes and particular notions of quality emerged. This was also the beginning of new relationships and a widening of the taste network to include international stakeholders: Japanese buyers and markets became part of the network. Giuliano refers to the period as the “Japanese Age”. A temporal framing that is iterated by restaurant and fish shop owners who talk about a time when Japanese began to come to the island and have the first pick of the tuna. Giuliano recalls “there was still blood but there was not the system of opening tuna, in total, like before. Now the tuna is opened on the land. The only operation we do on the boat is blooding and chilling.” Here he references the Japanese technique of ikejime. Over several years the technicians taught Giuliano and some of the crew about killing the tuna faster and bleeding it to maintain colour and freshness. New notions of quality and taste for raw or lightly cooked tuna entered San Pietro. According to Rais Luigi “the tuna is of higher quality, because we treat it in a particular way, with ice.” Giuliano describes the importance of quality. “Before they used the stellati and it took five people, each one with a harpoon to haul the tuna. Now they only use one hook, in the mouth and use a chain, by hand. On board there is bleeding, and there is blood, but now we must keep the quality of the meat at its best.” In addition to the influence of Japanese tastes, the international Girotonno tuna festival had its inauguration in 2003, and, along with growing tourism, brought cosmopolitan and international tastes to San Pietro. The impact of a global taste for tuna has had devastating effects on their biomass. The international response to the sharp decline was the expansion of the role of inter-governmental monitoring bodies like International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT), the introduction of quotas, and an increase in the presence of marine authorities on fleets, scientific research and environmental campaigns. In San Pietro, international relationships further widened and so did the configuration of taste networks, this time to include marine regulators, a quota on Bluefin, a Spanish company, and tuna ranches in Malta. The mattanza again was at the centre of change and became a point of contention within the community. This time because as a practice it is endangered, occurring only once or twice a year, “for the sake of tradition, culture” as Giuliano stated. The harvest now takes place in ranches in Malta because for the last three years the Greco family have supplied the tonnara’s entire quota (excluding tuna from mattanza or those that die in the net) to a major Spanish seafood company Riccardo Fuentes e Hijos, which transports them live to Malta where they are fattened and slaughtered, predominantly for a Japanese market. The majority of tuna now leave the island whole, which has profoundly transformed the distribution networks and local taste culture, and mainly the production and trade in tuna organs and canned tuna. In 2012, ICCAT and the European Union further tightened the quotas, which along with competition with industrial fisheries for both quota and markets, has placed enormous pressure on the tonnara. In 2013, it was allocated a quota that was well under what is financially sustainable. Add to the mix the additional expense of financing the obligatory scientific observers, and the tonnara has had to modify its operations. In the last few years there has been a growing antagonism between marine regulations, global markets, and traditional practices. This is exemplified in the limitations to the tuna organ tradition. It is now more common to find dried tuna organs in vacuum packs from Sicily rather than local products. As the restaurateur Secondo Borghero of Tonno della Corsa says “the tonnara made a choice to sell the live tuna to the Spanish. It’s a big problem. The tuna is not just the flesh but also the interior—the stomach, the heart, the eggs—and now we don’t have the quantity of these and the quality around is also not great.” In addition, even though preserved organs are available for consumption, local preserving activities have almost ceased along with supplementary income. The social structures and the types of actors that are a part of the tonnara have also changed. New kinds of relationships, bodies, and knowledge are situated side by side because of the mandate that there be scientific observers present at certain moments in the season. In addition, there are coast guards and, at various stages of the season, university staff contracted by ICCAT take samples and tag the tuna to generate data. The changes have also introduced new types of knowledge, activities, and institutional affiliations based on scientific ideas and discourses of marine biology, conservation, and sustainability. These are applied through marine management activities and regimes like quotas and administered through state and global institutions. This is not to say that the knowledge informing the Rais’s decisions has been done away with but as Gisli Palsson has previously argued, there is a new knowledge hierarchy, which places a significant focus on the notion of expert knowledge. This has the potential to create unequal power dynamics between the marine scientists and the fishers. Today in San Pietro tuna tastes are diverse. Tuna is delicate, smooth, and rich ventresca, raw tartare clean on the palate, novel at the Girotono, hearty tuna al forno, and salty dry bottarga. Tasting tuna in San Pietro offers a material and affective starting point to follow the socio-cultural, political, and ecological contours and contentions that are part of tuna traditions and their transformations. By thinking of gustatory and aesthetic tastes as part of wider taste networks, which involve human and non-human entities, we can begin to unpack and detail better what these changes encompass and figure forms and moments of power and agency. At the centre of tastes and transformation in San Pietro are the tonnara and the mattanza. Although in its long existence the tonnara has endured many changes, those in the past 15 years are unprecedented. Several major global events have provided conditions for change and widened the network from its once mainly local setting to its current global span. First, Japanese and global tastes set a demand for tuna and introduced different tuna production and preparation techniques and new styles of serving tuna raw or lightly cooked tuna. Later, the decline of Bluefin stocks and the increasing involvement of European and international monitoring bodies introduced catch limitations along with new processes and types of knowledge and authorities. Coinciding with this was the development of relationships with middle companies, which again introduced new techniques and technologies, namely the gabbie (cage) and ranches, to the taste network. In the cultural setting of Italy where the conservation of tradition is of particular importance, as I have explained earlier through the notion of provenance, the management of a highly regulated endangered marine species is a complex project that causes much conflict. Because of the dire state of the stocks and continual rise in global demand, solutions are complex. Yet it would seem useful to recognise that tuna tastes are situated within a network of knowledge, know-how, technology, and practices that are not simple modes of production and consumption but also ways of stewarding the sea and its species. Ethics Approval Original names have been used when participants gave consent on the official consent form to being identified in publications relating to the study. This is in accordance with ethics approval granted through the University of Sydney on 21 March 2013. Project number 2012/2825. References Barclay, Kate, and Koh Sun-Hui “Neo-liberal Reforms in Japan’s Tuna Fisheries? 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L’adaptation des villes aux fortes chaleurs est un enjeu majeur de l’aménagement du territoire. Un des leviers d’action consiste à végétaliser les villes via des îlots de fraîcheur ou des trames vertes. Ces aménagements nécessitent de repenser l’espace urbain et les pratiques d’aménagement. L’étude de l’impact sur la température de l’air et le confort thermique de la végétalisation des villes à l’échelle métropolitaine constitue un enjeu de recherche à la fois en modélisation du climat urbain et en aménagement du territoire. Au croisement de la climatologie et de la géographie, la thèse se saisit des outils et méthodes issues de ces disciplines pour formuler une méthode de construction de scénarios de végétalisation. Dans l’optique d’élaborer des outils d’aide à la décision, ce travail utilise Dijon Métropole comme cas d’étude. Le cadre théorique proposé pour co-construire et modéliser des scénarios d’aménagement du territoire est celui de la géoprospective. L’arc méthodologique s’articule en deux phases : (1) la validation d’une simulation de référence et (2) la création de scénarios de végétation et la simulation climatique adossée.Pour simuler l’impact des scénarios à l’échelle métropolitaine, Méso-NH couplé à TEB/SURFEX est idéal car il intègre la modélisation des strates hautes et basses de végétation urbaine. La constitution d’une simulation de référence réaliste nécessite de décrire fidèlement l’occupation du sol. Après avoir identifié que la végétation urbaine est mal décrite par les bases de données libres d’accès, la thèse élabore une base de données de végétation urbaine à fine résolution à partir d’images satellites très haute résolution. La validation d’une simulation de référence dans le cadre d’un projet de recherche-action consiste à vérifier si les résultats sont proches des températures de l’air mesurées sur le territoire. Dijon métropole est dotée d’un réseau d’observation de température de l’air qui couvre toute l’agglomération. La validation passe par une étude de sensibilité qui confirme l’importance d’une meilleure description de la végétation dans les simulations du climat urbain. Les données nécessaires à l’obtention de cette référence tendent à être accessibles sur tous les territoires, ce qui en fait une méthode généralisable, à condition de disposer de données d’observation sur la période étudiée.Le processus de co-construction de scénarios de végétation urbaine s’inscrit dans un projet de recherche-action mené sur le territoire dijonnais de 2020 à 2024. Les outils de la géoprospective guident ce processus vers la formulation de deux scénarios, l’un « normatif », l’autre « exploratoire ». Les scénarios ainsi créés diffèrent en termes de types de végétation ajoutés (haute, basse), de lieux végétalisés (centre-ville, faubourgs, zones d’activités commerciales et industrielles) et de densité de végétation apportée. Le scénario normatif augmente les surfaces végétalisées pour obtenir une ville couverte de végétation basse sur sa moitié et d’arbres sur son quart. Le scénario exploratoire se rapproche d’un scénario réaliste, construit à partir des documents d’urbanisme locaux (PLUi-HD) et des connaissances des agents métropolitains. Il augmente la végétation basse de Dijon de 80%, proposant des quartiers végétalisés jusqu’à 90%. Il est caractérisé par l’ajout de larges surfaces de végétation basse, tandis que le scénario normatif se caractérise par un ajout équivalent de surfaces plus restreintes de végétation haute et basse. Les résultats de simulation Méso-NH couplé à TEB/SURFEX et la comparaison à la référence montrent que le scénario exploratoire rafraîchit la température de l’air jusqu’à -1°C, tandis que le scénario normatif se caractérise plutôt par une diminution de l’UTCI jusqu’à -2,5°C en journée. La méthodologie développée pose ainsi les bases d’une approche géoprospective d’aide à la décision généralisable à d’autres territoires
Adapting cities to extreme heat is a major challenge in urban planning. One of the key strategies involves increasing urban greening by developping cool islands or green corridors. These developments necessitate a reimagining of urban spaces and planning practices. Studying the impact on air temperature and thermal comfort of urban greening at the metropolitan scale is a research challenge in both urban climate modeling and territorial planning. At the intersection of climatology and geography, this thesis utilizes tools and methods from these disciplines to formulate a method for constructing greening scenarios. This research, aimed at developing decision-support tools, uses Dijon Métropole as a case study. The theoretical framework proposed for co-constructing and modeling territorial planning scenarios is that of geospective. The methodological approach is structured into two phases: (1) the validation of a reference simulation and (2) the creation of vegetation scenarios and the associated climate simulation.To simulate the impact of the scenarios at the metropolitan scale, Méso-NH coupled with TEB/SURFEX is ideal as it integrates the modeling of both upper and lower layers of urban vegetation. Constructing a realistic reference simulation requires an accurate description of land use. Upon identifying that urban vegetation is poorly represented in freely accessible databases, the thesis constructs a high-resolution urban vegetation database using very high-resolution satellite imagery. The validation of a reference simulation within the framework of a research-action project involves verifying whether the results are close to the measured air temperatures in the territory. Dijon Métropole is equipped with an air temperature observation network that covers the entire metropolitan area. Validating a reference simulation within the framework of a research-action project involves assessing whether the results closely align with the measured air temperatures in the territory. The data needed to obtain this reference tends to be accessible in most territories, making this method generalizable, provided that observation data is available for the studied period.The co-construction of urban greening scenarios is part of a research-action project carried out in the Dijon area from 2020 to 2024. Geospective tools guide this process toward the formulation of two scenarios: one “normative” and the other “exploratory”. These scenarios differ in terms of the types of vegetation added (tall, low), the locations of greening (city center, suburbs, commercial and industrial areas), and the density of the vegetation introduced. The normative scenario increases green areas to cover half of the city with low vegetation and one-quarter with trees. The exploratory scenario is closer to a realistic scenario, built from local urban planning documents (PLUi-HD) and the knowledge of metropolitan agents. It increases Dijon's low vegetation by 80%, proposing green neighborhoods up to 90%. It is characterized by the addition of large areas of low vegetation, while the normative scenario is characterized by an equivalent addition of smaller areas of both tall and low vegetation. The simulation results from Méso-NH coupled with TEB/SURFEX, when compared to the reference, show that the exploratory scenario cools air temperatures by up to -1°C, while the normative scenario leads to a reduction in UTCI (Universal Thermal Climate Index) by up to -2.5°C during the day. The methodology developed thus lays the foundation for a geospective approach to decision-support, generalizable to other territories