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1
Gerber, Theodore P. "Foreign Policy and the United States in Russian Public Opinion". Problems of Post-Communism 62, n. 2 (4 marzo 2015): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2015.1010909.
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Obasogie, Henry, e Ngozi Okeibunor. "Appraisal of Public Opinion in Foreign Policy Making: Nigeria and United States of America as a Focal Point". NIU Journal of Social Sciences 10, n. 1 (31 marzo 2024): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.58709/niujss.v10i1.1794.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Public opinion plays an unprecedented role in foreign policy making in Africa as well as in other advanced and sophisticated nations in the international system. However, in the United States of America and Nigeria, empirical evidence shows that public opinion has little or no significant effects on foreign policy decision-making. Several reasons abound for this, some of these reasons are the unwillingness of the political elites to embrace transparency, accountability, and inclusive governance. The study therefore examines the views of scholars on the role of public opinion in foreign policy making in the United States of America and Nigeria. The secondary source of data collection was adopted, data include archival materials, periodical publications, books, and the internet. Most of these materials were sourced through an extensive use of specialized library facilities of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA). The research is descriptive and analytical. The study recommends that the American and Nigerian governments should encourage public opinion in foreign policy making. The researcher also recommend that scholars of International Relations should focus in their research on the role of Government in allowing the input of the public in both domestic and international politics. Keywords: Public Opinion, Foreign Policy, policy, United States of America, Nigeria.
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Lee, Hak-Seon. "Inward Foreign Direct Investment and U.S. Public Opinion on Immigration". World Affairs 181, n. 2 (giugno 2018): 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820018791645.
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I investigate how the direct investment of foreign firms in the United States affects public opinion on immigration. On one hand, when foreign firms invest in the United States, local residents may have job opportunities and a better understanding of foreign cultures following social and work-related interactions with foreign employees at multinationals. As a result, American workers may have a positive attitude toward immigration. On the other hand, when local residents see foreign investment as a foreign acquisition of American assets, or if they experience any unpleasant interactions with foreign nationals at multinationals, foreign investment may result in a negative impact on public perception on immigration. My empirical test of inward investment’s impact on public opinion demonstrates the aforementioned contrasting impacts: While more local employees working at foreign multinationals lead to positive sentiments on immigration, the existence of more local affiliates of foreign firms has a negative impact on public opinion of immigration.
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LOUREIRO, FELIPE PEREIRA, FELICIANO DE SÁ GUIMARÃES e ADRIANA SCHOR. "Public opinion and foreign policy in João Goulart's Brazil (1961-1964): Coherence between national and foreign policy perceptions?" Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 58, n. 2 (dicembre 2015): 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201500206.
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Abstract This paper analyses public opinion during the João Goulart government in Brazil (1961-1964), focusing on public perceptions on domestic and foreign policies. We employ a recently declassified public opinion survey conducted on behalf of United States Information Agency (USIA) in urban areas. We found that the Brazilian public opinion was somewhat coherent, supporting redistributive reforms domestically and a neutralist approach in foreign affairs.
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Ronfeldt, Thomas. "Use of Foreign Losses: The Advocate General Wants to Turn on the Marks & Spencer Exemption, but the ECJ Rejects the Argument and States That EU Law Constitutes Rights to Deduct Foreign Losses". Intertax 43, Issue 11 (1 novembre 2015): 688–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2015065.
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The article will – based on Advocate General Kokott’s opinion in the case C-172/13 Commission v. United Kingdom, prior cases on deduction of foreign losses and the ECJ’s ruling in case C-172/13 – analyse the option of either deducting foreign losses or rejecting the option of deducting the losses. In Advocate General Kokott’s opinion in the Commission v. United Kingdom case, the Marks & Spencer exemption is set out to not fall within EU law on freedom of establishment. Advocate General Kokott’s opinion states that EU law does not require Member States to allow for foreign losses to be deducted even if it is possible within a specific Member State. The ECJ confirmed the prior ruling in case C-446/03, Marks & Spencer and states that the Marks & Spencer exemption is still a part of EU law and the freedom of establishment.
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TOMZ, MICHAEL, e JESSICA L. P. WEEKS. "Public Opinion and Foreign Electoral Intervention". American Political Science Review 114, n. 3 (14 aprile 2020): 856–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000064.
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Foreign electoral intervention is an increasingly important tool for influencing politics in other countries, yet we know little about when citizens would tolerate or condemn foreign efforts to sway elections. In this article, we use experiments to study American public reactions to revelations of foreign electoral intervention. We find that even modest forms of intervention polarize the public along partisan lines. Americans are more likely to condemn foreign involvement, lose faith in democracy, and seek retaliation when a foreign power sides with the opposition, than when a foreign power aids their own party. At the same time, Americans reject military responses to electoral attacks on the United States, even when their own political party is targeted. Our findings suggest that electoral interference can divide and weaken an adversary without provoking the level of public demand for retaliation typically triggered by conventional military attacks.
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Lee, Hak-Seon. "Inequality and U.S. Public Opinion on Foreign Aid". World Affairs 182, n. 3 (8 agosto 2019): 273–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820019862268.
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I investigate how the level of inequality affects American public opinion on foreign aid. As the level of inequality increases across the United States, the majority of the public will be more likely to demand the government implement policies that should ameliorate severe inequality in society. Assuming that government resources are limited, a greater level of inequality in American society may weaken public support for foreign aid because the public may prioritize providing social safety nets and welfare programs in domestic milieu over granting foreign aid to developing countries. In addition, as inequality widens, the public may perceive economic globalization as one of the main causes of inequality; thus, their overall support for globalization will decline. As a result, American support for global engagement will be negatively affected, and public support for foreign aid may decrease. An empirical test using public opinion data in 50 U.S. states since the 1980s confirms my theory: widening inequality both across states and within a given state does weaken public support for U.S. foreign aid.
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Black, Ryan C., Ryan J. Owens e Jennifer L. Brookhart. "We Are the World: The U.S. Supreme Court’s Use of Foreign Sources of Law". British Journal of Political Science 46, n. 4 (19 dicembre 2014): 891–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123414000490.
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The United States Supreme Court recently employed foreign legal sources to interpret U.S. law, provoking widespread political and legal controversy. Scholars have yet to examine systematically the conditions under which justices cite foreign law, however. Applying theoretical approaches from international relations and judicial politics scholarship, we search every Supreme Court opinion between 1953 and 2009 for references to foreign law. Justices strategically reference foreign law to prop up their most controversial opinions. They also borrow law from countries whose domestic political institutions are viewed as legitimate; and, surprisingly, conservatives are as likely as liberals to cite foreign law. These findings add important information to the discussion over citing foreign law, and highlight how geopolitical context influences domestic legal policy.
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Cavari, Amnon, e Guy Freedman. "Partisan Cues and Opinion Formation on Foreign Policy". American Politics Research 47, n. 1 (12 dicembre 2017): 29–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17745632.
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How does the extension of party conflict to a foreign policy issue affect the ability of Americans to form an opinion about the issue? We test this using elite references and longitudinal public opinion data about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, a salient foreign policy issue in the United States that is increasingly characterized by partisan divisions. Our findings demonstrate that since the turn of the 21st century, the availability and clarity of party cues have increased, as well as the share of Americans who hold an opinion about the issue. Applying regression models to individual-level data, we reveal that the extension of party conflict to this issue has made it easier for more Americans to form an opinion.
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PANG, YANG HUEI. "Helpful Allies, Interfering Neighbours: World opinion and China in the 1950s". Modern Asian Studies 49, n. 1 (17 settembre 2014): 204–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000395.
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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Korean War, the People's Republic of China was effectively an international pariah. Accounts of this period in Chinese textbooks emphasize how the Chinese turned this around, either during the Geneva Conference or the Bandung Conference, through deft planning and enterprise. Yet few pay any attention to how such manipulation of world opinion became increasingly difficult for Beijing after that initial success. One outcome of China's public relations campaign meant friendly Afro-Asia leaders voiced their opinions, in alarming numbers, to their Chinese counterparts regarding issues such as Asian security, mainland China's economic development, and the Taiwan problem. Indeed, recently declassified Chinese Foreign Affairs archive documents demonstrate that China tried to marshal such non-Soviet bloc opinions to its advantage during the first Taiwan Strait crisis (1955). Chinese efforts were successful in that there was no lack of volunteers to air dissent with American foreign policy. But these new allies also wished to mediate between the United States and the Republic of China, on the one side, and mainland China on the other. Moreover, such efforts were often at variance with China's domestic and strategic outlook in the region. China thus had to embark upon an active ‘management’ of disparate world opinions, which was an entirely new endeavour. Although China tried to provide a sanitized ‘script’ for its new friends, most had their own ideas. By the time of the second Taiwan Strait crisis (1958), the volume of third party interference had grown. Overwhelmed by such international attention, China responded by openly rejecting unwelcome mediation efforts and demanded outright condemnation of the United States. Thus, ironically, with its growing prominence on the international stage, China found itself unbearably weighted down by the burden of world opinion, a position previously occupied by the United States.
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Gravelle, Timothy B. "Love Thy Neighbo(u)r? Political Attitudes, Proximity and the Mutual Perceptions of the Canadian and American Publics". Canadian Journal of Political Science 47, n. 1 (marzo 2014): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423914000171.
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AbstractThere has been renewed interest in recent years in both the foreign perceptions of the United States as well as the foreign policy attitudes of the American public. In this light, it is interesting to observe that there is a substantial body of research on Canadian public opinion toward the United States but relatively little on American public opinion toward Canada. Further, most literature neglects the effect of spatial proximity to the other country on perceptions. This article addresses both shortcomings in the literature. It investigates the mutual perceptions of the Canadian and American publics drawing on public opinion data from both Canada and the US. The explanation of attitudes toward the other country has three main foci: the roles of political party identification and political ideology; the role of spatial proximity to the Canada–US border; and the interactive relationship between political attitudes and border proximity.
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Chapman, Terrence L. "Audience Beliefs and International Organization Legitimacy". International Organization 63, n. 4 (ottobre 2009): 733–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818309990154.
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AbstractRecent work suggests that multilateral security institutions, such as the UN Security Council, can influence foreign policy through public opinion. According to this view, authorization can increase public support for foreign policy, freeing domestic constraints. Governments that feel constrained by public opinion may thus alter their foreign policies to garner external authorization. These claims challenge traditional realist views about the role of international organizations in security affairs, which tend to focus on direct enforcement mechanisms and neglect indirect channels of influence. To examine these claims, this article investigates the first link in this causal chain—the effect of institutional statements on public opinion. Strategic information arguments, as opposed to arguments about the symbolic legitimacy of specific organizations or the procedural importance of consultation, posit that the effect of institutional statements on public opinion is conditional on public perceptions of member states' interests. This article tests this conditional relationship in the context of changes in presidential approval surrounding military disputes, using a measure of preference distance between the United States and veto-wielding members of the UN Security Council. Findings indicate that short-term changes in presidential approval surrounding the onset of military disputes in the United States between 1946 and 2001 have been significantly larger when accompanied by a positive resolution for a Security Council that is more distant in terms of foreign policy preferences. The article also discusses polling data during the 1990s and 2000s that support the strategic information perspective.
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Bradley, Curtis A. "Attorney General Bradford’s Opinion and the Alien Tort Statute". American Journal of International Law 106, n. 3 (luglio 2012): 509–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.106.3.0509.
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In debates over the scope of the Alien Tort Statute (ATS), one historical document has played an especially prominent role. That document is a short opinion by U.S. Attorney General William Bradford, issued in the summer of 1795, concerning the involvement of U.S. citizens in an attack by a French fleet on a British colony in Sierra Leone. In the opinion, Bradford concluded that “[s]o far ... as the transactions complained of originated or took place in a foreign country, they are not within the cognizance of our courts; nor can the actors be legally prosecuted or punished for them by the United States.” He also expressed the view that the actors could be prosecuted for crimes on the high seas, while noting that “some doubt rests on this point” in light of the language of the relevant criminal statute. Finally, he stated—in an obvious reference to the ATS—that there can be no doubt that the company or individuals who have been injured by these acts of hostility have a remedy by a civil suit in the courts of the United States; jurisdiction being expressly given to these courts in all cases where an alien sues for a tort only, in violation of the laws of nations, or a treaty of the United States . . . .The Bradford opinion contains one of the few early historical references to the ATS, so it not surprisingly has received a lot of attention. Numerous academic articles, judicial opinions, and litigation briefs have invoked the Bradford opinion, for a variety of propositions. Reliance on the opinion has increased since the Supreme Court’s 2004 decision in Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain, in which the Court cited the opinion in support of the proposition that the ATS provides jurisdiction over certain common law causes of action derived from the law of nations. As an illustration of its perceived significance, both sides discussed the opinion in the oral argument before the Supreme Court in the first hearing in the pending ATS case, Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum Co.
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Kravet, Donald J. "Islamic Republic of Iran v. United States". American Journal of International Law 83, n. 1 (gennaio 1989): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202798.
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In Claim 4, one of several in Case No. Bl before the Iran-United States Claims Tribunal, claimant, the Islamic Republic of Iran, sought to recover from the United States possession of certain military equipment that had been sold to Iran pursuant to contracts forming part of the U.S. “Foreign Military Sales” (FMS) program. In the alternative, Iran sought compensation from the United States in the amount of U.S. $143,290,948, plus interest, for the alleged replacement value of the property at issue. In this partial award, the Full Tribunal held: that the United States was not obliged to deliver the equipment and that Iran’s request for specific performance must be denied, but that the United States was still required to compensate Iran for the value of the properties as of March 26, 1981, the date the United States communicated its decision not to permit their export to Iran. The Tribunal did not make an award of damages at this stage, since neither party had provided evidence as to the value of the goods on that date. American Arbitrators Howard H. Holtzmann and Charles N. Brower each filed an opinion concurring in part and dissenting in pArt. The three Iranian arbitrators concurred in the award, but without filing an opinion.
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Rubin, Alfred P. "Professor D’Amato’s Concept of American Jurisdiction is Seriously Mistaken". American Journal of International Law 79, n. 1 (gennaio 1985): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202666.
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Professor Anthony D’Amato criticizes a long opinion of Judge Bork rejecting American jurisdiction over various foreign defendants in a tort action growing out of an attack on civilians in Israel by members of the Palestine Liberation Organization. None of the victims was American and there seems to be no connection between the United States and the incident except the temporary presence of agents of various defendants in the United States.
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Qin, Li, e Nikolay S. Babich. "Attitudes Towards Russia and the USA in the Public Opinion of Modern China". Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya, n. 4 (2023): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013216250025452-0.
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The acute Russian-American confrontation made it important to reveal the attitude of international public opinion towards Russia the United States, especially in countries such as China. But the specifics of the attitudes of the population towards foreign states makes it necessary to analyze many aspects of these attitudes, preferably over a long period of time. Since public opinion poll data is usually severely limited both in the number of indicators and in temporal coverage, there is a need to summarize as many polls conducted by different organizations as possible. In this article, such a generalization is made on the basis of eight large-scale public opinion surveys covering the period from 2004 to 2022, including the time shortly before and after the start of the SMO (special military operation). An analysis of survey data reveals that public opinion in the PRC from 2004 to 2021 consistently treated Russia much more favorably: a large majority systematically expressed positive attitudes, the gap of which from attitudes towards the United States frequently exceeded 50%. With the onset of SMO, this positive attitude worsened in some aspects, improved in others, everywhere by an insignificant amount. Attitudes towards the United States also slightly worsened. Thus, we can confidently say that the public opinion of modern China has a very positive attitude towards Russia, rather negatively towards the United States, the beginning of the SMO, in general, did not change this situation, and the current events are not perceived by the Chinese public as extraordinary, requiring revision of views on international relations.
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Chilton, Adam S., Helen V. Milner e Dustin Tingley. "Reciprocity and Public Opposition to Foreign Direct Investment". British Journal of Political Science 50, n. 1 (22 dicembre 2017): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000552.
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Prior international political economy public opinion research has primarily examined how economic and socio-cultural factors shape individuals’ views on the flows of goods, people and capital. This research has largely ignored whether individuals also care about rewarding or punishing foreign countries for their policies on these issues. We tested this possibility by administering a series of conjoint and traditional survey experiments in the United States and China that examined how reciprocity influences opposition to foreign acquisitions of domestic companies. We find that reciprocity is an important determinant of public opinion on the regulation of foreign investments. This suggests the need to consider the policies that other countries adopt when trying to explain public attitudes toward global economic integration.
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Vagts, Detlev F. "Senate Materials and Treaty Interpretation: Some Research Hints for the Supreme Court". American Journal of International Law 83, n. 3 (luglio 1989): 546–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203314.
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In his concurring opinion in the recent tax treaty case United States v. Stuart, Justice Scalia reports that “I have been unable to discover a single case in which this Court has consulted the Senate debate, committee hearings or committee reports” to interpret a treaty. Even more sweepingly, he says that two 1988 opinions in a district court are the “first (and, as far as I am aware, the only) federal decisions relying upon pre-ratification Senate materials for the interpretation of a treaty.” He moves from there to conclude that the “Restatement (Third) of the Foreign Relations Law of the United States §314, Comment d (1986); id., §325, Reporter’s [sic] Note 5 … must be regarded as a proposal for change rather than a restatement of existing doctrine.” Those are the paragraphs in which the Restatement approves the use of such materials.
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Perkins, Nancy, e Sally Pei. "Jam v. International Finance Corp. (U.S. Sup. Ct.)". International Legal Materials 58, n. 3 (giugno 2019): 646–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2019.21.
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On February 27, 2019, the U.S. Supreme Court issued an opinion in Jam v. International Finance Corp., a case of critical importance for international organizations. The question presented in Jam was whether U.S. law affords international organizations absolute immunity from suit in the United States, or whether international organizations instead are entitled to only the more limited or “restrictive” immunity that applies to foreign sovereigns under the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act.
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Kupchan, Charles A., e Peter L. Trubowitz. "Dead Center: The Demise of Liberal Internationalism in the United States". International Security 32, n. 2 (ottobre 2007): 7–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.2.7.
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According to mainstream opinion, the George W. Bush administration's assertive unilateralism represents a temporary departure from the traditional foreign policy of the United States, one that will be rectified by a change of personnel in the White House in 2009. This interpretation of recent trends in U.S. policy is illusory. The Bush administration's foreign policy, far from representing an aberration, marks the end of an era; it is a symptom, as much as a cause, of the unraveling of the liberal internationalist compact that guided the United States for more than half a century. The geopolitical and domestic conditions that gave rise to liberal internationalism have disappeared, eroding its bipartisan political foundations. In today's partisan landscape, the challenge is devising a grand strategy that not only meets the country's geopolitical needs but also is politically sustainable. A strategy that is as judicious and selective as it is purposeful offers the best hope for moving the United States toward a more stable and solvent political equilibrium.
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Leep, Matthew, e Jeremy Pressman. "Foreign cues and public views on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict". British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, n. 1 (21 novembre 2018): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118809807.
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As foreign sources in the news might help the public assess their home country’s foreign policies, scholars have recently turned attention to the effects of foreign source cues on domestic public opinion. Using original survey experiments, we explore the effects of domestic (United States) and foreign (Israeli, British, and Palestinian) criticism of Israel’s military actions and settlements on US attitudes towards the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. We find that foreign cues by government officials and non-governmental organisations have modest effects, and are generally not more influential than domestic cues. We also show that individuals might discount foreign criticism of Israel in the context of US bipartisan support for Israel. While our experiments reveal some heterogeneous effects related to partisanship, we are sceptical of significant movement in opinion in response to foreign cues. These findings provide insights into foreign source cue effects beyond the context of the use of military force.
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Goldsmith, Benjamin E., e Yusaku Horiuchi. "In Search of Soft Power: Does Foreign Public Opinion Matter for US Foreign Policy?" World Politics 64, n. 3 (27 giugno 2012): 555–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887112000123.
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Does “soft power” matter in international relations? Specifically, when the United States seeks cooperation from countries around the world, do the views of their publics about US foreign policy affect the actual foreign policy behavior of these countries? The authors examine this question using multinational surveys covering fifty-eight countries, combined with information about their foreign policy decisions in 2003, a critical year for the US. They draw their basic conceptual framework from Joseph Nye, who uses various indicators of opinion about the US to assess US soft power. But the authors argue that his theory lacks the specificity needed for falsifiable testing. They refine it by focusing on foreign public opinion about US foreign policy, an underemphasized element of Nye's approach. Their regression analysis shows that foreign public opinion has a significant and large effect on troop commitments to the war in Iraq, even after controlling for various hard power factors. It also has significant, albeit small, effects on policies toward the International Criminal Court and on voting decisions in the UN General Assembly. These results support the authors' refined theoretical argument about soft power: public opinion about US foreign policy in foreign countries does affect their policies toward the US, but this effect is conditional on the salience of an issue for mass publics.
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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies". World Politics 43, n. 4 (luglio 1991): 479–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010534.
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The paper discusses the role of public opinion in the foreign policy-making process of liberal democracies. Contrary to prevailing assumptions, public opinion matters. However, the impact of public opinion is determined not so much by the specific issues involved or by the particular pattern of public attitudes as by the domestic structure and the coalition-building processes among the elites in the respective country. The paper analyzes the public impact on the foreign policy-making process in four liberal democracies with distinct domestic structures: the United States, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Japan. Under the same international conditions and despite similar patterns of public attitudes, variances in foreign policy outcomes nevertheless occur; these have to be explained by differences in political institutions, policy networks, and societal structures. Thus, the four countries responded differently to Soviet policies during the 1980s despite more or less comparable trends in mass public opinion.
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Sushentsov, A. A. "Perspectives of Russian lobbying in the US". Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 24, n. 4 (12 gennaio 2019): 163–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2018-24-4-163-167.
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Despite the panic in the American media surrounding Russian interference in American affairs, today Russia does not have its own full-fledged lobby in the United States. Russian experts are excluded from the American foreign policy debate, even in those matters that affect Moscow directly. Speakers invited to the Congress spoke, as a rule, with criticism of the Russian government. Meanwhile, in the United States exists a request for an alternative opinion of experts from Russia. Americans ignore weak arguments and propaganda, but are ready to accept useful criticism and discussion. The key to the success of Russia’s lobbying aspirations may be the creation in Washington of a respectable analytical center expressing the interests of Moscow and actively participating in American foreign policy discussion.
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Erskine, Kristopher C. "“American Public Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics: The Genesis of the China Lobby in the United States, and how Missionaries Shifted American Foreign Policy between 1938 and 1941”". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, n. 1 (15 marzo 2018): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02501003.
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The China Lobby in the United States attracted much scholarly attention after 1945, yet it found its footing in the late 1930s and played a critical role in re-shaping American public opinion prior to World War ii. Historians have devoted relatively little time to investigating this earlier period. The overwhelming majority of China’s lobbyists during these early years were American missionaries who the Chinese government often funded and managed. This article examines the role of two of those missionaries—Frank and Harry Price—and their American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression. It relies on research in Taiwan, China, and in archives across the United States. The author also has interviewed members of the Price family, as well as former associates of Frank Price in the United States, Taiwan, and China. The evidence this article presents demonstrates that while difficult to quantify, the Price brothers played a crucial role in helping to re-shape American public opinion about China between 1938 and 1941.
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Gelpi, Christopher, e Peter D. Feaver. "Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick? Veterans in the Political Elite and the American Use of Force". American Political Science Review 96, n. 4 (dicembre 2002): 779–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540200045x.
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Other research has shown (1) that civilians and the military differ in their views about when and how to use military force; (2) that the opinions of veterans track more closely with military officers than with civilians who never served in the military; and (3) that U.S. civil–military relations shaped Cold War policy debates. We assess whether this opinion gap “matters” for the actual conduct of American foreign policy. We examine the impact of the presence of veterans in the U.S. political elite on the propensity to initiate and escalate militarized interstate disputes between 1816 and 1992. As the percentage of veterans serving in the executive branch and the legislature increases, the probability that the United States will initiate militarized disputes declines. Once a dispute has been initiated, however, the higher the proportion of veterans, the greater the level of force the United States will use in the dispute.
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Jeleń, Mateusz. "The Purchase of Alaska by the United States of America in 1867 in the Light of the American Press". Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio F – Historia 78 (22 dicembre 2023): 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/f.2023.78.79-103.
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In the 19th century, Russia was one of the most territorially expansive states in the world. However, a century and a half ago there was a spectacular sale of a part of its territory to a foreign state. This large-for-the-time financial transaction did not escape the attention of the world opinion expressed in periodicals. Particularly interesting is the coverage of this event in the press published in the United States between 1867 and 1903. On the basis of the latter, public opinion on the territorial, economic and political implications of the 1867 transaction was analyzed. The research carried out also made it possible to outline the media resonance of the United States of America in the second half of the 19th century, i.e. a media reconstruction of the problems operating in the reality of the time, and in the case of this work, mainly those concerning the new territorial acquisition.
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SHIRK, SUSAN L. "Changing Media, Changing Foreign Policy in China". Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, n. 1 (14 marzo 2007): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002472.
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China has undergone a media revolution that has transformed the domestic context for making foreign policy as well as domestic policy. The commercialization of the mass media has changed the way leaders and publics interact in the process of making foreign policy. As they compete with one another, the new media naturally try to appeal to the tastes of their potential audiences. Editors make choices about which stories to cover based on their judgments about which ones will resonate best with audiences. In China today, that means a lot of stories about Japan, Taiwan, and the United States, the topics that are the objects of Chinese popular nationalism. The publicity given these topics makes them domestic political issues because they are potential focal points for elite dis-agreement and mass collective action, and thereby constrains the way China' leaders and diplomats deal with them. Even relatively minor events involving China' relations with Japan, Taiwan, or the United States become big news, and therefore relations with these three governments must be carefully handled by the politicians in the Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee. Because of the Internet, it is impossible for Party censors to screen out news from Japan, Taiwan or the United States that might upset the public. Common knowledge of such news forces officials to react to every slight, no matter how small. Foreign policy makers feel especially constrained by nationalist public opinion when it comes to its diplomacy with Japan. Media marketization and the Internet have helped make Japan China' most emotionally charged international relationship.
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Lemco, Jonathan. "Canadian Foreign Policy Interests in Central America: Some Current Issues". Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, n. 2 (1986): 119–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165776.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney is faced with a number of difficult choices concerning Canada's foreign policy in Central America. These choices are particularly problematic because their repercussions may have an important impact on Canada- US relations. On the one hand, the Prime Minister must heed public opinion in Canada which favors increased government concern about human rights and economic development in Central America. On the other hand, he must consider American security interests and not irritate or embarrass the United States and President Reagan in particular.Canada's middle power status puts it in a difficult quandary, for it seeks to retain an independent role in Central America, while it finds its influence circumscribed by its proximity to the US superpower. Its ability to wield tangible authority is thus severely attenuated. Canada's asymmetrical relationship with the United States allows it a certain degree of latitude in formulating foreign policy but imposes important constraints as well.
30
Allen, David. "Realism and Malarkey: Henry Kissinger's State Department, Détente, and Domestic Consensus". Journal of Cold War Studies 17, n. 3 (luglio 2015): 184–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00548.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article uses recently declassified archival documents to reassess public opinion in the United States regarding East-West détente. When Henry Kissinger was U.S. secretary of state during the Nixon and Ford administrations, he made dozens of speeches intended to educate the public in what he considered the proper methods of diplomacy. By analyzing those “heartland” speeches using recently released documents, the article shows that Kissinger and the State Department tried much harder to create a foreign policy consensus behind détente and realism than previously understood. Despite these efforts, Kissinger's message was lost on the public. The article provides the first extended analysis of a series of fact-finding “town meetings” held by the State Department in five locations across the United States—meetings that revealed how badly Kissinger had failed. By February 1976, all those involved in U.S. foreign policymaking—Kissinger's opponents, his advisers, and the wider public—desired a greater role for moral values in foreign policy.
31
Filipenko, Anton S., Olena V. Bazhenova, Lina S. Polishchuk e Nataliya M. Rylach. "FOREIGN ECONOMIC STRATEGIC PRIORITIES OF UKRAINE". Academic Review 2, n. 59 (18 luglio 2023): 249–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2074-5354-2023-2-59-17.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The paper is devoted to the analysis of modern foreign economic strategic priorities of Ukraine, features of their implementation in the context of the key purposes of economic development of the country. Emphasis is placed on the need to use modern tools to support domestic producers and limit import expansion in the context of the formation of a new export strategy of Ukraine. Ukraine is a small open economy that makes extensive use of external factors of economic development both in the context of markets for its products, especially the agricultural sector, and attracting important resources of critical imports, including oil and natural gas, electronic equipment and more. From this point of view, the analysis has revealed the role and importance of two key players in the world market – the United States and China – in ensuring Ukraine’s external economic balance. The paper empirically examines the dependence of certain macroeconomic indicators of Ukraine on similar indicators of the United States and China (the so-called ‘large’ and systemically important economies for Ukraine). Vector autoregression models were used as a research tool to explore the dynamic interdependencies between macroeconomic indicators in the case of explaining their present values by the previous ones. For this purpose, percentage changes in gross domestic product and consumer price index compared to the corresponding period of the previous year for the USA, China and Ukraine were selected. As a result of the research, impulse-response functions from ‘large’ economies showed the dependence of indicators that characterise economic development in Ukraine from them and their long-term absorption, both in the context of economic growth in these countries and inflation imports from abroad. Moreover, it should be noted that the influence of China is more significant than that of the United States, especially if we consider the impact of fluctuations in the consumer price index in China on economic growth and inflation in Ukraine. This necessitates further research on this issue in line with the formation of scientifically sound foreign economic strategy and policy of Ukraine. The impact of economic growth in the United States and China on Ukraine’s GDP fluctuations is positive and almost the same (peaking in the second quarter and gradual levelling over two years). In turn, the variance decomposition of forecast errors for Ukraine’s GDP shows that in the long run about 52% of its variability result from modelled external factors, which in our opinion is due to significant openness of Ukraine’s economy and, consequently, ‘large’ economies. Finally, paper emphasizes the need to assess their international economic policy to minimize risks in the implementation of the country’s foreign economic strategy.
32
TURES, JOHN. "The Democracy-Promotion Gap in American Public Opinion". Journal of American Studies 41, n. 3 (24 ottobre 2007): 557–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875807003994.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
United States foreign-policymakers have enthusiastically backed policies of promoting democracy abroad. But do the American people support these plans? Evidence from polls reveals that while people generally like the idea of exporting freedom, they do not view it as a top priority. Other concepts such as political and economic security are valued more by the American public. Backing for democracy promotion also seems to be waning in recent years. I examine these issues and offer possible reasons for this “gap” in response to democracy promotion among American people. I also explain the implications of these findings for America's foreign policy, including the types of government the US appears to support in the wake of military operations. I conclude with an examination of why the policy of democracy promotion has not been more popular with the American people, evaluating competing arguments that the policy is flawed, as opposed to simply a case of poor public relations.
33
Rehman, Javaid, e Saptarshi Ghosh. "International Law, US Foreign Policy and Post-9/11 Islamic Fundamentalism: The Legal Status of the 'War on Terror'". Nordic Journal of International Law 77, n. 1-2 (2008): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/090273508x290708.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThe days immediately after 11 September 2001 saw considerable tension, anger and anxiety. These politically charged days witnessed significant activity within the United Nations and various agencies of international law. The world community rightly condemned the 9/11 attacks as cowardly actions and an unforgivable crime against humanity. The entire global public opinion expressed sympathy for the victims of 9/11 and empathised with the people of the United States. The show of human solidarity as well as the Resolutions within the United Nations were the responses from the international community and international law to the terrorist attacks on the United States. It becomes, therefore, quite ironic that the enormity of the 9/11 human tragedy was used by the United States government to undermine the established norms, practices, principles and framework of international law. Over the past six years, the United States foreign policy has continued to violate international law and brutalise human dignity. This paper critically examines the systematic violation of international norms under the banner of 'war on terror'. It takes the view that the 'war on terror' has had exactly the effect which it proclaimed to prevent-namely the growth of radicalisation, terrorism and Islamic extremism.
34
Baev, Aleksandr, e Daler Ëkubdzhonovich Rakhimov. "Quantitative Analysis of the Impact of Official Development Assistance of the United States and China on the Voting of Sub-Saharan Africa in the UN General Assembly". Конфликтология / nota bene, n. 2 (febbraio 2023): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2023.2.39841.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The subject of the study is the development assistance of the United States and China to Sub-Saharan states and its impact on the voting of recipient countries in the UN General Assembly.The object of the study is the relations of the United States and China with Sub-Saharan Africa. The author examines in detail such aspects of the topic as development assistance, as well as voting in the UN General Assembly. Particular attention is paid to the impact of development assistance from donor States represented by the United States and China on the voting in the UNGA of recipient states on key issues of interest to China and the United States. The main conclusions of this study are the following: the more African countries receive more aid from the United States, the more they tend to vote for the same opinion as the United States in the UN General Assembly. On the other hand, China's assistance did not have a significant impact on the similarity of foreign policy between China and the recipient African States. The novelty of the study lies in the regression analysis. In addition to the amount of aid to African countries in the United States and China, the work includes variables that may influence the UN General Assembly vote on African recipient States in the statistical model as control variables based on existing research.
35
Conn, Laura. "Jesner v. Arab Bank (U.S. Sup. Ct.)". International Legal Materials 57, n. 4 (agosto 2018): 628–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2018.33.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
On April 24, 2018, the Supreme Court of the United States issued its opinion in Jesner v. Arab Bank. In only the third case in which the Supreme Court has considered the Alien Tort Statute (ATS) since its enactment in 1789, the Court held that foreign corporations may not be defendants in suits brought under the ATS. In foreclosing foreign corporate liability under the ATS, the Court limited the pool of possible ATS claims that can be brought. However, it left open the question of whether U.S. corporations could be sued under the ATS.
36
Scotto, Thomas J., Jason Reifler, David Hudson e Jennifer vanHeerde-Hudson. "We Spend How Much? Misperceptions, Innumeracy, and Support for the Foreign Aid in the United States and Great Britain". Journal of Experimental Political Science 4, n. 2 (2017): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2017.6.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractMajorities of citizens in high-income countries often oppose foreign aid spending. One popular explanation is that the public overestimates the percentage and amount of taxpayer funds that goes toward overseas aid. Does expressing aid flows in dollar and/or percentage terms shift public opinion toward aid? We report the results of an experiment examining differences in support for aid spending as a function of the information American and British respondents receive about foreign aid spending. In both nations, providing respondents with information about foreign aid spending as a percentage of the national budget significantly reduces support for cuts. The findings suggest that support for aid can be increased, but significant opposition to aid spending remains.
37
Clinton, David. "The Distinction between Foreign Policy and Diplomacy in American International Thought and Practice". Hague Journal of Diplomacy 6, n. 3-4 (21 marzo 2011): 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119111x583950.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Throughout his writings, Harold Nicolson advocates a distinction between ‘policy’ (to be subject to democratic control) and ‘negotiation’ (to remain the province of professional diplomatists), preferring to separate these two quite different activities, rather than lumping them together under the general term ‘diplomacy’ (an intermingling that he found conceptually muddled and politically impossible to sustain once general public opinion becomes politically mobilized). Nicholas Murray Butler and George Kennan, who may be taken as representing idealist and realist American opinion in the twentieth century, found themselves at one in rejecting Nicolson’s distinction. Butler believed that the progressive enlightenment of public opinion, resulting in the attainment of the ‘international mind’, would improve both the formulation of policy and the conduct of negotiations; Kennan deprecated public opinion, at least in the United States, as irredeemably clumsy and ill-informed, and was convinced that this domestic political force would not be satisfied with directing policy, but would insist on interfering with negotiation as well. Across the board, American opinion seems to be hostile to Nicolson’s differentiation. This rejection of Nicolson’s view illustrates a more general influence of distinctively American thinking about international relations on American attitudes towards, and expectations of, diplomacy.
38
Lailah, Farihah Nishfah, e Asra Virgianita. "Causes of The United States Launching A Trade War Against The People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 2018". Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) 2, n. 1 (25 dicembre 2023): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/hjsis.v2i1.31630.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The trade war between the United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC) has attracted world attention because it was predicted to affect the global economy. The trade war started with the United States implementing high import tariffs on PRC products, to which the PRC then responded with similar actions. The application of this tariff is a response to the trade deficit that occurred to the United States in its trade with China. The United States' trade deficit with China has existed since 1989. Meanwhile, in 2017, the United States and China agreed to implement a 100-day plan aimed at opening up and expanding trade between the two countries. Thus, the question in this research is "Why did the United States launch a trade war against the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 2018?". The theory used in this research is trade expectations theory. The data sources are official United States government documents, World Bank reports and various journals related to this theme. This paper aims to analyze the causes of the United States launching a trade war against the PRC in 2018. The result of this research is The United States launched a trade war against the PRC was because of the United States' negative expectations of the PRC which made the United States choose war against the PRC even though there was high dependence between the two countries. Negative expectations of the United States were assessed by trade deficit aspect, foreign investment aspect, employment and unemployment rate, and public opinion.
39
Kitagawa, Risa, e Jonathan A. Chu. "The Impact of Political Apologies on Public Opinion". World Politics 73, n. 3 (9 giugno 2021): 441–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887121000083.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
ABSTRACTApology diplomacy promises to assuage historical grievances held by foreign publics, yet in practice appears to ignite domestic backlash, raising questions about its efficacy. This article develops a theory of how political apologies affect public approval of an apologizing government across domestic and foreign contexts. The authors test its implications using large-scale survey experiments in Japan and the United States. In the surveys, the authors present vignettes about World War II grievances and randomize the nature of a government apology. They find that apology-making, both as statements acknowledging wrongdoing and as expressions of remorse, boosts approval in the recipient state. But in the apologizing state, backlash is likely among individuals with strong hierarchical group dispositions—manifested as nationalism, social-dominance orientation, and conservatism—and among those who do not consider the recipient a strategically important partner. This microlevel evidence reveals how leaders face a crucial trade-off between improving support abroad and risking backlash at home, with implications for the study of diplomatic communication and transitional justice.
40
Qodarsasi, Umi, Azza Ihsanul Fikri e Maulana Irsyad. "The Geopolitical Codes of The United States Decision to Relocate Its Embassy to Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem". POLITEA 2, n. 1 (1 giugno 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v2i1.5374.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
<p><strong>Geopolitical Codes of the United Dtates Policy to Relocate Its Embassy to Israel to Jerusalem. </strong>Trump’s policy to relocate the US embassy triggered Palestinian mass protests and wider political tension. Ten of thousands Palestinian took part in Gaza protests. Protests are also took place on The West Bank, where the focus was the embassy move. A mass protests turned violent, as Israeli troops responded with rifle fire. This policyraises strong reactions from world leaders. This paper aims to explain the geopolitical codes of The United States Policy : who are the allies or the supporter of the US policy in case of US embassy relocation and who are the enemies that against the US policy. We will find out whether this United States agenda will succeed in leading world opinion and influencing other countries' foreign policies and the consequences of what the United States will give to its supporters and opponents of its policies.</p>
41
Dorofeev, D. V. "THE GENESIS OF THE US FOREIGN POLICY: THE ORIGIN OF THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE TOPIC, 1610–1820S". Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), n. 2 (2021): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-2-81-93.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The research is devoted to the study of the origin of the historiography of the topic of the genesis of the US foreign policy. The key thesis of the work challenges the established position in the scientific literature about the fundamental role of the work of T. Lyman, Jr. «The diplomacy of the United States: being an account of the foreign relations of the country, from the first treaty with France, in 1778, to the Treaty of Ghent in 1814, with Great Britain», published in 1826. The article puts forward an alternative hypothesis: the emergence of the historiography of the genesis of the foreign policy of the United States occurred before the beginning of the second quarter of the XIX century – during the colonial period and the first fifty years of the North American state. A study of the works of thirty-five authors who worked during the 1610s and 1820s showed that amater historians expressed a common opinion about North America’s belonging to the Eurocentric system of international relations; they were sure that both the colonists and the founding fathers perceived international processes on the basis of raison d’être. The conceptualization of the intellectual heritage of non-professional historians allowed us to distinguish three interpretations of the origin of the United States foreign policy: «Autochthonous» – focused on purely North American reasons; «Atlantic» – postulated the borrowing of European practice of international relations by means of the system of relations that developed in the Atlantic in the XVII–XVIII centuries; «Imperial» – stated the adaptation of the British experience. The obtained data refute the provisions of scientific thought of the XX–XXI centuries and create new guidelines for further study of the topic.
42
Sokolshchik, L. M., Yu S. Sokolshchik e K. S. Teremetskiy. "Discursive strategies for legitimizing U.S. sanctions policy towards Russia (2021-2023)". Полис. Политические исследования, n. 3 (29 maggio 2024): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2024.03.08.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of the study is to conduct a comprehensive analysis of discursive strategies for legitimizing the United States (U.S.) sanctions policy against Russia during the Biden Administration. The paper is based on a constructivist theory within the study of international relations and methodological innovations by T. van Dijk, T.J. van Leeuwen, R. Wodak. The research investigates the hypothesis that the absence of an international legal framework for anti-Russian sanctions creates an increased need for the United States to legitimize them. The work uses critical discourse analysis (CDA) to investigate discursive strategies of legitimization of U.S. sanctions against Russia (through 1) emotions; 2) hypothetical future; 3) procedures; 4) expert opinion; 5) altruism). The study shows that anti-Russian sanctions is a part of the hegemonic foreign policy of the United States. It is manifested, reproduced, and justified through the official narrative. Political discourses containing ideological attitudes are used by the United States to create, maintain and protect its identity, which is based on the binary opposition “ Self-Positive Representation - Other-Negative Representation” and has a projection on the country's foreign policy. The most convincing discursive strategies of legitimization are those that appeal to the fundamental pillars of American identity (strategies 1, 2, 5). Strategies that rely on more specific/ situational grounds and argumentation systems are the least convincing (strategies 3, 4).
43
Chaudoin, Stephen, Helen V. Milner e Dustin H. Tingley. "The Center Still Holds: Liberal Internationalism Survives". International Security 35, n. 1 (luglio 2010): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00003.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Recent research, including an article by Charles Kupchan and Peter Trubowitz in this journal, has argued that the United States' long-standing foreign policy orientation of liberal internationalism has been in serious decline because of rising domestic partisan divisions. A reanalysis of the theoretical logic driving these arguments and the empirical evidence used to support them suggests a different conclusion. Extant evidence on congressional roll call voting and public opinion surveys, which is often used to support the claim that liberal internationalism has declined, as well as new evidence about partisan divisions in Congress using policy gridlock and cosponsorship data from other studies of American politics do not demonstrate the decline in bipartisanship in foreign policy that conventional wisdom suggests. The data also do not show evidence of a Vietnam War or a post–Cold War effect on domestic partisan divisions on foreign policy. Contrary to the claims of recent literature, the data show that growing domestic political divisions over foreign policy have not made liberal internationalism impossible. It persists as a possible grand strategy for the United States in part because of globalization pressures.
44
Marson, Ana Carolina. "The press and Brazilian Foreign Policy: Brazil’s participation at the 1962 Punta del Este Conference". Brazilian Journal of International Relations 9, n. 2 (7 settembre 2020): 348–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2020.v9n2.p348-373.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper seeks to comprehend how a portion of the Brazilian public opinion, specifically the press, understood Brazil’s participation in the Eighth Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, held in Punta del Este, Uruguay, in January 1962 – the Punta del Este Conference. This was a decisive meeting since it culminated in the expulsion of Cuba from the Organization of American States (OAS), because of the pressure exerted by the United States. Brazil distinguished itself for leading a group of countries against Cuba’s expulsion, based on the principle of self-determination and non-intervention. Although some authors believe the Punta del Este Conference to be the first event to massively mobilize the Brazilian public opinion around a foreign policy issue, they are not clear about what they understand as the concept of public opinion or how it positioned itself about Brazil’s participation in the Conference. Thus, this paper focuses on the coverage of three newspapers of national circulation (Jornal do Brasil, O Estado de São Paulo and Última Hora) between November 1961 and March 1962 to understand, through a content analysis method, how the press evaluated Brazil’s participation in the Punta del Este Conference. The results point to a bigger support of the Brazilian position and the Independent Foreign Policy.
Recebido em: Agosto/2019.
Aprovado em: julho/2020.
45
DMITRIEV, S. S. "Predictably Unpredictable Trade Policy – the United States versus All Others". Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, n. 2 (27 agosto 2018): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-2-113-132.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article explores the Trump administration’s trade policy, characterized by: attempts to rewrite the rules of international trade according to the regulations established by the American side, “skepticism” with respect to the international regulatory institutions of foreign trade, a course on the renegotiation of the existing agreements. In a relationship with a number of countries, manifestations of “ultimatizm” – the desire to negotiate with them from a position of strength are becoming increasingly evident. Relapses of economic isolationism under the slogan “Restore the Greatness of America” periodically are being transformed into concrete protectionist actions. The number of imposed import restrictions is growing, and their arsenal is expanding. It is concluded, that tightening of the market access to the domestic market for foreign suppliers is unlikely to lead to a significant reduction in the US trade deficit. Bet on abandoning multilateral arrangements in favor of bilateral trade agreements, conscious downplaying of the role and importance of the WTO and other international institutions can also be counterproductive. Focus on dominance in the sphere of foreign economic activity apparently will remain the main direction of Trump trade policy until the end of the term of his administration. However, under pressure from competitors, and because of the lack of real allies, the United States will be forced to demonstrate greater flexibility and pragmatism, the propensity to compromise and to establishment of temporary or permanent blocs with their main trading partners. The idea of “normality”, refraining from populism, will gradually begin to return to the trade policy of this country. If, however the Trump government will continue to act in isolation, without taking into account the opinion of the world community, an increasing number of partners of the United States will perceive it not as a leader, but as a violator of the rules of international trade. Under certain circumstances, such a policy can provoke local and global trade conflicts. In addition, the United States not necessarily will have to be the winner in them.
46
ST. JOHN, ANTHONY. "THE DISUNITED STATES’ DECOUPLING FROM ITS FORLORN FOREIGN AFFAIRS’ ENTANGLEMENTS". Society Register 5, n. 4 (31 dicembre 2021): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sr.2021.5.4.06.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The short-term ‘reign’ of the United States as leader of the world, policeman of the world, is being seriously challenged not only by pundits all over the world but by even political scientists and analysts in the United States itself. In fact, many are seriously opining that the United States is in decline—that it has lost its sense of direction, has taken itself too seriously, and has led the world for its own profit and well-being while disregarding the realities of other nations and peoples. The article attempts to trace the reasons for this sudden reversal of popularity of the DisUnited States of America.
47
Feinstein, Yuval. "The Rise and Decline of “Gender Gaps” in Support for Military Action: United States, 1986–2011". Politics & Gender 13, n. 04 (2 novembre 2017): 618–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x17000228.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the past several decades, many scholars of public opinion in the United States have argued that American women are less likely than American men to endorse military action as a means to deal with international problems. Evidence for this “gender gap” has been found in studies of public opinion during major international conflicts (Bendyna et al. 1996; Wilcox, Ferrara, and Allsop 1993), as well as studies of longitudinal trends that examined pooled data sets from multiple conflict periods (Berinsky 2009; Burris 2008; Fite, Genest, and Wilcox 1990; Shapiro and Mahajan 1986). Researchers sometimes view men's generally greater rates of support for military actions as part of a more general “gender gap” phenomenon in U.S. politics, but the cumulative evidence has suggested that foreign policy issues and questions of peace/war generate the widest and most consistent gender gaps (see Holsti 2004, 209–10 for a review).
48
Onate-Madrazo, Andrea. "The World Court and the Iran-Contra Scandal: Nicaragua, the International Court of Justice, Public Opinion, and the Origins of Iran-Contra". Histories 2, n. 4 (10 novembre 2022): 504–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories2040034.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In November 1986, a Lebanese weekly published an article stating that high level officials within the administration of U.S. President Ronald Reagan had sold weapons to an embargoed Iran and diverted the profits to counterrevolutionary forces fighting the government of Nicaragua. Both of these facts violated domestic and international law. What ensued was the Iran-Contra scandal that almost ended Reagan’s presidency and jeopardized the credibility of U.S. foreign policy. Drawing from periodicals from the U.S. and international presses, as well as U.S. Congressional records, this article demonstrates that studies on the origins of Iran-Contra have overlooked one critical cause of the scandal—a lawsuit that Nicaragua presented against the United States at the International Court of Justice in April 1984. While the case “Nicaragua v the United States of America” played an important causal role in the history of the Iran-Contra affair, its importance goes beyond mere causality. As this article demonstrates, the impact that this international lawsuit had on the origins of Iran-Contra elucidates the influence of public opinion on shaping domestic and foreign policy, on the extent to which foreign policy is driven by domestic political realities, and on the importance of international courts as the theaters where battles for legitimacy are waged.
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Bonilla, Tabitha, e Cecilia Hyunjung Mo. "The evolution of human trafficking messaging in the United States and its effect on public opinion". Journal of Public Policy 39, n. 2 (25 aprile 2018): 201–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x18000107.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractDespite a near unanimous agreement that human trafficking is a morally reprehensible practice, there is confusion around what qualifies as human trafficking in the United States. Adopting a mixed-method strategy, we examine how human trafficking is defined by the public; how contemporary (mis)understanding of human trafficking developed; and the public opinion consequence of this (mis)understanding. The definition of human trafficking has evolved over time to become nearly synonymous with slavery; however, we demonstrate that media and anti-trafficking organisations have been focussing their attention on the sexual exploitation of foreign women. We show that general public opinion reflects this skewed attention; the average citizen equates human trafficking with the smuggling of women for sexual slavery. Using a survey experiment, we find that shining light on other facets of human trafficking – the fact that human trafficking is a security problem and a domestic issue – can increase public response to the issue.
50
Кругленкова, М. А., e Л. Н. Назарова. "Foreign experience of bank lending to small businesses and the possibility of its application in Russia". Экономика и предпринимательство, n. 6(131) (9 agosto 2021): 673–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.34925/eip.2021.131.6.131.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
В статье рассматривается современное состояние банковского кредитования субъектов малого предпринимательства, в том числе с государственной поддержкой в США и в России. Определены преимущества зарубежной опыта, которые, на наш взгляд, могут быть адаптированы в национальной экономике. The article examines the current state of bank lending to small businesses, including those with government support in the United States of America and in Russia. The advantages of foreign practice are determined, which, in our opinion, can be adapted in the national economy.