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Tesi sul tema "United States Foreign opinion"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 29 luglio 2024

Ultima modifica: 31 luglio 2024

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1

Thompson, John Mortimer. "The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.

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Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.

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2

Kohn, Edward P. (Edward Parliament) 1968. "This kindred people : Canadian-American relations and North American Anglo-Saxonism during the Anglo-American rapprochement, 1895-1903". Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36625.

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At the end of the nineteenth century, English-Canadians and Americans faced each other across the border with old animosities. Many Canadians adhered to familiar ideas of Loyalism, imperialism and anti-Americanism to differentiate the Dominion from the republic. In the United States, on the other hand, lingering notions of anglophobia and "Manifest Destiny" caused Americans to look upon the British colony to the north as a dangerous and unnatural entity. America's rise to world power status and the Anglo-American rapprochement, however, forced Americans and Canadians to adapt to the new international reality. Emphasizing their shared language, civilization, and forms of government, many English-speaking North Americans drew upon Anglo-Saxonism to find common ground. Indeed, Americans and Canadians often referred to each other as members of the same "family" sharing the same "blood," thus differentiating themselves from other races. As many of the events of the rapprochement had a North American context, Americans and English-Canadians often drew upon the common lexicon of Anglo-Saxon rhetoric to undermine the old rivalries and underscore their shared interests. Though the predominance of Anglo-Saxonism at the turn of the century proved short-lived, it left a legacy of Canadian-American goodwill, as both nations accepted their shared destiny on the continent and Canada as a key link in the North Atlantic Triangle.

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3

Roy, Oindrila. "EXPLORING THE INFLUENCE OF FAITH ON FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES IN THE UNITED STATES". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1416593434.

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4

Bélanger, Damien-Claude 1976. "Pride and prejudice : Canadian intellectuals confront the United States, 1891-1945". Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=100320.

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This study compares how English and French Canadian intellectuals viewed American society from 1891 to 1945. During the period under study, the Dominion experienced accelerated industrialization and urbanization, massive immigration, technological change, and the rise of mass culture. To the nation's intellectuals, many of these changes found their source and their very embodiment in the United States. America, it was argued, was the quintessence of modernity, having embraced, among other things, secularism, democracy, mass culture, and industrial capitalism.
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Canadian hostility to the United States and continental integration was expressed in two conservative discourses: that of English Canadian imperialism and French Canadian nationalism. Despite their fundamental divergence on the national question; both imperialists and nationalistes shared an essentially antimodern outlook, and anti-Americanism was their logical point of convergence.
By contrast, the most passionate Canadian defenders of American society could be found among liberal and socialist intellectuals like F. R. Scott and Jean-Charles Harvey. They saw continental integration and Canadian-American convergence as both inevitable and desirable. Intellectual continentalism reached its summit of influence during the 1930s and 1940s.
The present study is based on the analysis of some 520 texts found essentially in the era's periodical literature. Each, at least in part, explores some aspect of American life or of the relationship between Canada and the United States. Unlike most previous scholarship, which has tended to view anti-American sentiment merely as an expression of Canadian nationalism, this study is more concerned with Canadian intellectuals as thinkers on the left, the right, and the centre.
The comparative, pan-Canadian nature of this study reveals that English and French Canadian intellectuals shared common preoccupations with respect to the United States. However, the tone and emphasis of their commentary often differed. In English Canada, where political institutions and the imperial bond were viewed as the mainstays of Canadian distinctiveness, writing on the United States tended to deal primarily with political and diplomatic issues, in Quebec, where political institutions were not generally viewed as vital elements of national distinctiveness, social and cultural affairs dominated writing on the United States.

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5

Agboaye, Ehikioya. "Media Agenda-Building Effect: Analysis of American Public Apartheid Activities, Congressional and Presidential Policies on South Africa, 1976-1988". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331332/.

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The mass media's role in informing the American public is critical to public support for government policies. The media are said to set the national agenda. This view is based on the assumption of selective coverage they give to news items. Media coverage also influences the salience the public attaches to issues. However, media agenda effect has been challenged by Lang and Lang (1983). These scholars, in their media agenda-building theory, argued that the success of media effect on national agenda is dependent on group support. In order to test this theory, time-related data on South Africa crises, media coverage"of South Africa, American public reactions, congressional, and presidential apartheid-related activities, between 1976 and 1988, were analyzed. Congressional anti-apartheid policies were the dependent and others, the independent variables. The theory made analysis of the data amenable to the additive adopted to test for the significance of the interactive variables, indicated that these variables were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid policies. The additive model was subsequently analyzed. The time series multiple regression analysis was used in analyzing the relationships. Given autocorrelation and multicollinearity problems associated with time series analysis, the Arima (p, d, q) model was used to model the relationships. This model was used to indicate support, or nonsupport, for the time series regression analysis. The result of the additive model indicated that South African political crises were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid actions. It also showed that the relationship between the American public reactions and congressional anti-apartheid policies was greater in comparison to all other independent variables. The presidential actions taken against South Africa were negatively related to Congress' anti-apartheid actions. Television had the greatest relationship with congressional anti-apartheid actions compared to newspapers and magazines.

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6

Lee, Sook-Young. "The interaction effect of television violence and cultural identity on international students' perceived vulnerability". Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1124740.

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The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of television violence and cultural identity on international students' perceived vulnerability. A total of 73 international students who registered at Ball State University spring semester 1999 participated in the survey research project. MANOVA revealed a significant relationship between perceived vulnerability and television exposure. Although no significant relationship was found between perceived vulnerability and cultural identity levels, there was a significant interaction effect between television exposure and cultural identity. International students who were heavy viewers and had assimilated identity exhibited the greatest perceived vulnerability. Theoretical and methodological implications of the findings were discussed for future research.
Department of Speech Communication

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7

Cash, Dane J. "The forgotten debate: American political opinion journals and the Korean War, 1950-1953". Thesis, Boston University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32878.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
This dissertation is an examination of the foreign policy debates during and about the Korean War that played out in America's leading political opinion journals from 1950-1953. From left to right along the ideological spectrum, these journals include The Nation, The New Republic, Commonweal, The New Leader, The American Mercury, and The Freeman. Such an analysis uncovers some of most important ideological currents that ran through American political and intellectual life during the mid-20th century and challenges some long-standing historiographical assumptions about this period in American political and intellectual history. First, the foreign policy debates inspired by the Korean War were much more robust than is typically appreciated. Second, there was consistent and substantive disagreement between different camps of liberals, namely, between left liberals and hawkish liberals, to the point that hawkish liberals often favored positions more aligned with those of conservatives than with those of their fellow liberals. This tension between different strands of liberalism suggests that the notion that a "liberal consensus" reigned supreme in American political and intellectual life during the early years of the Cold War may be in need of qualification or revision. Third, the conservative arguments made in the pages of publications like The Freeman and The American Mercury reveal that the conservative movement was much more coherent and mature in the early 1950s, years before the emergence of William F. Buckley, Jr.'s National Review, than is generally thought. In sum, an examination of the "forgotten debate" about this forgotten war has much to teach us about the political and intellectual history of the United States in the mid-20111 century and beyond.
2031-01-01

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8

Lu, Xiao. "American policy and the downfall of the Nationalist China : a survey of major American historical literature of China's civil war". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112040.

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As a so-called Old China Hand, I would suggest to the new administration that it study with great sincerity of purpose the idea that we "lost" China. It has been a phony idea all along peddled by the China Lobby. Let's drop it. Then and only then can the administration ... begin to evolve and pursue an objective and, we hope, effective policy regarding China.

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9

Faherty, Douglas M. "Italian foreign policy : trends for the twenty-first century /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FFaherty.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Daniel J. Moran. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-76). Also available online.

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10

Feinman, David Eric. "Divided government and congressional foreign policy a case study of the post-World War II era in American government". Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4891.

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The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009.
ID: 029809199; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-112).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences

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11

Ayeni, Anthony. "Content Analysis Study of ABC News Presentations on Nigeria as an Example of Third World News Coverage". Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500790/.

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The purpose of this study is to inquire if there are dispositions of any type. of newscast carried by ABC News about Nigeria and if these newscasts are positively or negatively inclined. The analysis quantified and verified that while the broadcast content of ABC News presentations on Nigeria have been objectively covered, the newscasts have taken stereotypical patterns. This, thereby establishes the need for ABC News, being an example of American network news, to diversify and cover stories of social and human interest in Nigeria and other Third World countries. The study concludes that a true maxim of news coverage is needed as a guide to unbiased, unslanted or cliched news presentations.

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12

Young, Kelly M. "Nukespeak and psychic numbing metaphors in the academic texts of defense intellectuals". Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1048397.

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This study analyzed defense intellectuals' metaphors to determine if the metaphors minimize or ignore the negative effects of nuclear war. The study specifically analyzed 30 texts from Foreign Affairs and Foreign Policy with the metaphorical criticism method. Once the texts were analyzed, the findings suggested that defense intellectuals' metaphors describe nuclear war as ordinary and non-threatening, as a game or relationship. In addition, the study found that the defense intellectuals used metaphors that deflected responsibility for building and using nuclear weapons away from world leaders. The findings also suggested that the defense intellectuals are not numb to the effects of nuclear war, as others claim. Instead, the defense intellectuals' metaphors acted as cognitive blinders that prevented them from discussing the effects of nuclear war. Finally, the study found that each journal's metaphors were aligned with a particular world view of international relations; Foreign Affairs belonged to the realist school of thought, while Foreign Policy belonged to the neo-liberal institutionalist school of thought.
Department of Speech Communication

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13

Yang, Mu-Li. "A study of Chinese adult immigrants' television viewing motivations". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1218.

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14

Gagle, Michael Todd. "A Bridge Across the Pacific: A Study of the Shifting Relationship Between Portland and the Far East". PDXScholar, 2016. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2655.

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After Japan invaded Manchuria in 1931, both Japan and China sought the support of America. There has been a historical assumption that, starting with the hostilities in 1931, the Japanese were maligned in American public opinion. Consequently, the assumption has been made that Americans supported the Chinese without reserve during their conflict with Japan in the 1930s. The aim of this study is to question the accuracy of that assumption in the case of Portland, Oregon. An analysis of newspapers and print material specifically focusing on Japan and China from before the conflict reveal that the general American opinion of Japan by 1931 had shifted from admiration to suspicion and fear. The American view of China, meanwhile, had shifted from contempt to pity. When Japan invaded China, both countries lobbied for support via books, articles, and public speakers. By analyzing the speeches and publications available, this study finds that the Japanese argued for security and economic benefit, while the Chinese argued for liberty and justice. In Portland, the public opinion was strongly supportive of Japan before the 1930s, and Japan's hostilities toward China did not immediately change the opinion. Instead, an analysis of The Oregonian, the Portland City Club, and a student summit at Reed college reveal that the opinion in Portland was far more forgiving of Japan than the general American outlook. Portlanders focused on how to ease the tensions between Japan and America, even supporting Japanese calls for an Asian League of Nations headed by Japan. Further complicating the discourse in Portland was the issue of communism. Portland -- and the Pacific Northwest in general -- had been very involved with socialism in the period before the First World War. After the war, support for socialism had diverged into support for communism, for those who remained radicals, and vehement distrust of communism, for those who did not. The tension between these two groups led to outbursts of violence that left a mark on the memories of the people of the Northwest. Those who supported communism remembered the slights, which would lead them to support the Bolsheviks in the 1930s. Those who distrusted communism remembered the real threat that communism represented. When the Japanese began their propaganda against China, one of their strongest claims was that the Chinese could not hold back the tide of communism, and that only Japan was properly prepared to do so in East Asia. This claim brought up old fears in the Portland populace, most of whom did not support communism. Thus, Japanese claims of working to prevent the communist threat, coupled with the assertion of an economic boon, helped maintain a more favorable view of Japan in Portland. Following the 1937 attack on Nanking, however, Japanese action was deemed reprehensible and Portland began to turn against Japan. By profiling the public opinion of Portland toward Japan in the 1930s, this study adds to the growing body of research on the complexities of the relationship between America and Japan during the twentieth century.

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15

Botes, Marina. "The public diplomacy of the United States of America in the war on terror". Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2007. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-11192007-141127.

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16

Sinkkonen, Marja E. "Rethinking Chinese national identity : the wider context of foreign policy making during the era of Hu Jintao, 2002-2012". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:89137b0a-ab44-45ee-b1e0-32c251a967a3.

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This thesis analyses China's national identity construction and its foreign policy implications especially towards Japan and the United States during the Hu Jintao period 2002-2012. The vast literature on China's rise takes “rising nationalism” in China as one of the key indicators of increased likelihood for aggressive behaviour in the future. This work problematizes some of the simplified assumptions made in this literature by emphasising the domestic context from which foreign policies rise. I argue that culture specific values deriving from national identities shape attitude structures and affect the whole thinking and conceptualisation related to foreign policy with wide-ranging consequences. Thus, in this research national identity is operationalised through values and attitudes deriving from it. With empirical evidence, I show in my thesis that most things discussed as "nationalism" in China studies literature can be analytically separated into at least two components, each with different foreign policy relevant correlates. Analysing two sets of survey material with statistical methods I show that the type of national attachment in China constrains foreign policy preferences in a different way than often assumed in the literature: "patriots" support an internationalist stance in contrast to "nationalists" who favour more assertive behaviour towards Japan and the US as well as generally protectionist economic policies. In addition to analysing the associations between core values and foreign policy preferences, I also provide other examples of cultural factors shaping Chinese foreign policy context including the role of historical legacies and their political use, and the role of the media in the formation of foreign threat perceptions and foreign policy preferences. The need to better understand these national identity dynamics is emphasised because of the ongoing pluralisation of Chinese foreign policy establishment, which gives more space to domestic input from various levels of society.

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17

Richardson, Erin L. "SANE and the Limited Test Ban Treaty of 1963 mobilizing public opinion to shape U.S. foreign policy /". Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1257556741.

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18

楊卓林. "中國知識分子的美國觀, 1949-1999 = Chinese intelligentsia's perception of the US, 1949-1999". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2002. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/468.

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19

McLaughlin, James A. "The Chavez corollary the new hegemony on the block /". Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491192.

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20

Dieck, Hélène. "The influence of American public opinion on US military interventions after the Cold War". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0014.

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Les études académiques récentes sur l'influence de l'opinion publique sur les interventions militaires dans les démocraties occidentales concluent pour la plupart que l’opposition du public n’a pas empêché le président de faire usage de la force. Ces études se concentrent souvent sur le choix d'intervenir dans un conflit donné et omettent d'analyser les ajustements apportés à l'intervention elle-même du fait de l'opinion publique. Cette étude tente au contraire de montrer qu'on ne peut comprendre l’influence de l'opinion publique si l'on se limite à la décision d'intervenir et n’étudie pas les décisions connexes liées à la conduite et à la réussite d'une intervention: le choix des moyens humains et financiers, les objectifs, la stratégie de communication. La littérature scientifique actuelle omet également de dévoiler la manière dont l'exécutif tente de gérer la contrainte de l'opinion publique et comprendre ainsi quelle est sa véritable marge de manœuvre vis-à-vis de celle-ci. En effet, l’opinion publique et la présidence s’influencent mutuellement : le président est souvent contraint de trouver un compromis entre les objectifs politiques et militaires désirés et ce que le public est prêt à accepter. En incluant l'impact de l'opinion publique sur la mise en œuvre des opérations militaires, cette recherche conclut que le public américain a eu une influence majeure sur le degré d'engagement, les objectifs et la durée des interventions militaires de l'après Guerre froide. Notre étude s’appuie principalement sur des entretiens avec des responsables politiques impliqués dans le processus décisionnel ayant conduit à l’usage de la force après la Guerre froide. Ce processus décisionnel sera analysé à travers cinq études de cas
Recent qualitative studies of the relationship between public opinion and U.S. foreign policy put decisions into the following two categories: the President tends to lead or to follow public opinion; public opinion influences decision-making, constrains the decision, or has no impact. These studies typically research the initial decision to intervene, but fail to examine the subsequent decisions to sustain and win a war: financial and human means, conduct, objectives, duration, and communication. I argue that these elements of a winning strategy are impacted by concerns with public support at home. The impact of public opinion on the decision whether to use force is better understood when analyzing the compromise between the perception of anticipated public opinion and the necessities of a military campaign. Public opinion impacts the strategy, the timing, and length of an intervention, and inversely, those elements impact the anticipated public opinion and ultimately the decision to use force or choose a different course of action. The president can expect to influence public opinion and raise the acceptability of an intervention through various means. As a consequence, there is a back-and-forth process between anticipated public support for a given intervention and the consideration of the use of force. Contrary to the current literature, which tends to conclude that the president enjoys a substantial margin for maneuver, an analysis of post Cold War cases of interventions, limited interventions, and military escalations shows that anticipated public opinion limited the president's margin for maneuver and influenced not only the decision to intervene but also the military strategy and in the end, the result of the intervention. These findings contradict the realist paradigm for which only the structure of the international system matters and domestic politics are irrelevant in the study of international relations

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21

Wang, Di. "How the China image changed in US media : a longitudinal analysis of reports in Time Magazine (1992-2008)". Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2112296.

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22

Dumas, James M. "The race for Muslim hearts and minds : a social movement analysis of the U.S. war on terror and popular support in the Muslim world". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/993.

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According to conventional wisdom winning hearts and minds is one of the most important goals for defeating terrorism. However, despite repeated claims about U.S. efforts to build popular support as part of the war on terror during the first seven years after 9/11, a steady stream of polls and surveys delivered troubling news. Using a counterinsurgency and social movement informed approach, I explain why the United States performed poorly in the race for Muslim hearts and minds, with a specific focus on problems inherent in the social construction of terrorism, the use of an enemy-centric model while overestimating agency, and the counterproductive effect of policy choices on framing processes. Popular support plays wide-ranging roles in counterterrorism, including: influencing recruitment, fundraising, operational support, and the flow of intelligence; providing credibility and legitimacy; and, sanctifying or marginalizing violence. Recognizing this the U.S. emphasized public diplomacy, foreign aid, positive military-civilian interactions, democracy promotion, and other efforts targeting populations in the Muslim world. To explain the problems these efforts had, this thesis argues that how Americans think and talk about terrorism, reflected especially in the rhetoric and strategic narrative of the Bush administration, evolved after 9/11 to reinforce normative and enemy-centric biases undermining both understanding of the underlying conflicts and resulting efforts. U.S. policy advocates further misjudged American agency, especially in terms of overemphasizing U.S. centrality, failing to recognize the importance of real grievances, and overestimating American ability to implement its own policies or control the policies of local governments. Finally, the failure to acknowledge the role of U.S. policies counterproductively impacted contested framing processes influencing the evolution of mobilization. The resulting rhetoric and actions reinforced existing anti- American views, contributed to the perception that the war on terror is really a war on Islam, and undermined natural counter narratives.

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Seibel, Kevin S. "Perceptions of ideological imperialism why the establishment of democracy in the Middle East alone will not defeat Islamist terrorism /". Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491185.

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Bowden, Robin L. "Diagnosing Nazism U.S. perceptions of National Socialism, 1920-1933 /". [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247588433.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009-07-14.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 5, 2010). Advisor: Mary Ann Heiss. Keywords: Foreign Relations; United States; Germany; Weimar Republic; Hitler, Adolf; National Socialism; Nazis; U.S. State Department; Houghton, Alanson; Schurman, Jacob Gould; Sackett, Frederic; Murphy, Robert; Smith, Truman; 1920s; 1930s; Interwar Period; America. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-335).

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Dugan, Joni Mari. "Assessing public opinion toward homelessness in the United States". Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2007. https://eidr.wvu.edu/etd/documentdata.eTD?documentid=5076.

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Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2007.
Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 62 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-62).

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Koo, Gerald M. F. "Foreign equity participation in United States airlines". Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=55702.

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Mayer, Michael Allan. "Canadian public opinion and free trade". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28161.

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This thesis begins with a review of the elite debate over free trade with the United States. It then uses a three-fold theoretical framework to formulate predictions of how mass opinion should line up. It then analyzes public opinion data on free trade through the use of crosstabulations. Using a theory of changing exposure to international trade upon domestic political cleavages formulated by Ronald Rogowski, it predicts that labour will oppose free trade because it is a scarce factor of production, and capital will support it because it is an abundant factor of production. It next uses work by, among others, W.A. Mackintosh to predict that respondents in the "industrial heartland" regions of Canada--Quebec and Ontario--will oppose free trade because it threatens to remove the protective tariff that rewards import replacement industries concentrated in those two regions. In contrast, residents of the "resource extracting and processing hinterland" regions—British Columbia, the Prairies and the Atlantic—will, on balance, support free trade because it promises to improve their export performance. The thesis then predicts that women and lower income Canadians will oppose free trade. Women because many of the services that they consume—health and day care, for example—will become more difficult to obtain under a free trade regime. Women will also oppose free trade because it may be threaten the service sector jobs that many women now hold. Lower income Canadians should oppose free trade because of the possible deleterious effects greater reliance on the market to allocate social services could have on poorer Canadians. Finally, the thesis predicts that better-educated Canadians will oppose free trade because it threatens one of the "core-values" of Canadian society: independence from the United States. Data analysis reveals, however, that opinion is remarkably balanced. For example, the difference between union and non-union respondents is only five percent. Regionally, the largest differences in support for free trade is between British Columbia and Ontario, but it amounts to little more than a twenty percent difference. Women are slightly more likely to oppose free trade than men; income appears to play little role in the formation of opinion on free trade. Last, differences in opinion between articulate and less well educated Canadians also appears to be insignificant.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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28

Connors, Maureen E. "Vox populi the classical idiom in early American public opinion articles, 1789-1791 /". Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3224.

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Thesis (M.A,)--George Mason University, 2008.
Vita: p. 116. Thesis director: Rosemarie Zagarri. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Aug. 28, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-115). Also issued in print.

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29

Scott, James R. "Review, analysis, and recommendations of the 1990-99 Annual Phi Delta Kappa/Gallup Poll of the public's attitudes towards public schools top responses to the question "What do you think are the biggest problems facing public schools in your community?"". Virtual Press, 2000. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1217415.

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Since their inception, public schools had been faced with inert problems. The purpose of this study was to discover what the American public believed were the biggest problems facing public schools from 1990-1999 and what education experts believed could be done to eliminate or lessen the problems. Data to discover what the public believed were the biggest problems facing public schools were derived from the Annual Phi Delta Kappa/Gallup Polls of the Public's Attitudes Toward Public Schools (Poll) for that 10-year period. Possible solutions to those problems were examined and discussed based on the latest literature on identified topics.Based on the Poll data the public identified 46 problems facing public schools for this 10-year period. A group of 35 individuals sorted the 46 public school problems into categories they believed were similar with each other and these groupings were factor analyzed to determine coherent problem categories.The results of the factor analysis provided a list 16 problem areas for the 10-year (1990-1999) period as being the most prevalent. Potential solutions to these 16 problems were offered from four different areas: the schools, government, community and individual homes of the students. Some solutions to a particular problem were also mentioned as potential solutions to many of the other problems facing public schools.Suggestions for further study include replicating this study at the local level, analyzing each problem more thoroughly, and conducting further study of the factor analysis.
Department of Educational Leadership

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30

Anderson, Kathie Ann Ryckman. "From the population bomb to the birth dearth : the stages of acceptance of public opinion about changes in population". Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3077403.

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31

Brady, Christopher. "United States foreign policy towards Cambodia, 1977-1992". Thesis, University of Southampton, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261444.

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32

Preece, Stephen Bruce. "Foreign direct minority investment in the United States". Connect to resource, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=osu1262779584.

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33

Rosenblum, Marc R. "At home and abroad : the foreign and domestic sources of U.S. immigration policy /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9975874.

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34

Hamilton, John D. "Coercion in U.S. foreign policy : evaluating the utility of the Jentleson and Whytock model /". View online, 2009. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211131527710.pdf.

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35

McFarland, Linda. "From Cold War warrior to realpolitik statesman : Stuart Symington and American foreign policy /". free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1996. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9821348.

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36

Hill, Cameron J. "Ideas, institutionalisation and identity : the 'colonial question' in United States foreign policy, 1865-1960 /". [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17578.pdf.

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37

Hrycaj, Andrew. "Challenging the United States, French foreign policy, 1944-1948". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ54257.pdf.

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38

Gaskin, Thomas Mayhew. "Senator Lyndon B. Johnson and United States foreign policy /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10353.

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39

Farrell, Brian. "Should the United States create an American Foreign Legion". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5672.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
The growing hostility and division between Islam and "the West" comes at a time when the United States and our allies need more than ever to secure vital national interests in the Middle East, to include energy resources, regional stability, and the suppression of terrorism. Our dilemma is that dispatching troops to the region has only increased hostility and fed the Islamist propaganda mill while confirming in the minds of many Americans and our allied populations that intervention in these regions is a counterproductive waste of blood and treasure. The United States needs to reduce its military footprint but at the same time maintain the ability to back its diplomacy with muscle. At present, our methods of securing our interests in the Middle East are confined to large Forward Operating Bases (FOBs) occupied by rotational units of U.S. Army Combat troops and Marines with little cultural knowledge and an operational focus. These large American forces are supplemented by Security Force Assistance (SFA) programs that are primarily conducted by U.S. Army Special Forces and counter-terrorist strategies focused on covert operations aimed at eliminating High Value Targets (HVTs)-that is, the leadership of Taliban and Al-Qaeda terrorist organizations. One partial solution to the problem of underperforming indigenous forces and an over emphasis on HVTs could be to create an American Foreign Legion. The establishment of a permanent force recruited among non-U.S. citizens and led by American officers might offer a flexible tool to allow the U.S. military to secure American interests in the Middle East, while establishing a smaller, more politically acceptable American security footprint. However, the obstacles to the creation of such a force are significant, not the least of which they go against American traditions of a society of equal opportunity, and those of the U.S. military where all soldiers serve on the basis of equality of treatment and status.

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40

Semple, Bernadette Marie. "China-African connection : implications for United States foreign policy". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/23565.

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41

Olson, Eric Thor. "The United States and Tunisia: a foreign policy analysis". Thesis, Monterey, California. U.S. Naval Postgraduate School, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/24246.

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Distinguished Alumni Award Program author. ADM Eric T. Olson, USN (Presented 4 Sept 08). NPS Hall of Fame author (November 30, 2012)
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
The Republic of Tunisia is an Arab Muslim nation whose primary orientation since achieving independence nearly thirty years ago has been towards Westernization and modernization. Its political stability and economic progress have been remarkable. The coming decade, however, promises to be a period of turmoil for Tunisia, as a number oof social and political forces are creating an atmosphere of disunity and dissension which can be expected to undermine the national equilibrium. For the United States, the development of events in Tunisia is a matter of concern. The loss of Tunisia as a voice of moderation in Arab affairs would cause America to lose one of its strongest allies in the region and suffer a loss of prestige and influence in the North Africa/Middle East area. Further, the concept of Westernization as a means to promote human development would be weakended. This study analyzes the current situation in Tunisia and its implications for the United States in the context of its economic, political and strategic dimensions. American policy goals and options are examined and recommendations for future U.S. policy toward Tunisia are made. (Author)

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42

Kislenko, Arne. "Bamboo in the wind, United States foreign policy and Thailand during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations, 1961-1969". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ49905.pdf.

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43

Sümer, Seda. "International students' psychological and sociocultural adaptation in the United States". unrestricted, 2009. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-06192009-153839/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2009.
Title from file title page. Kenneth B. Matheny, committee chair; Frances McCarty, Y. Barry Chung, Jeff Ashby, committee members. Description based on contents viewed Feb. 16, 2010. Includes bibliographical references.

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44

Arredondo, Christina Marlene. "The affects [sic] of behavior on celebrity image". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2627.

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45

Andreasen, Jessica. "Foreign Policy Through Aid: Has United States Assistance Achieved its Foreign Policy Objectives?" DigitalCommons@USU, 2014. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/2772.

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In looking at the history of U.S. aid, three general goals emerge: political stability, increased economic liberalization and expanding influence in the aid receiving country. While the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has measures in place to assess the success of its aid endeavors, most U.S. aid, in the form of economic and military aid, is largely unevaluated in terms of achieving these broad foreign policy goals. The results of this study suggest that U.S. military and economic aid fail to achieve these three general foreign policy objectives in a sustainable manner. Conducting a regression analysis of U.S. aid indicates that, in the short term, economic aid does succeed in promoting increased economic liberalization, but the concurrent giving of military aid cancels the effect. In the long term, the giving of economic aid supports the stability of a state’s government, but the U.S. will want to assess what other methods might produce similar and more enduring results at less cost.

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46

Adrian, Robin Leslie. "Trust in courtroom participants: A question of bias in prospective jurors". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/814.

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47

Lanz, Jose I. "Import and export requirements and procedures Venezuela-United States". Online version, 2002. http://www.uwstout.edu/lib/thesis/2002/2002lanzj.pdf.

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48

Hirshberg, Matthew S. "Cold war cognition and culture in America /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10745.

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49

You, Woongjo. "The relationship between the stated goal of foreign policy and foreign policy outcome". Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.

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50

Birke, Chris. "Attitudes of public school superintendents toward student press freedom in states with and states without student press freedom laws". Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1137669.

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This study gauged how superintendents of six states view student press freedom. This study focused on two sets of superintendents. In one set, the superintendents were in states that had passed student freedom laws. The second set of superintendents were in states that had no freedom laws, meaning school administrators had the right to censor school publications. The data strongly suggests that superintendents in states with freedom laws were less likely to favor censorship. However, both sets of superintendents appeared to favor administrative control.
Department of Journalism

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