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1
Webster, Daniel Charles. "The taking of the Fifth : the contested 1960 election in the Indiana Fifth Congressional District". Virtual Press, 1985. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/467700.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Elections are seldom covered in detail below the level of the national contests. Regional, district, and local elections often appear to be too provincial to be worth the time and effort to research and analyze in any detail."Taking the Fifth" is about a contested congressional race that was in dispute between various local and forces longer than any other House race on record.The Fifth District of Indiana leaned Republican, but it swung to the Democrats about once a decade. The 1960 election broke that historic pattern.Since 1960 was a pivotal election year for both political parties, and since the U. S. Congress was divided by various regional and philosophical factions, it is the contention of the dissertation that the Indiana Fifth District took on more importance than it would have under normal circumstances.Pursuit of power by local and national figures became inextricably involved with the struggle of the candidates in the Fifth District of Indiana. Intraparty grudges between district and state Democratic leaders, scars from Republican battles for congressional leadership posts, Dixiecrat versus urban Democrats maneuvering for dominance on key congressional committees, and an energetic young President and his allies -- bent on making a lasting mark on history -- all influenced the outcome of the race.As the gap widens between election day in Indiana and final settlement of the contest, the two candidates fade into secondary roles, and eventually appear to be little more than pawns for the congressional and national figures who had pre-empted the contest for their own political purposes.
2
Singh, Robert. "The Congressional Black Caucus : representation and policy-making in the United States Congress, 1971-1990". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241339.
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3
Milita, Kerri. "Testing the Significance of Background in the Decline of Congressional Comity: an Analysis of Implicated Members, 1970-2005". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/980.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
4
McFall, Shawn. "Foreign Policy by Fiat: An Examination of the United States Decision Making Process on Iraq from 1990-1998". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1906.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis explores how the United States identified Iraq as a threat to its national interest from 1990 to 1998. The international relations literature is heavily skewed toward exploring the question of why states engage in conflict and neglecting how a country identifies a threat. Therefore, this thesis focuses on the threat identification policy process. This thesis examines two security moves – the Gulf War and the Iraq Liberation Act – and uses primary documents to reveal how the foreign policy apparatus concluded that Iraq was a threat. Through the two cases, I found that foreign policy decisions were made on an ad-hoc basis and government officials were much more likely to inflate the Iraqi threat. Future international relation scholars can use my thesis as a guideline when constructing studies on the threat identification process.
5
McCall, Sarah B. "The Musical Fallout of Political Activism: Government Investigations of Musicians in the United States, 1930-1960". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277608/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Government investigations into the motion picture industry are well-documented, as is the widespread blacklisting that was concurrent. Not nearly so well documented are the many investigations of musicians and musical organizations which occurred during this same period. The degree to which various musicians and musical organizations were investigated varied considerably. Some warranted only passing mention, while others were rigorously questioned in formal Congressional hearings. Hanns Eisler was deported as a result of the House Committee on Un-American Activities' (HUAC) investigation into his background and activities in the United States. Leonard Bernstein, Marc Blitzstein, and Aaron Copland are but a few of the prominent composers investigated by the government for their involvement in leftist organizations. The Symphony of the Air was denied visas for a Near East tour after several orchestra members were implicated as Communists. Members of musicians' unions in New York and Los Angeles were called before HUAC hearings because of alleged infiltration by Communists into their ranks. The Metropolitan Music School of New York, led by its president-emeritus, the composer Wallingford Riegger, was the subject of a two day congressional hearing in New York City. There is no way to measure either quantitatively or qualitatively the effect of the period on the music but only the extent to which the activities affected the musicians themselves. The extraordinary paucity of published information about the treatment of the musicians during this period is put into even greater relief when compared to the thorough manner in which the other arts, notably literature and film, have been examined. This work attempts to fill this gap and shed light on a particularly dark chapter in the history of contemporary music.
6
Sanders, Christina C. E. A. 1962 Cropf Robert A. "The Hyde Amendment : a case study of the pro-life and pro-choice movements' efforts in the United States Congress, 1990-2000 /". SLU electronic book. Click to access, 2004.
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7
Scott, Katherine Anne. "Reining in the State: Civil Society, Congress, and the Movement to Democratize the National Security State, 1970-1978". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2009. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/38730.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation explores the battle to democratize the national security state, 1970-1978. It examines the neo-progressive movement to institutionalize a new domestic policy regime, in an attempt to force government transparency, protect individual privacy from state intrusion, and create new judicial and legislative checks on domestic security operations. It proceeds chronologically, first outlining the state's overwhelming response to the domestic unrest of the 1960s. During this period, the Department of Justice developed new capacities to better predict urban unrest, growing a computerized databank that contained millions of dossiers on dissenting Americans and the Department of Defense greatly expanded existing capacities, applying cold war counterinsurgency and counterintelligence techniques developed abroad to the problems of protests and riots at home. The remainder of the dissertation examines how the state's secret response to unrest and disorder became public in the early 1970s. It traces the development of a loose coalition of reformers who challenged domestic security policy and coordinated legislative and litigative strategies to check executive power.
Temple University--Theses
8
Nwobu, Ogugua E. "The role of the United States Congress in American Foreign policy toward South Africa: a case study of South african transition from Aprtheid to democracy and congressional participation (1980-1995)". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2009. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/90.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The United States Constitution divides the authority over U S. foreign affairs between the President and Congress. Both institutions, the executive and legislative, share in the making of foreign policy and each plays important roles that are different but often overlap. The United States Congress (House of Representatives and Senate), regarded as the tribune of the people, has often been a sounding board for popular discontent and malaise over some controversial foreign policies such as the Vietnam War, Iran Contra and South Africa. Since the 1960s the U. S. Congress has often dra strength from its discontent with the executive branch to assert a stronger role in American foreign policy. This dissatisfaction with the executive branch often come as a result of arrogation of certain powers in the American foreign affairs by the President. This study examines one
9
McDanal, Charles E. "Ethics in Congress". Thesis, This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06232009-063346/.
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10
Pitts, Stanley Thomas. "An unjust legacy: A critical study of the political campaigns of William Andrews Clark, 1888-1901". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5251/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In a time of laissez-faire government, monopolistic businesses and political debauchery, William Andrews Clark played a significant role in the developing West, achieving financial success rivaling Jay Gould, George Hearst, Andrew Carnegie, and J. P. Morgan. Clark built railroads, ranches, factories, utilities, and developed timber and water resources, and was internationally known as a capitalist, philanthropist and art collector. Nonetheless, Clark is unjustly remembered for his bitter twelve-year political battle with copper baron Marcus Daly that culminated in a scandalous senatorial election in January 1899. The subsequent investigation was a judicial travesty based on personal hatred and illicit tactics. Clark's political career had national implications and lasting consequences. His enemies shaped his legacy, and for one hundred years historians have unquestioningly accepted it.
11
Craig, Alison W. "Policy Collaboration in the United States Congress". The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1500388358652607.
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12
Feeley, T. Jens. "Policy ownership in the modern Congress, 1979-1998 /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10695.
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13
Bovitz, Gregory Lowell. "Porkbusters in congress : the electoral politics of terminating distributive programs /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9945688.
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14
Beillard, Mariano J. "The United States Congress and Venezuela's Hugo Chávez". FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1477.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Soviet Union's dissolution in December 1991 marks the end of the Cold War and the elimination of the United States' main rival for global political-economic leadership. For decades U.S. foreign policymakers had formulated policies aimed at containing the spread of Soviet communism and Moscow's interventionist policies in the Americas. They now assumed that Latin American leftist revolutionary upheavals could also be committed to history.
This study explores how Congress takes an active role in U.S. foreign policymaking when dealing with revolutionary changes in Latin America. This study finds that despite Chavez's vitriolic statements and U.S. economic vulnerability due to its dependence on foreign oil sources, Congress today sees Chavez as a nuisance and not a threat to U.S. vital interests. Devoid of an extra-hemispheric, anti-American patron intent on challenging the United States for regional leadership, Chavez is seen by Congress largely as a threat to the stability of Venezuela's institutions and political-economic stability. Today both the U.S. executive and the legislative branches largely see Bolivarianism a distraction and not an existential threat.
The research is based on an examination of Bolivarian Venezuela compared to revolutionary upheaval and governance in Nicaragua over the course of the twentieth century. This project is largely descriptive, qualitative in approach, but quantitative data are used when appropriate. To analyze both the U.S. executive and legislative branches' reaction to revolutionary change, Cole Blasier's theoretical propositions as developed in the Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America 1910- 1985 are utilized. The present study highlights the fact that Blasier's propositions remain a relevant means for analyzing U.S. foreign policymaking.
15
Jordan, Nicholas Edward. "Predictors of incivility in Congress". Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002153.
Testo completo
16
Berlin, Peter. "The budget, the President and the 97th Congress". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26783.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis looks at House budgetary actions in the 97th Congress in 1981 and 1982. In 1981, despite the opposition of the economic committees and the Democratic majority leadership, the House voted through a budget drawn up by the White House. In 1982, however, they refused to pass a budget drawn to President Reagan's blueprint.
The first chapter is a narrative of the events of those two years. The second chapter is an account of the theoretical literature on the subject which pose several questions about those events and also suggest some answers. The third chapter is a statistical analysis of nine House roll calls over the two years. It attempts, first, to identify those Representatives who made the difference between Presidential victory in 1981 and frustration in 1982. Second, it tries to explain what these marginal presidential supporters had in common and what made them switch sides.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
17
Thompson, Steven Mark. "The United States administration, Congress, and NATO : 1969-1977". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305922.
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18
Mason, Drew. "The political effect of casework on Congress : the congressman and the American political system /". Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1987.
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19
Morris, Melanie K. "Term limits in the U.S. Congress : a historical and judicial investigation". Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1014810.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Limiting the terms of members of Congress has become a highsalience issue in contemporary American political discourse, necessitating the attention of the United States Supreme Court to provide constitutional guidance. The forces reviving this debate, dormant since the nation's founding period, merit scrutiny. In addition to reviewing the positions of term limitation advocates and opponents, specific limitation proposals--which lack uniformity as some are chamber-specific, others are life-time bans, etc--also require investigation. The review of relevant judicial precedents will also provide helpful preliminary information useful to analyze U.S. Term Limits vs. Thornton, the term limits case decided by the U.S. Supreme Court in May 1995. Researching this increasingly divisive political issue ought to generate a useful, concise synopsis of the historical and judicial issues underpinning the debate, the discussion itself, and analysis of relevant judicial action.Department of Political Science
20
Johnson, Mark Chapin. "An Assessment of United States Ethanol Policy". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/24.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
From 1978 on there have been a series of legislative acts that have placed substantial protectionist burdens on the American taxpayer to provide incentives, credits and mandates for the production and use of ethanol under the rationale of reducing U.S. dependence on foreign sources of oil while purporting to economically benefit the American economy and strengthening American security. While there has been much discussion about the economic benefits of ethanol policy, there is growing literature suggesting that in addition to being neither economically nor environmentally beneficial, ethanol policy may not be achieving its intended goals. Connection between political contributions, policy formation, and the actual outcomes of the enacted policies does not appear to have been addressed. Throughout the course of ethanol policy development the narrow interests of some stakeholders may have been met at the expense of others. Given the very large economic and social costs of ongoing ethanol subsidies and mandates an exploration of such a nexus would be illuminating and valuable.
Hence the question of this research will be:
Has the ethanol energy policy of the United States, as outlined in legislative actions, requiring subsidies and mandates from taxpayers, been reflective of a deliberative democratic process that after taking into account the input and influence of various competing viewpoints has resulted in a beneficial national policy? Consequently have the policy outcomes of the legislative stakeholders matched the stated intentions of those involved in the deliberative debate that enacted it or, where have those objectives not been met?
Research that can increase understanding of how such an important policy may have failed can inform policy deliberation in such diverse areas as agriculture, national security and energy policy while illuminating how and why such public policy was made. Examination of a policy created and continuing which may have failed the most basic cost benefit analysis and does very little to enhance national energy security could demonstrate how a distortion of the legislative process resulted in outcomes that differ markedly from the stated intentions of those who enacted the policy.
21
Ragland, James Deen Greig James Michael. "The commander's sword & the executive's pen presidential success in congress and the use of force /". [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3926.
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22
Lacefield, Arleigh B. "Earmark Reform within the 110th Congress policy, transparency and effectiveness". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FLacefield.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.S. in Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Doyle, Richard. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-135). Also available in print.
23
Tollestrup, Jessica Scott. "Limitation Riders in the Postreform House: A Test of Procedural Cartel and Conditional Party Government Theories". PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/398.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The theoretical debate over the ability of parties and leaders in the House of Representatives to influence legislative decision-making is at the center of much of the literature on Congress. On the one hand, the Procedural Cartel perspective argues that while the tools used by the majority party leadership to assure the triumph of its preferences may vary depending on the institutional context, the basic ability of the leadership to impact legislative outcomes remains consistent. In contrast, Conditional Party Government (CPG) theory posits that any power the majority party and its leadership possesses over legislative decision-making is directly conditioned upon the amount of agreement within the majority party caucus as to collective goals, as well as the amount of ideological polarization that exists between the majority and minority parties. This thesis provides an original test of these two theoretical perspectives by evaluating their comparative ability to account for the proposal and passage of limitation riders on the House floor during the annual appropriations process since the 1980s. Limitation riders provide a good vehicle to test theories of congressional voting as they often have important policy implications in areas of significant controversy. In addition, the extent to which the individual members or legislative parties are able to successfully utilize limitation riders as a means of making substantive policy is indicative of larger patterns of committee or party domination of the floor process. After reviewing the relevant literature on congressional decision-making, this analysis proceeds to outline the theoretical predictions that the Procedural Cartel and CPG perspectives make regarding limitation riders. An original dataset comprised of over 800 limitation riders from the 97th through the 110th Congresses is analyzed both with respect to overall proposal and passage rates as well their party of origin. This study finds that while the CPG perspective is best able to account for what occurs during periods of low polarization and cohesion, Procedural Cartel provides the most accurate prediction of what occurs when polarization and cohesion are high. These findings suggest that, although these theories both have some ability to account for congressional decision-making on the House floor, both of these frameworks need to be revisited so that they can accurately account for what occurs during floor phase of the legislative process.
24
Moti, Danish Saleem. "The Dichotomy of Congressional Approval". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30496/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis seeks to understand how political awareness affects what information one uses to indicate their approval or disapproval of Congress and its members. More concisely, do more and less aware individuals rely on the same pieces of political information to mold their opinions of Congress? The second question of concern is what role does media consumption play in informing survey respondents about Congress. Third, I consider how survey respondents use cues like the condition of the economy and presidential job performance to help formulate their opinion of Congress Finally, by applying the Congressional approval literature to incumbent level approval, I seek to advance the theory and literature on what motivates the approval of incumbents.
25
Hanson, Todd T. "An analysis of Other Transactions : have Other Transactions met the intent of Congress? /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FHanson.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.S. in Contract Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Richard B. Doyle, E. Cory Yoder. Includes bibliographical references (p. 127-130). Also available online.
26
Holm, Michael 1975. "Brothers in arms : Congress, the Reagan administration and Contra aid, 1981-1986". Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101882.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
From 1981 to 1986, the Reagan administration viewed Nicaragua's Marxist regime as a threat to regional and U.S. national security. The administration's support of the Contra rebels, who were actively fighting to overthrow Nicaragua's government, embroiled the U.S. in a "limited" regional war. While conventional scholarship has characterized this conflict as "Reagan's War", Congress played a significant role in keeping the Contra army active and intact. Caught between Reagan's strident anti-Communist ideology and the fear of a Marxist state in Central America, Congress attempted to establish a middle-of-the-road policy, first cautiously funding the Contras through covert operations and non-lethal aid, finally approving full military support in 1986. Despite opportunities to end U.S. involvement, Congress failed to curb both military escalation and Reagan's ideological ambitions. Ultimately, responsibility for U.S. involvement in the Contra war does not lie solely with the White House; this burden must also be shared by Congress.
27
Grove, Carl D. "The official English debate in the United States Congress : a critical analysis /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9481.
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28
MECHAM, MILO ROSS. "CONGRESS AND THE ENERGY DECADE: A ROLL-CALL ANALYSIS OF CONGRESSIONAL VOTING ON ENERGY RELATED QUESTIONS, 1973 - 1983". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184027.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study examines individual roll call votes on energy issues taken in Congress during the years 1973 to 1983. Logit analysis is used to compare the influence of partisan identification; personal ideology, as measured by support and opposition to the conservative coalition; and district or state energy characteristics, including energy consumption and production. The potential for misleading results due to the multicollinearity of party and ideology is eliminated through the use of a residual variable representing the non-party component of ideology. The results indicate that members of Congress demonstrated considerable variability in voting on energy matters. The House of Representatives was more responsive to variations in energy constituencies. Both the House and the Senate showed a different response when the substantive character of energy issues varied. Questions with an economic impact were more influenced by partisanship, while environmentally related issues were more strongly influenced by ideology. The gross impact of changes in public opinion and changes in the presidency are noticeable throughout, but most especially after the election of Ronald Reagan, when many of the policy changes made previously were dismantled. The results of this study support the basic proposition that individual roll call votes are a product of constituency influence. The results also indicate that the political partisanship and ideology of members are representative of a member's supportive and reelection constituency. The statistical methods used allowed a direct comparison of the influence of party, ideology, and variables representing the characteristics of member's districts. The results obtained substantiate the importance of constituent influence in congressional voting.
29
Barzilay, Karen Northrop. "Fifty gentlemen total strangers: A portrait of the First Continental Congress". W&M ScholarWorks, 2009. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623537.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
When news of the Coercive Acts reached the mainland colonies of British North America in May 1774, there was no such thing as a Continental Congress. Provincial leaders, agreeing that an intercolonial gathering was necessary to protest recent Parliamentary measures, anticipated only a congress---an isolated diplomatic convention in the tradition of the Stamp Act Congress and the Albany Congress. Although the fifty-six colonial deputies assembling in Philadelphia knew that they attended an historic meeting, none of them foresaw that this conference would turn out to be the genesis of the United States government. Recasting the First Continental Congress as an essentially diplomatic encounter, this dissertation asks how members of twelve independent delegations, products of a dozen disparate and distrustful American provinces, defied precedent to construct an imperfect yet permanent intercolonial coalition.;"Fifty Gentlemen Total Strangers" argues that the congressional deputies' unified public support for the Suffolk Resolves and revolutionary Continental Association, hardly preordained, was heavily dependent on the identities and actions of the men who were present and on the character of their interactions with one another. Using biographical information, letters, and portraits made prior to 1774, the dissertation develops a prosopography of the congressional delegates that encompasses age, family, religious affiliation, education, professional background, political involvement, and previous associations. What emerges is a collective profile of leaders with similar values, sensibilities, and life experiences. Dominating the Congress were cosmopolitan men who had come of age in the 1730s and 1740s---established members of the popularly-elected political elite shaped by both the persistent localism of their respective provinces and the homogenizing and Anglicizing forces of the Consumer Revolution.;Turning to the Congress itself, the dissertation focuses especially on ostensibly non-political encounters and venues, carefully examining the deputies' out-of-doors experiences as crucial political and diplomatic work took place outside of Carpenters' Hall. Making formal visits to one another's lodgings, attending dinner parties at the homes of local gentlemen, and gossiping in quiet private conversations, the delegates continually manipulated mutually understood standards of gentility, speech, and sensibility to advance their political interests. Building on relationships formed in person or through correspondence prior to 1774, a crucial nucleus of resistance leaders---including Samuel Adams, Richard Henry Lee, Christopher Gadsden, and Thomas Mifflin---were able to fashion a potent and organized faction while in Philadelphia that successfully shaped the direction of the meeting, pushing the Congress to take irrevocable steps towards revolution.
30
Hussey, Wesley Allen. "The coalition of extremes ends against the middle in the United States Congress /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1481678211&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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31
Woodley, Jenny. "The cultural campaigns of the NAACP: 1910-1955". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2009. http://etheses.nottingham.ac.uk/1839/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) used a wide range of strategies for securing racial equality. These included some perhaps surprising tactics: it encouraged black writers and artists, published poems and plays, organised an art exhibition, picketed cinemas and dined with Hollywood moguls. This thesis explores the NAACP''s involvement with and use of the arts and popular culture between 1910 and 1955. It asks why the NAACP developed a culturalf strategy, what this strategy was and how it was implemented, and what it reveals about the NAACP as an organisation during the first half of the twentieth century. The NAACP believed that racial inequality was caused by racial prejudice. In other words, African Americans suffered political, social and economic discrimination because of the attitudes of white Americans toward the race. These attitudes were formed in large part by the depiction of blacks in American culture. Therefore, the NAACP hoped that if it could change the representation of the race then it could alter white prejudices and achieve racial equality. The NAACP challenged what it considered to be negative cultural representations of African Americans and sought to replace them with positive images. It saw the creation of ''high'' culture as a signifier of a group''s status and believed the production of fine art and literature could be used to prove that African Americans ''deserved'' equal rights. Furthermore, it used culture to instil racial pride and to forge a sense of a collective black identity. The arts were also utilised to change attitudes on specific issues, most notably to encourage anti-lynching sentiment amongst whites. The NAACP believed that culture could be used as a weapon in the fight for racial equality.
32
Trevelyan, Barry. "The geographical spread of poliomyelitis in the United States, 1910-1971". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.431325.
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Coloma, Roland Sintos. "Empire and education: Filipino schooling under United States rule, 1900-1910". The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1086209087.
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34
Burdge-Small, Paulina. "Personality Conflict vs. Partisan Conflict in the United States Congress, from 1851-2004". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1207.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
35
Lowenberg, Benjamin J. "The United States and the 1973 Arab-Israeli War: Congress Holds the Line". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1247596386.
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Fossett, Victoria Lea Hagler Dorse Harland. "May 1856 Southern reaction to conflict in Kansas and congress /". [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3673.
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Kim, Insook. "Toshiba crisis: U.S. Congress threatens sanctions for violating COCOM regulations". Thesis, Boston University, 1988. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/38056.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.S.)--Boston UniversityPLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
This case study explores how Toshiba Corporation, a Japanese electronics company, managed the crisis caused by its subsidiary. Toshiba Machine Co. (TMC)'s illegal exporting activities to the Soviet Union. Between 1981 and 1984, TMC sold eight military sensitive machine tools to the Soviet Union. It was a violation of COCOM (Coordinating Committee on Export Controls) regulations that monitor the sales of sensitive military equipment to the Communist countries. Because the sales allegedly damaged the U.S. national security, the Congress accused TMC as well as its parent company, Toshiba, and threatened sanction to ban importing an Toshiba products. How did Toshiba identify and confront the crisis? What was the impact and the effect of tactics and strategies employed by Toshiba? The major discussions focus on Toshiba's crisis management efforts. This study is based on articles from American and Japanese newspapers and magazines as well as documents and news releases obtained from Toshiba. Furthermore, interviews with two managers of Toshiba's public communications office, one in charge of domestic and the other in charge of overseas public communications, were conducted in order to get Toshiba's insights and perspectives towards the crisis. The results of this study show some influential factors which arise from the diversity of infrastructures and characterize the public relations strategies of a Japanese company manufacturing its product in the United States. Moreover. the interdependency of the multinational corporations is clarified through the study.
2031-01-01
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Norton, Mike. "Papers on the polarization of Congress". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5ce87b5b-2d2f-403e-b2d4-85f23b2a14cc.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation, a collection of independent papers, explores the polarization of the United States Congress through the lens of primary elections, campaign finance, and party structures during a pivotal moment in American political history. Paper 1 focuses on the top two primary format and its potential in producing moderate candidates and legislators, while Paper 2 expounds on the deleterious consequences it poses for the party system as a whole, particularly in this modern era of both high polarization and high fragmentation. Paper 3 examines the Downsian median voter theorem from the perspective of primary election voters, asking if general election wins/losses beget the nomination of more ideological/moderate nominees next cycle. Ultimately, the article illustrates that the parties instead retain consistent records through both election wins and losses, linked to credibility concerns from position changes as well as the inability of members to disentangle from national party identities. Its companion paper, Paper 4, takes that Downsian question to elites in Washington, D.C. Through original interviews with twenty-three individuals including former members of Congress, leadership, congressional staff, and think tank scholars, I describe the electoral and legislative pressures that prevent officeholders from responding to their median voter, especially among those in swing districts most exposed to the risks of partisan behavior. Paper 5, the final paper, brings together the themes of those preceding it by analyzing the ways in which outside interference, specifically political action committees and more inclusive primary elections, propagates legislative caucus fragmentation and weakens official leadership. This work plays one minor role in providing prescriptive steps to improve and empower channels of dialogue in the U.S. legislative brancha - in spite of larger systemic sorting along geographical and partisan lines - and ensure the mediation of ideology between voters and their elected representatives results in policy solutions rather than gridlock.
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Reed, Janet. "Experiments in Social Salvation: The Settlement Movement in Chicago, 1890-1910". TopSCHOLAR®, 2000. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/697.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this study, the settlement movement in Chicago is presented as a crucible for the development of Progressive reform. The subjective and objective necessities for social settlements are described through the lives of men and women central to the movement. Reformers such as Jane Addams, Graham Taylor, and Mary McDowell fused their personal motives to their expanding assumptions regarding public welfare in their pursuit of social salvation. The settlement community advanced a methodology of experimentation and flexibility, which was instrumental to the transformation of nineteenth century ideas of charity into the new twentieth century science of social work. The processes of reform were greatly influenced by the evolving concepts of class, gender, and race. The feminine nature of settlement work and the opportunities afforded to generations of college-educated women were integral to the impact the settlement community had on Progressive reform in general and to the role settlement workers played in affecting public opinion. Primary sources include Jane Addams' correspondence, Twenty Years at Hull-House, and issues of the periodical The Commons. The historiography of the Progressive Era is also considered, and the effects of class, gender, and race upon its development throughout the twentieth century.
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English, Ross M. "Legislation for clean water : Congress and the Water Quality Act of 1987". Thesis, Keele University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301457.
Testo completo
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Ragland, James Deen. "The Commander's Sword & the Executive's Pen: Presidential Success in Congress and the Use of Force". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3926/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Post-force congressional rally effects are presented as a new incentive behind presidential decisions to use diversionary behavior. Using all key roll call votes in the House and Senate where the president has taken a position for the years 1948 to 1993, presidents are found to receive sharp decreases in both presidential support and success in Congress shortly after employing aggressive policies abroad. Evidence does suggest that presidents are able to capitalize on higher levels of congressional support for their policy preferences on votes pertaining to foreign or defense matters after uses of force abroad. But, despite these findings, diversionary behavior is found to hinder rather than facilitate troubled presidents' abilities to influence congressional voting behavior.
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Cox, Jamesha. "The Influence of Campaign Contributions on Proportionality of Representation in the United States Congress". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/945.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
There are proportionally fewer Hispanic Americans, African Americans and women in Congress than in the United States population. Existing literature prescribes a variety of explanations for this disparity including skewed nominations procedures, differing participation rates, racial gerrymandering, voting biases, and funding inequities. This study revisits one aspect of the underrepresentation issue: campaign contributions. Money has been an integral component of the electoral process since before the American Revolution and its impact on the current composition of Congress ought to be explored to a greater extent. Previous research shows that contributors rarely, if at all, discriminate on the basis of gender. This study intends to further investigate the congressional campaign funding of African Americans and provide some much needed insight regarding the campaign financing of Hispanic American candidates. Using financial and biographical data from each candidate within the 2004 and 2008 election cycles, a multiple regression model will be employed to evaluate the extent to which gender and minority status determine the distribution of congressional campaign funds independent of other electability traits considered influential by contributors (the percentage of vote received in the last election, incumbency, and the leadership position held are indications of candidate strength that affect campaign contributions). The magnitude and statistical significance of these coefficients provides further understanding into funding inequitiesB.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Ivanchenko, Roman. "Interactions Between Congress and the Supreme Court". The Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1180455617.
Testo completo
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Dunaway, Johanna. "Changing Ideological Boots: Adaptive Legislator Behavior in Changing Districts". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3254/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Congressional roll-call votes are often used to investigate legislative voting behavior. To depict adaptive roll-call behavior in response to demographic changes that occur during redistricting, I use issue specific interest group scores from the ADA, NFU, and COPE. This exploits the bias in the selection of the issues that interest groups utilize to rate U.S. representatives, by using them to reflect changes in response to significant demographic fluctuations in the constituency population. The findings indicate that while party is the most significant factor in whether legislators adapt their voting in favor of certain groups, they do notice group composition changes within district and adapt their voting accordingly. This illustrates the impact of redistricting on policy and legislators' adaptation to changes in district composition.
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Mejia, Angie Pamela. "Las Pioneras : New Immigrant Destinations and the Gendered Experiences of Latina Immigrants". PDXScholar, 2009. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1910.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Are experiences with migration affecting culturally specific gendered practices, roles, attitudes, and ideologies of Mexican women and men? Which experiences reinforce patriarchy? Which experiences transform patriarchy? This thesis proposes that Mexican immigrant women will subscribe to and enact different gendered behaviors depending upon their perception of gendered gains. Various factors, such as time of arrival, previous experiences with negative machismos, and workforce participation affect how they construct gendered identities. The context where bargaining occurs-whether itwas the home, the community, or the workplace - inform women of what strategies they need implement in order to negotiate with patriarchy. This study employs two models, Deniz Kandiyoti's concept of the patriarchal bargain and Sylvya Walby' s theoretical position of patriarchy fomenting unique gender inequalities within different contexts, to process the different ways Mexican immigrant women perceive and perform gender.
The author analyzed data collected from participant observation activities, focus groups, and interviews with women of Mexican descent living in new immigrant destinations. Mexican immigrant women's narratives of negotiations and transformations with male partners indicated equal adherence of traditional and nontraditional gendered behaviors in order to build satisfactory patriarchal bargains. In addition, data suggested that identity formation was the outcome of migratory influences; it also indicated that progressive ideas about gender were salient before migrating to the U.S .. Findings also suggested that reassured masculine identities, due to the stable work options open to Mexican immigrant males in this area, became a factor in the emergence and adherence of distinct gendered attitudes, beliefs, and perceptions by women in this study.
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McAndrews, John Russell. "Representation and lawmaking in the United States Congress and the Canadian House of Commons". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/59099.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation considers two aspects of legislative representation: (1) how citizens use information about legislative activities and outcomes to assess the performance of the US president and the congressional majority party, and (2) why Canadian MPs debate government bills—even when the government controls the outcome. An investigation of these questions is divided into three principal chapters. First, I examine the effects of legislative outcomes on citizens’ assessment of the president and the majority party in Congress. Prominent theories of legislative behavior argue—and media pundits often assert—that Americans reward these actors if they succeed in passing their bills. But what if the bill is divisive, as is likely the case with well-publicized legislation? Using survey experiments, I show that, on average, citizens still express greater approval for the president and the majority party if Congress passes their ideologically contentious bills—compared with if Congress does not pass them. However, I also find that this reward is typically concentrated among those who already favor the underlying policy change; among policy opponents, the effect is often statistically indistinguishable from zero. Second, I investigate the sophistication of citizens’ judgments of legislative performance. Specifically, do inferential biases—common in other domains—interfere with how citizens evaluate the president and the congressional majority party in light of bill failure? Again using survey experiments, I find that citizens avoid the serious inferential mistake of treating these actors as if they had performed poorly. Instead, I show that their assessments—even in the absence of diagnostic information about those involved—are broadly consistent with realistic beliefs about legislative performance and the obstacles to success in Congress. Third, I explore why Canadian MPs debate government bills. Whereas recent research tends to emphasize legislative speech as a means of communicating with the electorate, the particular rules of government bill debate—coupled with the relatively low visibility of such deliberations—suggest alternative motivations. Using an original dataset of 53 debates, I find no evidence of personal vote seeking; instead, I find patterns of debate participation consistent with attempted obstruction by bill opponents and attempted persuasion by bill proponents.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Curry, Brett W. "The courts, congress, and the politics of federal jurisdiction". Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1124055554.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiv, 421 p.; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 390-412). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
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Endsley, Stephen C. (Stephen Craig). "The President's Influence on Congress: Toward an Explanation of Senators' Support for Presidents Carter and Reagan". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500443/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study examines the possible effect of the president's vote totals in states on Presidents Carter's and Reagan's support among senators. Using senators' Congressional Quarterly (CQ) presidential support scores as the dependent variable, this paper hypothesizes that Carter and Reagan's support is significantly and positively related to their electoral success in that Senator's state for the years 1977 through 1988. Several control variables are included to help explain support. There is qualified corroboration for the hypothesis that senator's presidential support scores are significantly and positively related to the president's electoral success for specific administrations and for specific-party senators, although not for the original hypothesis that aggregated the period 1977 to 1988.
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Michel, Aaron. "Does background matter?: an examination of whether the background and party affiliation of members of Congress predict their environmental voting record". Thesis, Boston University, 2003. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27723.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
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Ikehara, Elizabeth Slack. "A Comparison of Socio-Political Attitudes of Older Urban Women: The 1910-1924 Cohorts". PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1342.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The central theme of this study is that because of the changing life styles and the macro-events which occurred after World War I these years were a watershed. The women born in the three five-year cohorts from 1910 through 1924 were at different stages of maturity and awareness as particular economic and political events occurred. The social and political climates were different for each of these cohorts of women. Therefore there would be discernible differences in attitudes and opinions among the cohorts. A literature review indicated three models for the formation of social attitudes and political opinions. The "Personality Types" is based on the premise that attitudes formed early in life remain fixed. The "Aging/Conservative" model considers that attitudes become increasingly conservative as the person ages. This study, however, was based on the "Historical Change" model. Beliefs and attitudes may change in response to personal experiences throughout the life course. Four research questions were developed. 1. How have macro-events affected the life experiences of women in these cohorts? 2. How have social pressures affected their experiencing of employment, matrimony, and motherhood? 3. How do the opinions of women in these three cohorts with regard to social and political issues differ and change? 4. Can differences of opinions among the women of the three cohorts be traced to dissimilarities in life experiences? Census data literature was researched to provide background documentation on technological and demographic changes in the United States during the 20th century. Questions for cohort comparisons were selected from the National Opinion Research Council Surveys of 1972 through 1989. These considered individual and family demographics, labor force participation, social attitudes, and political orientation. For the 2,814 respondents analysis was done by five-year cohorts to determine differences and by six-year periods to point out trends. Both ANOVA and Chi-square were used to verify statistical significance. Focus group sessions, with 41 participants, met at senior centers and housing units in the Portland metropolitan area. A questionnaire completed by each participant confirmed that the focus group demographics corresponded to those of the national sample. Individual life experience time lines provided material for opening the discussion. Other discussion topics were based on differences noted among the three cohorts in the NORC data analysis. These were in the areas of education, work experience, family life patterns, political orientation, and attitudes toward societal changes. A brief finding for each research question follows. 1. NORC data indicated that each successive cohort held increasingly liberal sociopolitical opinions, and that women of all three cohorts became less conservative over the years. The focus group participants related these changes to specific macro-events in their life experiences. 2. Focus group discussions disclosed that the 1910-1914 cohort realized later in life that societal pressure had limited their educational achievement. Women of the 1915-19 cohort came to understand that their acceptance of the homemaker role was somewhat based on societal expectations. The 1920-24 cohort were aware that discrimination in the work arena was based on societal norms of the time. 3. Analysis of both NORC data and opinions expressed in the focus groups indicated that each successive cohort was increasingly broadminded and tolerant. 4. The women participating in the focus groups exhibited an awareness of the differential effects of life experiences. They specified the effects of macro-events (chiefly the Great Depression), education, mobility, and workforce participation. This research has tentatively confirmed that a generational watershed occurred for women born before World War I and those born after. As the women of the 1910 through 1924 cohorts matured they experienced differing social and political climates. This resulted in cohort differences. Further investigation may reveal more precise cohort boundaries for the 1910 through 1924 years. It should be remembered also that cohort boundaries for men may not coincide with those of women.