Tesi sul tema "Turkmen Participation"

The main research question of this thesis is &ldquo
How can HES (small scale hydroelectricity plant) opposition be analyzed in terms of social ecology?&rdquo
A second research question is raised to answer first one as &ldquo
How can any environmental action be analyzed in terms of social ecology?&rdquo
About ecological crisis, Murray Bookchin&rsquo
s social ecology develops strong criticism against liberal environmentalism, deep ecology and Marxism and provides an alternative radical social change as Libertarian Municipalism (LM). Social ecology criticizes environmentalism as legitimizing current status quo destroying nature and offers ecological approach for real solution. LM movement is a political program of social ecology to reach rational, ecological and democratic society that is domination free and so does not dominate nature. I developed a LM movement model from Janet Biehl&rsquo
s study and integrated this model into George Pepper&rsquo
s classification of environmentalism to reach a Classification Table (CT) that is based on social ecological principles. CT is an attempt to develop a tool to analyze all sorts of environmental activities according to social ecology. Implementation of CT at field study shows HES opposition has the desire of strict state controls and planning as significant aspects of welfare-liberal environmentalism. On the other hand, the common critique of central, urban, professional and fund dependent environmentalism of national ENGOs fits market-liberal environmentalism critique of LM model. The increasing demand to join decision-making mechanism, the bottom-to-top regional organization of local platforms and &ldquo
living space&rdquo
discourse show LM tendency. In fact, HES threat ignites participation demands of local people in Turkey.

This dissertation explores women’s participation and engagement in literacy courses from an identity perspective within the broader context of women’s life stories and the socio-cultural, economic and institutional contexts within which the courses take place. The approach I develop rests on a combination of literacy, discourse and identity theories. It draws on the social theory of literacy to show how women’s valuations of literacy and education contributed to the construction of the subject positions they attempted to enter through their participation in literacy courses. Drawing on Norman Fairclough’s understanding of discourse, I focus on the link between identity processes and the discourses and socio-political structures which are understood to be in a dialectical relationship with each other. I draw on feminist theories of self and subjectivity to understand how women attempted to change aspects of their selves created by the interplay of their social and material circumstances, their agency, and specific life trajectories. In Turkey, the majority of the participants in the literacy courses are women. The state-funded People’s Education Centres (PEC), with their extended network, attract the majority of the participants. Adult literacy programmes are organised as Level 1 and Level 2 by the Ministry of National Education (MoNE) and these two levels of adult literacy and basic education courses in Turkey are offered under the monitoring and inspection of said Ministry. I chose for the sites of my research two PEC literacy courses in disadvantaged areas of Istanbul where the occasional shanty house coexists with haphazardly-built apartment buildings. Methodologically, my study has an ethnographic approach to feminist discourse analysis. I observed one Level 2 literacy course at each centre over the course of four months. I had repeated interviews and conversations with seven women participants at Akasya PEC and four women participants at Lale PEC. Fieldnotes and interview transcriptions of more structured interviews constituted the major body of my data. The study shows that women’s accounts of their participation in the courses were underlined by discourses of formal education and literacy. These discourses have a prominent role in the official policy documents. However, the dissertation argues that the significance of the discourses of formal education and literacy was equally rooted in women’s attempts to redress, through their participation in the courses, some of the structural and institutional injustices they experienced as girl-children. These injustices made it difficult for my participants to access most of the prestigious literacy practices, knowledge and associated identities. The study highlights the meanings of the subject position of the schooled person which women attempted to take on through their participation. It also brings to the fore ways in which the discourses of formal education and literacy and the subject position of the schooled person were underpinned by socio-political structures such as gender, social class, ethnicity, rural-urban migration and the extent of poverty individual women lived in. It reveals women’s persistent attempts to access and continue the courses within the constraints of bureaucratic hurdles and socio-economic hardship and responsibilities. The study demonstrates how women “took hold” of the dominant literacy practices and power relations they found in the literacy classrooms. It shows the ways in which women aligned themselves with the schooled literacy practices and at times challenged the dominant literacy practices and power relations they found in the classroom. The study shows that women’s understanding of the value they found in education changed as a result of their educational experiences. It shows that women found joy in learning things they found both challenging and important. These findings contribute to discussions on the symbolic value of education and school literacy practices for literacy learners by exploring the roots of this symbolic importance in women’s life stories. The study demonstrates the importance of both schooled literacy practices and the broader value of education and the emerging specific uses of literacy in everyday life. The findings challenge the portrayal of literacy learners in policy documents and most of the literature in Turkey which assume that their most important literacy need is access to school literacy practices. The findings also challenge the deficit view of literacy learners in policy documents which undermines their social and economic capabilities. Thus the study extends understanding of what is considered as literacy that has the potential to improve one’s material and social conditions by exploring the perspectives of different women who lived in differing levels of poverty and socio-economic obligations. It also contributes to arguments on the reasons of finding value in education by showing the ways in which women found joy in learning in formal literacy classrooms as a result of their educational experiences.

An extensive literature has examined many of the consequences of foreign bank participation in emerging markets. However, research to date has largely focused on the effects of foreign bank participation in domestic banks and yet revealed little about the situation for foreign banks. The thesis, examines Citibank in Turkey as a particular case in order to address this gap. The results show that Citibank

In order to measure the effects of culture on Labor Force Participation decisions of women, two proxy is created.One proxy is to measure the effect of conservatism and second one is to measure the effect of religion on labor force participation decisions of women.

This research was an attempt to understand the concept of community participation as a tourism development approach. Four main objectives were established; 1) to examine the current practice of, and potential for community participation in the tourism development process in Urgup, 2) to determine views of interest groups on various issues of community participation, 3) to explore the expectations of the local community from the tourism development; and 4) to develop policy suggestions to facilitate community participation in the tourism development process (TDP). This study has adopted an inductive research approach, rather than a deductive one. The pre-determined research objectives have led and structured the study. Both theoretical discussions and empirical field research are employed to achieve the pre-determined objectives of the study. Several general conclusions are drawn from this study: 1) There is a theoretical gap in the knowledge of participatory tourism development which may be closed from an understanding gained in other community participation areas such as health, housing, etc. 2) Many local tourist destinations are at different levels of development; thus, it may be naive to claim that one form of participatory tourism development approach will provide a universal model. 3) This study has revealed that there are three main groups of limitations to the participatory tourism development approach. These limitations can be classified as operational limitations, structural limitations and cultural limitations. 4) Implementation of a participatory tourism development approach requires the re-structuring of the public administration system, and re-distribution of power and wealth, for which hard political choices and logical decisions are a sine qua non. 5) Adoption of contemporary approaches to tourism development emerged and refined in developed countries is not a panacea for poor planning in developing countries that do not have the basis of the pre-industrial phase experienced last century in Europe and North America. Thus, a cautionary approach is needed to follow what developed countries are doing in the context of tourism development.

Lifelong learning has always been one of the most important concepts for the development and survival of humanity.  In today’s globalized world, innovations in communications and information technologies have brought global interconnectedness and economic competiveness. Knowledge becomes outdated at an ever-increasing rate. Technological changes demand continuous development of innovation, skills and knowledge of the labour force to maintain a competitive advantage in the international community. Gender often plays an important role in access to lifelong learning and educational opportunity. Women experience greater disadvantage than men do, in terms of lifelong learning. They are prevented from attending education by family responsibilities or conservative ideas. To face the challenges and barriers to female’s education are essential for social inclusion, independence, equality and the labour market in any country. Izmir is an interesting location to observe in terms of women’s perceptions of lifelong learning. Turkish women have a low participation rate in the labour market even though Turkey is one of the fastest growing economies in the world. In Turkey, socially constructed norms in the society decide the appropriate behaviour of the women and most of them are housewives. The controversy between secularism and Islamic values is another issue that provides challenges and barriers to women’s access to lifelong learning.The overall aim of this thesis is to provide an understanding of women’s role in lifelong learning in Izmir, Turkey. Societal barriers and challenges women are facing to gain access to education and the labour market are of special interest of this research In examining the complex issues of beliefs, attitudes and experiences affecting women’s participation in and access to lifelong learning in Izmir, demand a research strategy drawing on the strengths of both qualitative and quantitative research methods.  In the first phase, quantitative data collected in a cross-sectional survey will be analysed and further explained and elaborated in the second stage of the research through semi-structured interviews in a qualitative context. Finally, refined information from the two studies is observed simultaneously and the findings applied to the research question establishing their contribution to the objectives of the study.

This study aims to find out the patterns of economic, social and political participation of the youth in urban South-eastern Anatolia Region of Turkey. Analyses of the data reveal that youth in the South Eastern Anatolia Region does not and cannot participate in various dimensions of the society. Youth in South-eastern Anatolia cannot participate into the labour market. There are too limited job opportunities in the region. On the other hand, working young people are prone to low quality working conditions. Young people also cannot participate into the social life in the public sphere. Social and economic pressures and lack of opportunities are limiting young people in a social life mainly in the private sphere within a closed community. Finally, youth in South-eastern Anatolia Region are keeping themselves away from political mechanisms. Political structure is not attracting young people because of the negative experiences that the people participated in politics having for years. One of the most important findings of the study is that different dimensions of participation namely participation in the labour market, participation in social life and political participation are dependent on each other. Another result is that both the level and experiences of youth participation are highly determined by the social characteristics such as gender, family background, education level and age.

The aim of this study is to investigate enabling strategies toward poverty reduction under the broader concept of empowerment through participation. It is believed that such a strategy would decrease the cost of social policies by redefining the problem of poverty as an individual problem rather than a structural one rooted in social and economic policies. By following this reasoning, the main aim is defined as reducing the number of poor instead of poverty itself as a part of wider policies. Within this framework, the central government of Turkey has prepared a project to the World Bank called Social Risk Mitigation Project. Vast number of people has applied to Social Solidarity Fund to benefit form this scheme. In the thesis, the information given by the applicants is evaluated to assess various dimensions of poverty experienced by the applicants, including education, employment, income, and household structure. It is found out that despite the heterogeneity of the poverty experiences across different social groups and geographical regions, there are also common experiences such as wide spread lack of social security among all groups. It is also striking that there are relatively well-educated household head that applied to the scheme. This is the worrying given the fact that one of the main objectives of the scheme is to solve poverty problem by increasing the education level of the targeted poor population.

Female labor force participation rate in Turkey has been consistently lower than the participation rate in many of the similar developing countries. In addition to country specific factors that prevent increased participation of women, the Turkish economy has been passing through a liberalization program since 1980s which also affects the structure of female labor force in many aspects. The main objective of this thesis is to investigate the patterns in the position of women in the labor force during 1988 -2008 in Turkey. The period under concern can be identified as one under which the country has largely completed its transformation within the structural reform programs. A major question that is investigated in this thesis is whether the female labor force has been affected differently than men during the period under concern. Employing structural decomposition and the factor content analyses, impacts of changing production patterns and foreign trade on female labor force are examined. Hence, the present study constitutes a basis for studies that aim to develop policy implications for increased female labor force participation in Turkey.

This thesis explores the intersection of politics, religious ideology, and gender norms in the context of the Turkish labor market. I aim to shed light on the increasing interplay of these forces under AKP governance and, by extension, provide a rationale for Turkish women’s consistently low labor force participation. Further, I intend to expose that, despite introducing several legal reforms geared towards promoting gender equality, the party continues to frame the traditional family unit as the main pillar of social stability, thereby forcing women into a domestic box from which they have not been able to escape. I hypothesize that several of the AKP’s reforms, which involve various domains of Turkish society—the social security system, the institution of marriage, the family unit (specifically public childcare), and, more indirectly, the education system—have deterred Turkish women from entering and/or remaining in the labor force, as they are predicated on the party’s idealization of domesticity. Ultimately, I grapple with the ways in which the AKP’s policies and ideology have led to Turkish women’s low labor force participation rate—reported by the International Labour Organization (ILO) to be 32.37 percent in March 2017.[1] [1] “Labor Force Participation Rate, Female (% of Female Population Ages 15+) (Modeled ILO Estimate): Turkey,” The World Bank, November 2017, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.CACT.FE.ZS?locations=TR.

This study tries to understand the internal dynamics of the civil society organizations in Turkey on the experiences of three CSOs: the Ankara Branches of KADER, MAZLUMDER and IMO by focusing on the intra&ndash
organizational practices (the decision making processes, elections, general meetings, division of labor, basic conflicts and divergences, the disagreements, the way of deliberation and consensus). It tries to shed light on the transformative potential of the CSO&rsquo
s in public sphere as civil organizations themselves in time both in the sense of their political stances and organizational structure. The research was designed in the form of a case study including both the depth interwiews and participant observations. In this framework, ten depth-interviews were made with members having different qualities for each of these CSOs and participant observations were realized in the general meetings, elections and activities of these organizations. Since the aim of this study is to understand the contribution of the CSOs to the public sphere, the research findings were interpreted and considered basically in the light of the two main theoretical positions: the deliberative (Habermas) and agonistic (Laclau and Mouffe) democracy. The study espoused a post-structuralist conception of democracy combined with a weakened model of deliberation and dialogue pointing out the requirement of the existential publicity of man (Arendt) in the world. In this context, this study tries to discuss the following questions within the framework of the public sphere experience of the three CSOs throughout the thesis. Is the concept of civil society a proper concept for understanding the peculiar experience of Turkey (with reference to the historical context of civil associational life in Turkey and the recent civil resurrection)? Do civil organizations have the capacity to serve for deepening and consolidation of democracy in public sphere? Are these civil organizations democratic and participatory with regard to their intra-organizational structures and decision-making processes? And, more importantly, do they have any capacity to influence the process of democratic transformation in Turkey?

Suite à la montée de l’immigration en Belgique, le rôle que joue la vie associative des personnes issues de l’immigration au sein de l’espace politique a pris une place croissante dans les débats à la fois publics et scientifiques. Selon Fennema et Tillie (1999 ;2001), une vie associative ethnique florissante constituerait une condition importante pour le développement de la participation politique des membres d’une population ethnique. Si cette hypothèse a été mise à l’épreuve, avec des succès mitigés, dans différents contextes européens et nord-américains, elle ne l’a été que rarement dans une ville telle que Bruxelles, dont certaines caractéristiques sont pourtant susceptibles d’éclairer le débat. L’objectif principal de cette thèse est dès lors d’analyser la situation à Bruxelles, en prenant en considération différentes populations issues de l’immigration et d’éclaircir le rôle que jouent les associations de migrants sur l’intégration politique de ces derniers.

Ce travail s’articule autour de deux questionnements de recherche. Le premier a pour objectif d’apporter des éléments nouveaux quant aux théories existantes portant sur la participation politique et l’engagement civique (capital social) des populations ethniques minoritaires. Il s’agit d’examiner, d’une part, la nature de la relation entre participation associative et politique et, d’autre part, certains processus explicatifs sous-jacents. Le second questionnement vise à fournir de nouvelles informations à propos de différentes populations d’origine étrangère dont la vie associative et politique aura été investiguée. Celles qui ont été choisies dans le cadre de cette thèse relèvent des immigrations, hors Union européenne, les plus nombreuses à Bruxelles. Il s’agit, en l’occurrence, des populations d’origine marocaine, turque et congolaise.

A partir de données quantitatives récoltées en 2009 auprès d’échantillons représentatifs de personnes issues de l’immigration marocaine, turque et congolaise à Bruxelles ainsi que d’un groupe contrôle non-issu de l’immigration, cette thèse apporte des éléments originaux à la fois au niveau théorique et empirique.

D’abord, nous avons pu confirmer le fait que le capital social est un facteur essentiel favorisant le développement de la participation politique, à la fois au niveau agrégé et individuel. De plus, nos résultats montrent également, en particulier au niveau individuel, que le capital social ethnique est un facteur plus important que le capital social multiethnique pour expliquer la participation politique des personnes issues de l’immigration. Contrairement à ce qui est parfois admis, le regroupement communautaire ne pousserait pas à l’institutionnalisation du repli ethnique mais, au contraire, lorsqu’il est organisé sous une forme associative, constituerait un tremplin vers la participation à la vie démocratique du pays d’accueil, offrant ainsi des opportunités civiques remarquables aux personnes qui en font partie.

Ensuite, malgré le large consensus au plan théorique qui existe à propos du rôle médiateur des confiances sociale et politique pour expliquer la relation entre le capital social et la participation politique, nos résultats sont loin d’étayer cette hypothèse :l’accumulation du capital social ne permet pas d’expliquer l’effet mobilisateur des associations bénévoles. Les aspects "non-normatifs" du capital social, tels que l’accès aux informations (politiques) ou aux compétences civiques, par exemple, pourraient être de meilleurs prédicteurs du comportement politique. De plus, pour les personnes issues de l’immigration, peu importe leur origine, leur participation associative est négativement associée à la confiance politique qui, elle, montre un lien négatif avec la participation politique. Cette constatation jette un nouvel éclairage quant au débat relatif aux causes et conséquences des faibles niveaux de confiance politique et étaye les études montrant que la confiance politique n’est pas systématiquement associée à une plus grande participation politique. En l’occurrence, un faible niveau de confiance pourrait augmenter la participation politique dans certaines situations à travers une nouvelle génération dite de "citoyens critiques".

Enfin, bien que nos résultats aient mis en évidence de nombreuses similitudes entre les populations étudiées, nous avons identifié diverses particularités liées aux origines nationales en interaction avec le contexte institutionnel et politique bruxellois, rejoignant ainsi la littérature liée à l’impact des structures d’opportunités politiques ainsi qu’aux spécificités des groupes de migrants pris en considération.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette thèse étudie la question de la sous-représentation des femmes dans la politique locale dans la Turquie contemporaine. Le niveau intermédiaire du politique – l’implantation locale des partis à l’échelle des municipalités – est abordé à travers une double approche : une différenciation parmi les principaux partis politiques (AKP, CHP, MHP, et les partis pro-kurdes – HDP et DBP) et une autre parmi trois configurations locales (Izmir, Trabzon et Diyarbakır). Les travaux de la littérature sociologique anglo-américaine sont mis en dialogue avec la sociologie politique française du militantisme, du personnel politique et des institutions. La perspective genrée est adoptée à travers l’ensemble de la thèse. Les recherches de terrain se sont déroulées en 2014, 2015 et 2016 à Izmir, à Trabzon et à Diyarbakır et ont pris la forme d’observations non-participantes et d’entretiens semi-directifs avec quelques deux cent élues municipales et femmes responsables de partis politiques. Conceptuellement, l’approche relative aux partis en tant qu’entités hétérogènes permet de relever les échanges qui se déroulent à travers la hiérarchie partisane. La place et le rôle des femmes dans le processus de sélection des candidats permettent de remettre en question la séparation artificielle entre le « local » et le « national ». Il devient apparent que les profils et carrières des femmes politiques sont intrinsèquement liés aux modalités de leur accès au mandat électif, qui à leur tour façonnent les manières par lesquelles les élues se saisissent de leur rôle. Les ethos partisans différenciés contribuent également à privilégier certaines stratégies d’action individuelle et collective sur d’autres. La recherche conclut que pour expliquer le niveau et les modalités de représentation féminine locale, le critère « partisan » prime sur les configurations locales, même si les deux perspectives sont in fine indissociables
This thesis focuses on the issue of women’s under-representation in local politics in contemporary Turkey. The intermediary level of politics – party presence in municipalities – is studied with a double approach distinguishing among political parties (AKP, CHP, MHP, and the pro-Kurdish HDP & DBP) as well as among cities (Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır). The Anglo-American body of literature in political sociology is put into dialogue with the French research in the fields of sociology of mobilization, of political elites and of institutions. Gendered perspective is transversal to the whole thesis. Field work was done in 2014, 2015 and 2016 in Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır and took the form of non-participant observation and semi-directed interviews with two hundred female municipal councilors and women holding an intra-party office. Conceptually, seeing parties as heterogeneous entities allows us to study exchanges that take place within the party hierarchy. The place and role of women in the candidate selection processes questions the artificial separation between the “local” and the “national”. Throughout the demonstration, it becomes clear that women’s profiles and political carriers are intrinsically linked to modalities of their access to electoral mandate, which in turn determines the ways in which women embody their role as elected figures. The distinctive party ethoses contribute to privilege specific individual and collective strategies over others. The research concludes with the finding that in order to understand the levels of women’s local representation as well as its modalities, the “party” criteria has bigger explanatory value than the localconfigurations, even though these two perspectives are in fine inseparable

Women and local power: processes of mobilization and female political pathways in Turkey Type: Doctoral dissertation Author: Lucie Drechselová Institutions: Charles University and EHESS, Paris Year: 2018 Abstract This thesis focuses on the issue of women's under-representation in local politics in contemporary Turkey. The intermediary level of politics - party presence in municipalities - is studied with a double approach distinguishing among political parties (AKP, CHP, MHP, and the pro-Kurdish HDP & DBP) as well as among cities (Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır). The Anglo-American body of literature in political sociology is put into dialogue with the French research in the fields of sociology of mobilization, of political elites and of institutions. Gendered perspective is transversal to the whole thesis. Field work was done in 2014, 2015 and 2016 in Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır and took the form of non-participant observation and semi-directed interviews with two hundred female municipal councilors and women holding an intra- party office. Conceptually, seeing parties as heterogeneous entities allows us to study exchanges that take place within the party hierarchy. The place and role of women in the candidate selection processes questions the artificial separation between the "local" and the "national"....

"December 2004"
Bibliography: leaves 390-420.
vii, 420 leaves : ill., maps, photos. (col.) ; 30 cm.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, Discipline of History, 2005

"December 2004"
Bibliography: leaves 390-420.
vii, 420 leaves : ill., maps, photos. (col.) ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, Discipline of History, 2005