Bibliografie tematiche / Trade-union struggles

Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Trade-union struggles"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 26 luglio 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Trade-union struggles"

Cake, Susan. "Trade union struggles". Work, Employment and Society 28, n. 4 (agosto 2014): 663–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017014540976.

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Pringle, Tim, e Quan Meng. "Taming Labor: Workers’ Struggles, Workplace Unionism, and Collective Bargaining on a Chinese Waterfront". ILR Review 71, n. 5 (12 aprile 2018): 1053–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019793918768791.

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This article examines the case of the Yantian International Container Terminal (YICT) to consider under what conditions unions can provide effective workplace representation in China. The authors draw on semi-structured interviews to analyze how and why the union was effective, despite rigid prohibitions against organizing outside of the Party-led All-China Federation of Trade Unions. The authors argue that the YICT union developed a system of annual collective bargaining that tamed the power of militant dockworkers and helped prevent strikes. This outcome required an effective enterprise-level trade union that was nevertheless able to influence and manage members’ somewhat ambiguous acceptance of its role. Ultimately, workers’ interests were partially represented and their acquisition of associational power—in the form of trade unions—increased.

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Chan, Chris King-Chi. "Contesting Class Organization: Migrant Workers’ Strikes in China's Pearl River Delta, 1978–2010". International Labor and Working-Class History 83 (2013): 112–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000082.

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AbstractThis article analyzes the process of working-class formation under the ongoing industrialization in China by studying how the trade union has been contested by migrant workers in their strikes in the Pearl River Delta (PRD) over the past three decades. The cases presented here are emblematic of workers’ struggles that have aroused public attention in the specific period of analysis. The author suggests that the trade union as a class organization has been a contested domain for migrant workers’ struggles in the PRD. Through their collective actions, workers’ class consciousness and strategies towards class organization have steadily advanced in the process of China's integration into the global economy.

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Kabeya muase, Charles. "Un pouvoir de travailleurs peut-il être contre les syndicats ?" Politique africaine 33, n. 1 (1989): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1989.5247.

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Can workers power negate «union power» ? The CNR lays claims to being the legitimate successor to the trade union struggles of th 1970’s and is thus the repository of workers power, a belief that led to the supression of trade unions in Burkina Faso. The unions have however responded by mobilising their members against the government and shown that they are a counter power to reckon with.

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Paret, Marcel. "Building Labor Solidarity in Precarious Times: The Danger of Union Paternalism". Labor Studies Journal 44, n. 4 (27 novembre 2018): 314–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x18814310.

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In a global context of union decline and widening economic insecurity, unions must decide how to relate to extra-workplace struggles and those without stable or unionized employment. One possibility is that unions will adopt a paternalistic view, in which they attempt to serve the interests of nonunion individuals and groups by disciplining them or speaking for them. Drawing on seventy-five brief interviews with participants in a protest led by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), I examine how union activists understood their relationship to the unemployed and local protests within residential areas. Revealing support for union involvement in extra-workplace struggles, the results show that South Africa’s legacy of social movement unionism remains strong. Yet, some union activists also wanted to discipline or substitute for community struggles, and felt the need to educate or speak for the unemployed. Such paternalistic views may become an obstacle to broad working-class solidarity, in South Africa or elsewhere.

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Locke, Cybèle. "The New Zealand Northern Drivers’ Union: Trade Union Anti-Racism Work, 1937-80". Labour History 120, n. 1 (1 maggio 2021): 21–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.3.

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In 1960, the Northern Drivers’ Union of New Zealand instituted its anti-racism policy. How this came about, and what it meant for union struggles in the following two decades, are the central concerns of this article. Effectively, the implementation of democratic organising principles within the Northern Drivers’ Union assisted the formation of anti-racism policy and practice. Union officials linked domestic racism with the experiences of black workers under apartheid in South Africa from 1960, which generated calls for a boycott of South Africa and local support for the Citizens’ Association for Racial Equality. Anti-apartheid sentiment in relation to South African rugby tours, which had galvanised unionists in the 1960s, became a source of division by the 1970s as attention turned to more “local” experiences of racism. In particular, this article considers how Māori rank and file, working together with Pākehā union officials such as communist Bill Andersen, extended trade union anti-racism work across the northern regions of the country, especially Auckland.

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Anigstein, Cecilia, e Gabriela Wyczykier. "Union Actors and Socio-environmental Problems: The Trade Union Confederation of the Americas". Latin American Perspectives 46, n. 6 (5 agosto 2019): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19868179.

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The Trade Union Confederation of the Americas is analytically interesting because international trade unions have promoted the framework of a “just transition” to protect workers’ rights during the shift to sustainable energy and the response to climate change and because the confederation has undertaken something of a “Latin-Americanization” of the just-transition notion that is nurtured by the environmental/territorial turn of social struggles on the continent. The current convergence between unions and social movements (peasant, feminist, environmentalist) has contributed to an important renewal of the union movement in Latin American environmental matters. La Confederación Sindical de las Américas reviste interés analítico porque las organizaciones sindicales internacionales promovieron una “transición justa” para resituar y visibilizar a los trabajadores en las negociaciones multilaterales del clima y procesos de transición energética y porque la confederación ha emprendido una “latinoamericanización” de la noción de la “transición justa” nutrida de un giro eco-territorial de las luchas sociales en el continente. El actual proceso de convergencia entre sindicatos y movimientos sociales (campesinos, feministas, ambientalistas) ha contribuido a una importante renovación de la narrativa del movimiento sindical en materia medioambiental en América Latina.

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Claeys, Jos. "Christelijke vakbonden van hoop naar ontgoocheling : Het Wereldverbond van de Arbeid en de transformatie van het voormalige Oostblok na 1989". Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 29, n. 1 (1 luglio 2020): 49–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2020.1.003.clae.

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Abstract The implosion of Communism between 1989 and 1991 in Central- and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the following socio-economic transitions had a strong impact on Western European social movements. The international trade union movement and trade unions in Belgium and the Netherlands were galvanized to support the changing labour landscape in CEE, which witnessed the emergence of new independent unions and the reform of the former communist organizations. This article explores the so far little-studied history of Christian trade union engagement in post-communist Europe. Focusing on the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) and its Belgian and Dutch members, it reveals how Christian trade unions tried to recruit independent trade unions in the East by presenting themselves as a ‘third way’ between communism and capitalism and by emphasizing the global dimensions of their movement. The WCL ultimately failed to play a decisive role in Eastern Europe because of internal disagreements, financial struggles and competition with the International Confederation of Trade Unions.

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Berger, Stefan. "German Trade Unions, Their History, and the Use of Memory". Labor 18, n. 3 (1 settembre 2021): 144–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9061563.

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This article summarizes the results of the work of a commission of the German Trade Union Confederation, Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB), on the memory cultures of social democracy and trade unionism in Germany and highlights its recommendations on how to strengthen the public memory of the achievements of trade unionism in German society. It argues that the contemporary memory cultures are highly deficient and in need of a major boost in order to make trade unionism fit for the struggles of the twenty-first century. Memory will be a crucial resource for trade unions, as it gives them a “practical past” with which to operate in the presence with a view to strengthening and protecting workers’ rights in the future.

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Gumbrell-McCormick, Rebecca. "Globalisation and the dilemmas of international trade unionism". Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, n. 1 (febbraio 2000): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600105.

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This article presents the author's reflections on the possibilities of a restructuring of the international trade union movement, on the basis of a collective research project to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) which seeks to open a debate within the movement over the lessons to be learned from its history as a guide for its future action. The most important question facing the trade union movement today is what is generally called 'globalisation', a phenomenon that goes back many years, both in terms of economic developments and labour struggles. From this perspective, the paper examines the basis for the existing divisions of the international labour movement, before going over the work of the ICFTU and of the International Trade Secretariats (ITSs) to achieve the regulation of the multinational corporations and of the international economy, and concluding on the prospects for unity of action in the unions' work around the global economy.

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Più fonti

Tesi sul tema "Trade-union struggles"

Pinar, Ezgi. "Working Class Formation In The Democrat Party Period: Evaluating Class Consciousness Through Trade Union Publications". Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12611444/index.pdf.

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This thesis discusses the working class formation, particularly the class consciousness formation of the working class during the Democrat Party period. Class consciousness formation is evaluated as a dimension of class formation process. Getting organized, trade unionization and collective action, especially calling a strike are among the significant aspects of class consciousness formation. During the DP period, right to strike is the most controversial and noteworthy issue. It is the basic debate in the trade union newspapers. This is the reason of discussing class consciousness with reference to right to strike as handled by the trade union newspapers. According to this study, class consciousness should be perceived as a phenomenon composed of different levels. In addition, class struggle can take place in different ways and class consciousness can have different forms. Although, it is hard to say that there is a class consciousness in the Leninist sense of the term, it is possible to talk about an economic-corporate consciousness with Gramsci&rsquo
s words. Trade unionization during the DP period and trade union publications are important experience of the workers in class consciousness formation process. Working classes do not generally taken into consideration in the studies of the DP period and also in the researches on Turkish labor history. The study also asserts that, experiences of trade unions or the workers in general during the DP period are worth to analyze for the Turkish labor history.

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Tosun, Mehtap. "Flexible Labour Policy And The Crisis Of Trade Unionism: The Case Of Tekel Workers Resistance In Ankara". Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613093/index.pdf.

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The aim of this thesis is to examine the practices directed to the flexibilisation of the labor brought together with the means of neoliberal structuring and the trade union crisis appeared as an outcome of these in terms of the Tekel Workers&rsquo
resistance in Ankara. The theoretical frame of this study is created in the content of the discussions that starting from the Marxist approach on trade unions and the critical view within this approach focus on the reasons of the crisis of the trade unions as a result of the applications of the neoliberal ideological structuring that appeared by the crisis of the accumulated capital during the mid-70&rsquo
s. Over this perspective, the analysis concentrates on the one hand employment models&rdquo
being multi-layered and insecure and on the other, the fragmentation of the class and therefore the representation crisis of the trade unions that are the outcomes of the commodification of the labor by the deregulation, privatization and flexibilisation policies applied in the process of neoliberal hegemony. In this context, the resistance of the Tekel workers that continued non-stop for 78 days is argued basing on the assumption that the process which forces the more flexible, insecure working conditions without any attachment to the trade unions via the application of the neoliberal political apparatuses becomes the common platform/destiny of all the parts of society constituted by different identity structures.

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Portilla, Hoffmann Nathalie. "Résister depuis l'école : une ethnographie des Ecoles intégrales d'éducation basique au Michoacán (Mexique)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Paris Cité, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023UNIP7131.

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Afin d'analyser la résistance en actes, au ras du sol, depuis des pratiques pédagogiques ordinaires resituées dans leur contexte, cette thèse porte sur la proposition pédagogique alternative du syndicat dissident d'enseignants·es du Michoacán (Mexique). Elle mobilise pour cela un ancrage théorique puisant dans les sciences de l'éducation et l'anthropologie de l'éducation, et une méthodologie qualitative, l'observation ethnographique. Depuis la profession qui est la leur, l'enseignement, et à partir du pouvoir politique qu'ils·elles construisent en tant que membres d'un mouvement social, ces enseignants·es ont pensé, écrit et mis en œuvre, au sein des écoles d'éducation basique dites intégrales, un curriculum alternatif et politiquement situé à gauche. Ces écoles sont brandies comme outil de lutte et de résistance face aux réformes éducatives nationales répondant aux injonctions internationales. En analysant cette lutte spécifique, cette thèse s'inscrit dans des questionnements plus généraux concernant les formes de subversion du nouvel ordre éducatif mondial. Par le fait même d'être menée au sein de l'espace scolaire, la résistance se trouve soumise aux mêmes tensions et aux mêmes contradictions que l'école. Les enseignants·es doivent en même temps faire l'institution et lui résister. Dans ce mouvement social, les enseignants·es mobilisés·es ont pour référence un passé révolutionnaire. Néanmoins, la structure et la dynamique corporatiste mexicaine font également partie du mouvement dissident. Cette thèse propose un regard par le bas, individualisé, qui témoigne des dispositions de chaque enseignant·e en termes de valeurs. Quelles que soient les positions personnelles de chacun·e, le groupe syndical dissident a travaillé pour écrire un curriculum alternatif. Celui-ci est un objet autour, ou à partir duquel, se mettent en place des stratégies administratives, politiques ou pédagogiques pour soutenir la lutte de ces enseignants·es. Cet objet légitime les discours, à l'interne dans le syndicat comme à l'externe quand ils sont dirigés vers la société dans son ensemble. Une fois appliqué, le curriculum se retrouve dans les écoles intégrales qui sont, après tout, des écoles comme les autres : une cour, des salles avec leurs tableaux, pupitres, cahiers et un enseignant face aux élèves. Pour autant, il est possible, dans l'enceinte de ces écoles, de dévoiler l'arbitraire des contenus scolaires, de questionner la structure pédagogique d'un cours, d'y élever des poissons pour les vendre, et même, de reproduire l'école officielle
This thesis focuses on the alternative pedagogical proposal of the dissident union of teachers of Michoacán (Mexico). Combining theory from education science and anthropology of education as well as ethnographic qualitative methods, this research aims to analyse acts of resistance in everyday pedagogical practices. Through their work as teachers and through their political power as members of a social movement, these teachers have thought, written, and implemented an alternative left-wing curriculum in so-called Integral Schools of Basic Education. These schools are raised by their teachers as a tool of struggle and resistance in the face of national educational reforms and international injunctions. By analysing this specific struggle, this thesis is part of more general questions concerning the forms of subversion of the new educational world order. By the very fact of taking place within school, the resistance finds itself subject to the same tensions and the same contradictions the school faces. Indeed, these teachers contribute to building the institution while resisting it at the same time. The teachers of this social movement use the revolutionary past. Nevertheless, the Mexican corporatist structure and dynamics are also part of this dissident movement. This thesis analyses the personal experiences and values of each teacher. At the same time, it considers the fact that those teachers went beyond their differences to put forward this alternative pedagogical proposal. The teachers use the alternative curriculum to think and build political, administrative, and pedagogical strategies for their struggle. This curriculum also legitimises the rhetoric within the union and public discourses. In the end, Integral Schools are a school like any other: playgrounds, classrooms, blackboards, desks, notebooks, and a teacher facing the students. Nevertheless, in these schools, teachers, students, and the community can reveal the arbitrariness of school content, can question the pedagogical structure of a course, can breed fish and sell them, and they even can reproduce the official school
A partir del estudio de caso de la propuesta de un curriculum alternativo del magisterio disidente de Michoacán (México), esta tesis se propone analizar una resistencia educativa en acción, a ras del suelo, desde prácticas pedagógicas cotidianas y contextualizadas. El marco teórico se constituye desde las ciencias de la educación y la antropología de la educación, en complemento con una metodología cualitativa, la observación etnográfica. Desde su profesión de maestros·as, y desde el poder político que construyen como miembros de un movimiento social, el magisterio michoacano disidente concibió, escribió un currículo alternativo, políticamente de izquierda, que implementó en lo que llamaron Escuelas integrales de educación básica. Estas escuelas se manejan como herramienta de lucha y resistencia frente a las reformas educativas nacionales que, por su parte, responden a mandatos internacionales. El análisis de caso de esta tesis hace eco a debates que rebasan las discusiones estatales y nacionales, agregándose a otras formas de subversión frente al nuevo orden educativo mundial. Al llevarse a cabo dentro del espacio escolar, la resistencia estudiada está sujeta a las mismas tensiones y contradicciones que vive la escuela. Es decir, los y las maestras deben al mismo tiempo hacer escuela y resistir a la institución. En un primer momento, el trabajo de campo reveló la necesidad de revisar las raíces históricas que aún se hacen presentes en la vida del magisterio. Por un lado, el movimiento social construido por las y los maestros movilizados se ancla en el pasado revolucionario. Sin embargo, la estructura y la resistencia al cambio del corporativismo mexicano también forman parte del movimiento disidente. En seguida, además de los factores históricos, se planteó la paradoja de ofrecer una mirada desde abajo que le dé cabida tanto a la subjetividad de cada maestro·a, como al trabajo colectivo que gestó al propio plan de estudios alternativo. El análisis avanza para revelar un curriculum que es un objeto en torno al cual, o a partir del cual, se ponen en marcha estrategias administrativas, políticas o pedagógicas para sostener la lucha magisterial. Este curriculum legitima discursos, tanto internamente en el sindicato como externamente cuando se dirigen a la sociedad en su totalidad. El plan de estudios alternativo toma vida en las Escuelas integrales, que son, al fin y al cabo, escuelas como las demás: tienen un patio, aulas con pizarrones, pupitres, cuadernos y un·a maestro·a frente a los alumnos. Sin embargo, en los recintos de estas escuelas es posible hacer todo tipo de cosas, como revelar la arbitrariedad de los contenidos escolares, cuestionar la estructura pedagógica de un curso, criar peces para venderlos e incluso reproducir la escuela oficial

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Rodrigues, Gilberto de Oliveira. "Fascismo e turismo: reflexões sobre a relação entre turismo sindical e colônia de férias". Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-30102018-134533/.

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Esta dissertação analisa o chamado \"turismo sindical\" por meio de uma abordagem teórica, histórica e conceitual. O turismo sindical por meio de colônias de férias de entidades sindicais e associativas de trabalhadores do setor público e privado são um meio de hospedagem que surge na Era Vargas e se desenvolve até os dias de hoje, alcançando seu apogeu nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, especialmente após o golpe militar de 1964. A ação efetiva do Estado, especialmente em tempos de regimes autoritários, não se limitou a um arcabouço jurídico-normativo (intervenção por regulação), mas estendeu-se a uma efetiva implementação das colônias de férias e do turismo sindical (intervenção por participação). Tudo isso ocorre concomitantemente a uma nova divisão internacional e territorial do trabalho que vai tornando o capitalismo hegemônico como modo de produção global e universal. A exigência do constante desenvolvimento das forças produtivas não se limita ao ambiente fabril, devendo atingir a inteira cotidianidade da classe trabalhadora. Por isso tempo de trabalho e tempo livre são meticulosa e estrategicamente organizados, geridos e fiscalizados, não pelos trabalhadores, mas pelos capitalistas e pelo Estado. Todo esse processo não ocorre de maneira localizada, pois, por ser um processo geral do capital, ocorre em escala planetária. O turismo sindical e as colônias de férias são uma pequena, mas importante fração deste processo que organiza as condições gerais da produção e desenvolve as forças produtivas. O materialismo histórico e dialético sustenta o caminho analítico escolhido.
This dissertation analyzes the so-called \"trade union tourism\" through a theoretical, historical and conceptual approach. Trade union tourism through holiday colonies of trade unions and associations of workers from the public and private sector are a means of lodging that emerges in the Vargas Era and develops until today, reaching its apogee in the 1960s and 1970s, especially after the military coup of 1964. The effective action of the State, especially in times of authoritarian regimes, was not limited to a legal-normative framework (intervention by regulation), but extended to an effective implementation of the holiday colonies and trade union tourism (intervention by participation). All of this takes place concomitantly with a new international and territorial labors division that makes hegemonic capitalism as a global and universal way of production. The demand for the constant development of the productive forces is not limited to the factory environment, and must reach the whole day-to-day of working class. Therefore, working time and free time are meticulous and strategically organized, managed and supervised, not by the workers, but by the capitalists and the State it self. All this process does not occurs in a localized way, because, being a general process of capital, it occurs on a planetary scale. Trade union tourism and holiday colonies are a small, but important part of this process that organizes the productions general conditions and develops the productive forces. Historical and dialectical materialism supports the analytical path chosen.

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Ramquist, Lisa. "Den avväpnade arbetstidsfrågan. En analys av synen på arbetstidsfrågan inom LO 1945-1967". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-201599.

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The object of interest in this essay is the issue of reducing work hours and how that issue was handled in the Trade Union Confederation (LO). In previous research the struggle for shorter work hours has been viewed as a struggle between trade union and employers’ organizations. The previous research has had difficulties in explaining LOs part in this struggle, their actions have not been the expected. LO had not played an active part in the struggle for shorter work hours and the previous research has not been able to given a satisfying explanation for this. In this essay the starting-point is another. The issue of reducing work hours, this essay argues, was a problem for LO. The problem consists of the need for LO to mark against communism, both inside and outside of the organization. But this essay also argues that the issue of reducing work hours is in it self subversive and therefore a problem for the reformist LO. From this staring-point the essay analyses the view of the issue of reducing work hours in LO during the period of 1945-1967. The conclusion in the essay is that LO disarmed the issue of reducing work hours, making it harmless. By shifts in conceptions of needs, the possible and conceptions of time and development the issue of reducing work hours was disarmed. The disarmed issue enabled LO to unite the organization in the delicate matter without the risk of pursuing a subversive issue.

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Coelho, Maria Nelma Gomes. "O movimento sindical metalúrgico na Zona Sul de São Paulo: 1974 a 2000". Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-30072008-121008/.

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Esta tese historia a implantação e o desenvolvimento do Parque Industrial da Zona Sul de São Paulo, no que tange as indústrias metalúrgicas, a luta dos trabalhadores metalúrgicos desde o regime militar até o ano 2000. Historia a organização do movimento sindical nas fábricas, as diversas correntes sindicais existentes, os problemas enfrentados. e a atuação do Sindicato. As vitórias e derrotas, e as contradições existentes no seio da categoria e o a transformação do seu Sindicato de pelego agente aberto do capital. A história do Parque Industrial é reconstituída desde o processo de criação da infra-estrutura, na década de 1920, quando Santo Amaro ainda era Município e historia a luta sindical dos metalúrgicos da Região desenvolvida entre 1974 a 2000. O fio condutor é a luta entre o Trabalho e o Capital.
This thesis investigates the establishment and the development of the industrial park of the southern area in São Paulo city, focusing on metallurgy industries, the metallurgists\' struggles dating from the military regime up to the year 2000. It analyses the organization of the unionized movement inside the industrial plants, its different existing streams, the problems it faced and the Trade Union\'s performance. It also analyses the conquests and weaknesses, the existing contradictions inside this unionized group and the transformation of a stool-pigeon Trade Union into an open agent of capital. The history of this industrial park is described since the very beginning of its substructure in the 1920s, when Santo Amaro was still a town. The metallurgists\' unionized struggle is investigated from 1974 to 2000. The main interest is centered on the dispute between Labor and Capital.

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Libri sul tema "Trade-union struggles"

Lucio, Miguel Martinez. Trade unions in post-Franco Spain: The politics and discursive struggles of trade union development and the construction of the industrial relations arena : a reassessment of concepts and problems. [s.l.]: typescript, 1988.

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Cliff, Tony. Marxism and trade union struggle: The General Strike of 1926. London: Bookmarks, 1986.

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Abiala, E. Olu. Trade union movement and national development in Nigeria: Memoirs of labour struggle. Ibadan: St. Paul's Pub. House, 2012.

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Nielsen, Michael Charles. Hollywood's other blacklist: Union struggles in the studio system. London: British Film Institute, 1995.

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Hirson, Baruch. Yours for the union: Class and community struggles in South Africa, 1930-1947. London, UK: Zed Books, 1990.

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Barya, John-Jean B. Trade unions and the struggle for associational space in Uganda: The 1993 Trade Union Law and article 40 of the Constitution. Kampala,Uganda: Centre for Basic Research, 2001.

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Trask, Roger. Anti-trade union legislation in Britain: A study on the anti-trade union laws introduced in Britain by the Conservative government since 1979 and the struggle against them. London: The Author, 1989.

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Thornett, Alan. Inside Cowley: Trade union struggle in the 1970s : who really opened up the door to the Tory onslaught? London: Porcupine Press, 1998.

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Thornett, Alan. Inside Cowley: Trade union struggle in the 1970s : who really opened up the door to the Tory onslaught? London: Porcupine, 1998.

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Gavin, Boyd, a cura di. The struggle for world markets: Competition and cooperation between NAFTA and the European Union. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 1998.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Trade-union struggles"

Saunders, Richard. "Trade Union Struggles for Autonomy and Democracy in Zimbabwe". In Trade Unions and the Coming of Democracy in Africa, 157–97. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230610033_6.

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Mikkelsen, Flemming, e Jesper Jørgensen. "Labor Market Struggles and Labor Market Relations in the Nordic Countries, 1848–2020: Trends and Fluctuations". In Trade Union Activism in the Nordic Countries since 1900, 15–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-08987-9_2.

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Shahab, Palvasha. "After the Ali Enterprises Fire: Occupational Safety and Health and Workers’ Organising—A Conversation with Zehra Khan About Current and Future Struggles". In Interdisciplinary Studies in Human Rights, 97–105. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73835-8_5.

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AbstractZehra Khan is a prominent labour activist and journalist who has been working in Karachi, Pakistan, for more than a decade. She is the founder and General Secretary of the Home Based Women Workers Federation of Pakistan (HBWWF). She also works closely with the National Trade Union Federation (NTUF). In this interview, she speaks to Palvasha Shahab about current and future struggles in regards to working conditions in Pakistan.

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Mandy, Carl. "UK Environmental and Trade Union Groups’ Struggles to Integrate Gender Issues into Climate Change Analysis and Activism". In Climate Change and Gender in Rich Countries, 87–102. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. |: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315407906-6.

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Mansoor, Nasir, Thomas Rudhof-Seibert e Miriam Saage-Maaß. "Pakistan’s “Industrial 9/11”: Transnational Rights-Based Activism in the Garment Industry and Creating Space for Future Global Struggles". In Interdisciplinary Studies in Human Rights, 107–20. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73835-8_6.

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AbstractThis chapter is based on an internal evaluation of the of the 2012–2019 cooperation between the Pakistani National Trade Union Federation (NTUF), the German humanitarian organisation medico international, and the Berlin-based European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR). Written from a first-person perspective by three members of these organisations, it offers invaluable insights into the internal coordination and strategic deliberations of the partners’ evolving transnational efforts to hold the German retail company KiK and Italian social auditing firm RINA to account on behalf of the survivors and victims’ families of the 2012 Ali Enterprises factory fire. The authors elaborate on the multi-dimensional effects and aftermath of the Ali Enterprises tragedy, and recount the lessons learned from their different perspectives as trade unionists, activists, and lawyers based in both Pakistan and Germany. On this basis, the chapter then maps additional possible avenues for supporting the transnational struggles of workers around the globe. All in all, it offers rich insights into the experiences and complex debates ongoing amongst the authors and their organisations on how to develop common positions and further enhance their mutual understanding in order to collectively imagine and work towards transformative political goals.

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Xulu-Gama, Nomkhosi, Sibongile Ruth Nhari, Musawenkosi Malabela e Tebogo Mogoru. "Policy Implementation Challenges for Worker Education and Foreign National Migrants". In IMISCOE Research Series, 91–105. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92114-9_7.

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AbstractThe importance of worker education around the presence of foreign national migrants “beyond the apartheid workplace” (Webster & von Holdt, 2005: 4) is undisputed. Our intention is to establish the extent to which worker education programmes benefit foreign-national migrants and also to establish the possible challenges in the implementation of the related legislation and policies. The current context of neoliberal capitalism and growing informalisation of work (Webster & von Holdt, 2005; Muller & Esselaar, 2004) is particularly important, as it tends to challenge the existence and effectiveness of worker education while promoting divisions among the workers. During the apartheid era, worker education was a resource used by the trade union movement to address struggles in the workplace and those percolating to the communities (see Xulu-Gama, 2018; Von Holdt, 2002; Webster, 1985; Friedman, 1987). Worker education always took into consideration the history of the South African workplace, which made it relevant, comprehensive, critical and progressive (Hamilton, 2014).

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Hyman, Richard. "Class Struggle and the Trade Union Movement". In The Political Economy of Industrial Relations, 224–53. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19665-4_10.

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Cohen, Sheila. "Workers Organising Workers: Grass-Roots Struggle as the Past and Future of Trade Union Renewal". In Workers and Labour in a Globalised Capitalism, 139–60. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-36134-9_7.

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Petrini, Francesco. "Demanding Democracy in the Workplace: The European Trade Union Confederation and the Struggle to Regulate Multinationals". In Societal Actors in European Integration, 151–72. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137017659_8.

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Trópia, Patrícia Vieira. "Women in Brazil’s Trade Union Movement". In Marxist-Feminist Theories and Struggles Today. Zed Books Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350221291.ch-016.

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Atti di convegni sul tema "Trade-union struggles"

Karapınar, Esra. "The Place of Central Asian Turkic Republics in the Global World". In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00124.

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Globalization process which started at the end of nineteenth century and goes on at the present shows its impacts more in some countries or less in some other countries but this is a process that closes up countries, blots out authorities’ immunities, makes them become transparent, and strengthens socio-cultural, political and especially economic relations. After the terms of being introverted and self-sufficiency between First and Second World Wars, struggles to liberalized world trade have been accelerated since 1960, and good and service flows between countries grew both as a volume and value. As a result of liberalization and deregulation politics which appears since 1980, the capital could move easier on the world. So, how has this process felt its effect on the Central Asian Turkic Republics includes Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan that arised in 1991 after dissociation in the Soviet Union because of clearing and reconstruction policy applied and after facility of establishing its own, independent states by earning their national identities to Turkish elements who lived under the sovereignty of Russians for years is given? The aim of study here is to analyse the effects of that globalization wave in the Turkic Republics which spread out all over the world. For this purpose, first of all changes in the Soviet Union 's policy will be considered and reflections of it on the economical life are to be investigated, and then applications and what the course of actions about integration with the World determined by mentioned republics after dissociation are to be discussed.

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Yıldız, Murat. "Ethical Value Issues in Corporate Sustainability Reports". In 3rd International Congress on Engineering and Life Science. Prensip Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.61326/icelis.2023.55.

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This study aims to reveal the current ethical issues raised by corporate sustainability reports. Many texts such as the Paris Agreement, the European Green Deal, carbon regulations at the border, which have started to play a very important role in the economic and social pattern of the world, have been affecting daily lives of individuals across the countries. Beyond migrations, droughts and natural disasters, the armless war of the new millennium is a struggle for the civilization forced by these agreements. In addition to the European Union, which is gradually increasing its pressure on both member countries and suppliers within the framework of climate scenarios with the directives it has issued on impact value and due diligence, the USA is also making its own regulations binding for everyone. In addition to the scenarios of combating climate change, these two main economic powers also need different fictions that can sustain the social and economic comfort within their borders. In particular, the exponential growth of migration will be accompanied by the danger of disrupting the structure of the global economy, production, and the distribution of labor. While the EU considers the reporting of the companies in the member states to be inadequate in terms of quality and quantity, the companies that make a significant part of their trade to the member countries need a much more long-term and patient endeavor. Although the translations of the regulations consisting of numerous articles are often not easily comprehended in different cultures, it is a fact that ethics-based efforts will make this process permanent and understandable. In this context, sustainability studies and reporting of corporate firms, which are the core structures, have been analyzed in a way to include the supply chain. Many of the reports examined reveal the existence of knowledge and experience gaps that will lead to social and ecological problems as well as low impact value. The study brings an applied ethical suggestion to the ethical value analyses of the existing approaches and tries to reveal to what extent all these global efforts, the core subject of which is ethics, can overlap with ethical behavior.

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