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1
Maier, Felix K. "Ancient history: A postcolonial view on Roman identity". Open Access Government 40, n. 1 (25 ottobre 2023): 316–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.56367/oag-040-10349.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Ancient history: A postcolonial view on Roman identity Prof Dr Felix K Maier, Professor for Ancient History at University of Zurich, explores the paradoxical dynamics of different identities in the multicultural Roman Empire. My history research project analyses the dynamics of different identities in the Roman Empire from around 50-150 AD. The Roman Empire is generally considered a ‘story of a success’ concerning the integration of the conquered peoples. The Romans surpassed other empires regarding temporal extension and maintained their power with little military presence. However, it was not only open rebellions that could have threatened Roman domination; it was also – and quite paradoxically – the successful integration of conquered peoples. This had to do with a couple of interdependent aspects.
2
Álvarez Soria, Ignacio Jesús. "barbarización del ejército romano". Studium, n. 24 (22 settembre 2019): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_studium/stud.2018242603.
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Resumen
En el presente artículo repasaremos someramente algunos de los hitos más reseñables de la historia militar del Imperio Romano Tardío, haciendo hincapié en el papel de los bárbaros que luchaban junto a los romanos, puesto que la barbarización del ejercito romano ha sido uno de los puntos de referencia en las investigaciones acerca de la decadencia y caída del Imperio Romano. En este sentido, haremos referencia al papel integrador que tuvo el ejército romano durante buena parte de la historia del Imperio Romano, y señalaremos los principales hechos que condujeron al final de dicho papel; esbozando también las desastrosas consecuencias que tuvo este hecho para el futuro del Imperio, especialmente del Occidental.
Palabras clave: Bárbaros, ejército, integración, migración, godos, reclutamiento.
Abstract
In this article we will briefly review some of the most important milestones in the military history of the Late Roman Empire. In it we will emphasize the role of the barbarians who fought with the Romans, since the barbarización of the Roman army is one of the points of reference in the investigations about the decay and fall of the Roman Empire. In this sense, we will refer to the role played by the Roman army in the integration of foreigners during a large part of the history of the Roman Empire. In addition, we will point out the main events that led to the end of this integrating role; we will also indicate the disastrous consequences this fact had for the future of the Empire, especially for the Western part.
Key words: Barbarians, army, integration, migration, goths, recruitment.
3
Gardner, I. M. F., e S. N. C. Lieu. "From Narmouthis (Medinet Madi) to Kellis (Ismant El-Kharab): Manichaean Documents from Roman Egypt". Journal of Roman Studies 86 (novembre 1996): 146–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300427.
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In 1968, Peter Brown read at the Society's Annual General Meeting a paper entitled ‘The Diffusion of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire’. Delivered at a time when little research was being carried out by British scholars either on Manichaeism or on the cultural and religious relationship between the Roman and the Sassanian Empires, it was for many a complete revelation. With consummate skill and vast erudition Brown placed the history of the diffusion of the sect against a background of vigorous and dynamic interchange between the Roman and the Persian Empires. He also mounted a successful challenge on a number of popularly held views on the history of the religion in the Roman Empire. Manichaeism was not to be seen as part of the mirage orientale which fascinated the intellectuals of the High Empire. It was not an Iranian religion which appealed through its foreigness or quaintness. Rather, it was a highly organized and aggressively missionary religion founded by a prophet from South Babylonia who styled himself an ‘Apostle of Jesus Christ’. Brown reminded the audience that ‘the history of Manichaeism is to a large extent a history of the Syriac-speaking belt, that stretched along the Fertile Crescent without interruption from Antioch to Ctesiphon’. Its manner of diffusion bore little or no resemblance to that of Mithraism. It did not rely on a particular profession, as Mithraism did on the army, for its spread throughout the Empire. Instead it developed in the common Syriac culture astride the Romano-Persian frontier which was becoming increasingly Christianized consequent to the regular deportation of whole communities from cities of the Roman East like Antioch to Mesopotamia and adjacent Iran. Manichaeism which originally flourished in this Semitic milieu was not in the strict sense an Iranian religion in the way that Zoroastrianism was at the root of the culture and religion of pre-Islamic Iran. The Judaeo-Christian roots of the religion enabled it to be proclaimed as a new and decisive Christian revelation.
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Zhang, Zhi Jun. "Research on the History and Compositions of Concrete". Advanced Materials Research 988 (luglio 2014): 207–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.988.207.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Concrete is a composite material composed of water, coarse granular material (the fine and coarse aggregate or filler) embedded in a hard matrix of material (the cement or binder) that fills the space among the aggregate particles and glues them together. Famous concrete structures include the Hoover Dam, the Panama Canal and the Roman Pantheon. The earliest large-scale users of concrete technology were the ancient Romans, and concrete was widely used in the Roman Empire. The Colosseum in Rome was built largely of concrete, and the concrete dome of the Pantheon is the world’s largest. After the Roman Empire collapsed, use of concrete became rare until the technology was re-pioneered in the mid-18th century. Today, concrete is the most widely used man-made material.
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Erdemi̇r, Hatice. "The Nature of Turko-Byzantine Relations in the Sixth Century Ad". Belleten 68, n. 252 (1 agosto 2004): 423–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2004.423.
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In the middle of the sixth century, a new nomad power emerged in central Asia. A federation led by Turkic groups which rapidly impinged on the Persian empire after the subjugation of the Hephtalites and had an impact on the Roman empire through the flight westwards of the Avars. As a result, both Romans and Persians were soon in diplomatic contact with the Turkish Kagan, and considerable evidence for this process is presented in the fragments of the Greek historian Menandros Protector, with useful supporting material in the historian Theophylact Simocatta and the Syriac author John of Ephesus. This diplomacy had both an economic aspect, the ability of the Turks to intervene in the silk trade, and a strategic one, since both Roman and Persian empires could view the Turks as useful allies against their traditional rival in the Near East. The Turks could attack Persia through the former territory of the Hephtalites, while they could take over Roman possesions in the Crimea.
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Levick, B. M. "Roman History". Greece and Rome 60, n. 1 (12 marzo 2013): 166–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383512000332.
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Bravely stepping into the arena, we first tackle Paul J. Burton's Friendship and Empire, which strikes a blow for the Romans, though he disclaims participation in the ‘defensive/offensive’ imperialism debate. He uses theory, the comparatively optimistic I(nternational) R(elations) Constructivism rather than IR (Neo-)Realism, though without abandoning the latter completely, to show that Roman foreign relations in his period were conceived in terms of amicitia rather than of Ernst Badian's clientela; and, more importantly, that language has an impact on how we construct global realities. History matters, and Roman diplomatic concepts should be considered on their own terms. Once individual friendship and its uncertainties and dissolution have been analysed, three empirical core chapters follow, which apply theory to cases in the categories of ‘Beginnings’, with discussion of socii, deditio voluntary and involuntary, and fides; ‘Duties’ (cf. le don); and ‘Breakdown and Dissolution’ (usually simultaneous). This sensitive contribution is detailed and persuasive, though least strong on breakdown. Look at the outbreak of the Third Punic War: the Romans were disturbed by an ‘internal unilateral adjustment in status-perception’ (323). Action spoke louder than fair words.
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Evans, R. J. W. "COMMUNICATING EMPIRE: THE HABSBURGS AND THEIR CRITICS, 1700–1919". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 19 (12 novembre 2009): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440109990065.
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ABSTRACTIn the vibrant current debate about European empires and their ideologies, one basic dichotomy still tends to be overlooked: that between, on the one hand, the plurality of modern empires of colonisation, commerce and settlement; and, on the other, the traditional claim to single and undividedimperiumso long embodied in the Roman Empire and its successor, the Holy Roman Empire, or (First) Reich. This paper examines the tensions between the two, as manifested in the theory and practice of Habsburg imperial rule. The Habsburgs, emperors of the Reich almost continuously through its last centuries, sought to build their own power-base within and beyond it. The first half of the paper examines how by the eighteenth century their ‘Monarchy’, subsisting alongside the Reich, dealt with the associated legacy of empire. After the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 the Habsburgs could pursue a free-standing Austrian ‘imperialism’, but it rested on an uneasy combination of old and new elements and was correspondingly vulnerable to challenge from abroad and censure at home. The second half of the article charts this aspect of Habsburg government through an age of international imperialism and its contribution to the collapse of the Dual Monarchy in 1918.
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McLynn, Neil B. "Augustine’s Roman Empire". Augustinian Studies 30, n. 2 (1999): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies19993029.
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Corke-Webster, James. "Roman History". Greece and Rome 66, n. 1 (11 marzo 2019): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000372.
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The first time I visited Pompeii, I was walking along one of its iconic paved streets when another visitor in front of me stumbled over a rough patch of pavement. Looking down resentfully, she turned to her friend and said in an irritated tone, ‘Look at this! They really need to do something about these roads…’. If that sore-toed tourist had found Eric Poehler's new book, The Traffic Systems of Pompeii, in the Pompeian gift shop, she would have been much illuminated. This long-gestated project represents an exciting new type of scholarship on the ancient world, using evidence gleaned from the scratched and rutted roads of Pompeii and other urban sites across the empire to expose both how ancient traffic worked and the constantly evolving negotiations between residents and government over its control.
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Kleyhons, Ferdinand. "Pons et cella penaria – Die Bedeutung Siziliens für die Entwicklung des Imperium Romanum ausgehend von Ciceros „Verrinen“". historia.scribere, n. 13 (22 giugno 2021): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.13.618.
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Pons et cella penaria – The importance of Sicily for the formation of the Roman Empire on the basis of Ciceros “In Verrem”In the year 70 BCE, one of the most renowned trials in Roman history took place: The lawsuit of Gaius Verres, former propraetor of the Roman province Sicilia. Marcus Tullius Cicero, taking up the role of the claimant in this trial, wrote a series of speeches against Verres (“In Verrem”). Therein he stated, among other things, the importance of Sicily for the Roman Empire. As the first Roman province, it introduced the Romans to a new system of governing foreign territory. It functioned as a “bridge” for the conquest of Carthage and, finally, it fed the Roman population and its army. The following paper will examine each of these three steps, as well as use them as a framework to discuss the role of Sicily for the formation of the Roman Empire.
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Berthelot, Katell. "Philo’s Perception of the Roman Empire". Journal for the Study of Judaism 42, n. 2 (2011): 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006311x544373.
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AbstractPhilo’s perception of Rome is less positive than has generally been argued. Although Philo appreciated the pax romana and the religious freedom generally enjoyed by Jews in the Roman Empire, he was nevertheless critical of Rome. In particular, he rejected the idea that the Roman empire was the outcome of divine providence and would last forever. He opposed the spiritual kingship of Israel to the worldly and transitory dominion of Rome. Moreover, he expected Roman rule to fade away in the end, and Israel to blossom as no other nation ever had in the past.
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MacMullen, Ramsay. "The Power of the Roman Empire". Historia 55, n. 4 (2006): 471–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2006-0030.
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Belfiglio, Valentine J. "Control of epidemics in the Roman army: 27 B.C. - A.D. 476". International Journal Of Community Medicine And Public Health 4, n. 5 (24 aprile 2017): 1387. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/2394-6040.ijcmph20171745.
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During the Roman Empire thousands of soldiers were exposed to communicable diseases. The Romans forged a military medical system that surpassed the medical systems of most of their enemies. Under the principles of immediacy and expectancy, the Roman medical staff salvaged and returned to duty many sick and wounded soldiers as rapidly as possible. The selection of and training of healthy legionnaires, hygiene and sanitation and immediate medical care emphasized that the timing of care after diagnosis is as important as the quality of care. The Romans were the first army in history to employ medical corpsmen, field hospitals and triage. The Roman efficacy in combat medicine may be one of the least appreciated aspects of the ability of the Roman army to help create and maintain an empire.
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Makhlaiuk, Alexander V. "The Image of the Roman Empire in the Works of Mikhail Ivanovich Rostovtzeff". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, n. 1 (2022): 207–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.114.
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The article examines the features of the image of the Roman Empire created by the outstanding historian M. I. Rostovtzeff, primarily in his “Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire”. This image is contradictory and ambiguous. It involves a lot of genuine innovative ideas, bright colours, but there are also a number of obvious exaggerations and aberrations, a certain “contemporization” of economic and social realities. Paradoxically, Rostovtzeff ’s Roman Empire turns out to be an empire without imperialism. Its very “empireness”, i. e., specific ties between the center and provincial and “barbaric” periphery; the organization of space; the modes of relations between the “imperial nation” and the subordinate peoples; the unity of diversity as well as geographical (geopolitical) and economic determination of Roman imperial expansion, remains outside the historian’s scope. At the same time, Rostovtzeff perspicaciously grasps the deep drama of Roman history, irreducible either to the tyranny and extravagance of individual rulers or to the merciless struggle of social classes. A significant role in creating such a comprehensive image of the Roman Empire was ensured not only by Rostovtzeff ’s political preferences and life experience, but also by his personality and style of scholarship. This gives the “Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire” a special dimension, making it not only a fact of historiography per se but the substantial evidence of the indissoluble relationship between the personality of the historian, his ideas and the time in which he happened to live and work.
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Bartsch, Shadi. "Roman Literature: Translation, Metaphor & Empire". Daedalus 145, n. 2 (aprile 2016): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00373.
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The Romans understood that translation entails transformation. The Roman term “translatio” stood not only literally for a carrying-across (as by boat) of material from one country to another, but also (metaphorically) for both linguistic translation and metaphorical transformation. These shared usages provide a lens on Roman anxieties about their relationship to Greece, from which they both transferred and translated a literature to call their own. Despite the problematic association of the Greeks with pleasure, rhetoric, and poetic language, the Roman elite argued for the possibility of translation and transformation of Greek texts into a distinctly Roman and authoritative mode of expression. Cicero's hope was that eventually translated Latin texts would replace the Greek originals altogether. In the end, however, the Romans seem to have felt that effeminacy had the last laugh.
16
Kaufmann, Thomas Dacosta. "A Census of Drawings from the Holy Roman Empire, 1540–1680, in North American Collections". Central European History 18, n. 1 (marzo 1985): 70–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900016915.
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The following checklist contains references to drawings by artists active in the lands comprised by the Holy Roman Empire, 1540–1680, regardless of their place of birth. All drawings found in North American collections of which the compiler is aware have been included. This census is intended to complement the exhibition and catalogue Drawings from the Holy Roman Empire 1540–1680: A Selection from North American Collections (Princeton, 1982). The choice of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation as a framework for the selection of drawings is explained in “Drawings from the Holy Roman Empire 1540–1680: An Essay Toward Historical Understanding” (ibid., 3–30). An asterisk (*) marks works that were presented in the exhibition, and discussed at length in the accompanying catalogue.
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Roth, Jonathan, e Hugh Elton. "Frontiers of the Roman Empire." Journal of Military History 61, n. 4 (ottobre 1997): 795. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2954090.
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Gross, Simcha. "Being Roman in the Sasanian Empire". Studies in Late Antiquity 5, n. 3 (2021): 361–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2021.5.3.361.
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Over the past several decades, scholars have challenged longstanding assumptions about Christian narratives of persecution. In light of these revisionist trends, a number of scholars have reconsidered the “Great Persecution” of Christians under the fourth-century Sasanian king Shapur II. Where scholars previously argued that the cause of Sasanian imperial violence against Christians was a perceived connection between them and the increasingly Christian Roman Empire, these new accounts reject this explanation and downplay the scope of violence against Christians. This article reexamines Sasanian violence against Christians in the fourth century, navigating between the proverbial Scylla and Charybdis of positivist and revisionist approaches. It argues that the accusations against Christians must be situated within the broader Roman-Sasanian conflict. In this context, fifth-column accusations were a pervasive anxiety, animated—and deployed—by empires and inhabitants alike. Yet, rather than inexorably leading to indiscriminate violence against all Christians, fifth-column accusations operated in a variety of ways, resulting in targeted violence but also, it is argued, in imperial patronage. Seen in this light, concerns for Christian disloyalty were responsible for the drastic vacillations in Christian experience under Sasanian rule during the fourth and early fifth centuries, unparalleled for other non-Iranian Sasanian communities, such as Jews. It was the particular circumstances of Christians, caught between the Sasanian and Roman Empires, that account for their experience under Sasanian rule.
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Kumar, Krishan. "The time of empire". Thesis Eleven 139, n. 1 (aprile 2017): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513617701919.
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General and comparative studies of empire – like those of revolution – often suffer from insufficient attention to chronology. Time expresses itself both in the form that empires occur, often in succession to each other – the Roman, the Holy Roman, the Spanish, etc. – and, equally, in an awareness that this succession links empires in a genealogical sense, as part of a family of empires. This article explores the implications of taking time seriously, so that empires are not considered simply as like ‘cases’ of a general phenomenon of empire but are treated as both ‘the same and different’. Concentrating on the European empires since the time of Rome, the article shows the extent to which empires were conscious of each other, seeking both to imitate admired features as well as to escape from those thought less desirable. It also shows the difference between ancient and modern empires, considered not so much as different types as in the differences caused by their location in different points in historical time. Comparative studies of empire, the article concludes, must pay attention to both continuity and change, both similarity and difference.
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Maier, Felix K. "Who am i? Multicultural identities in the Roman Empire". Open Access Government 37, n. 1 (9 gennaio 2023): 246–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.56367/oag-037-10349.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Who am i? Multicultural identities in the Roman Empire In this second installment for Open Access Government, Prof Dr Felix K Maier, Professor for Ancient History at University of Zurich, explores multicultural identities in the Roman Empire. His history research project analyzes the dynamics of different identities in the Roman Empire from around 50-150 AD. My project aims to discern the often-paradoxical dynamics of identities in a multicultural empire and stimulate a discussion about hidden aspects of social interactions that still need to be properly understood. Although the Roman era is entirely different to our times, some critical questions from the past relate to today's world in which mechanisms of social and political distinction also lead to open or concealed conflicts.
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Popov, Ivan. "Roman Fortress along the Danube Coast on Bulgarian Area". Cultural and Historical Heritage: Preservation, Presentation, Digitalization 8, n. 1 (30 giugno 2022): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.55630/kinj.2022.080112.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Roman Empire has left many traces in world history with various achievements. One of them is the fortresses. Roman fortresses were built in such a way that for many years afterwards their remains are still visible, without being erased by time, conquerors and atmospheric conditions. Even before the Roman conquest, the peoples along the Danube River understood that the place was suitable for living. The fortresses considered in the report are not only Roman, but everywhere the Romans repaired and fortified them. The Bulgarians used them, as the Danube River has been a natural border between the countries for a long time. The most important cities for the Roman Empire and beyond were: Bononia, Ulpia Escus, Nove, Sexaginda Prista, Transmariska and Durostorum. In the present days most of them are sites of national tourist importance.
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Corke-Webster, James. "Roman History". Greece and Rome 67, n. 1 (28 febbraio 2020): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383519000287.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Some questions never go out of fashion. My main focus in this issue is the spread of Roman power across the Mediterranean, with multiple new publications appearing on this oldest of subjects. First up is Dexter Hoyos’ Rome Victorious. This work of popular history aims to cover what Hoyos dubs in his subtitle The Irresistible Rise of the Roman Empire, though that is rather an odd choice, since Hoyos stresses that Rome's imperial efforts did not always succeed. Hoyos walks us through the unification of Italy and the acquisition of the Republican provinces in the first two chapters, taking the narrative up to the death of Caesar in 44 bc. The next two chapters consider the consequences of those conquests: what a province actually meant, how it was controlled, and the effects both on the new territories’ inhabitants and on Rome's social and political make-up. In Chapter 5, Hoyos turns to the extensive imperial efforts of Augustus and those around him; those of his successors over the next two centuries are dealt with in Chapter 6. Chapter 7 surveys the shifting make-up of the Romans as a result of their conquests, focusing on the spread of citizenship and the changing origins of senators, generals, and artists. Chapter 8 looks at legitimate and illegitimate rule in Rome's provinces, Chapter 9 considers both Rome's self-reflexivity on imperial questions and the view from those regions themselves, and Chapter 10 bolsters the latter by treating concrete resistance to Rome. Chapter 11 looks at the degree to which the provinces became Roman.
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Kołoczek, Bartosz Jan. "Appetite for Mazzards: Referencing History in the Pliny’s HN 15. 102". Philologia Classica 14, n. 1 (2022): 190–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2022.115.
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The following analysis concerns Pliny’s excursus on mazzard (sweet cherry) cultivation in Rome in the Book 15 of the Historia naturalis. Pliny links their introduction and spread to the conquests of the Roman army under the command of illustrious general and bon vivant L. Licinius Lucullus. The confrontation of Pliny’s narrative with other sources, as well as with the findings of contemporary researchers, indicate that Lucullus could not have been the first discoverer of the mazzard and the chronological information Pliny gives should be treated with special caution. Most relevantly, Athenaeus of Naucratis invoked the same tradition, according to which Lucullus was also the author of the name of the mazzard (Greek κεράσια, Latin cerasia), to mock the tendency of the Romans to attribute Greek achievements to themselves. Pliny’s embellished argument, however, aligns perfectly with his Romanocentric and imperialist world picture. As an eminent historian, naturalist and official of the Roman Empire, he used certain passages in his immense encyclopaedia as a departure point to present idealistically the successes of the Roman army and its culture-forming role. In this context, Pliny’s description of the discovery and spread of mazzard cultivation serves as another illustration of the genius of the Romans and the power of their empire.
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Allerfeldt, Kristofer. "Rome, Race, and the Republic: Progressive America and the Fall of the Roman Empire, 1890-1920". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, n. 3 (luglio 2008): 297–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000736.
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Ancient Rome is a powerful metaphor in the western imagination. It is very much alive today. The Roman Republic inspires images of democracy and the empire is the very epitome of decadence. The collapse of this, the greatest of empires, is a parable. The Progressive Era opened with overt imperial ambitions and ended with the collapse of Woodrow Wilson's plans for a Pax Americana. Throughout this period, the symbol of Rome was explicitly used to justify or condemn expansion, warn of the dangers of immigration and commercialization, attack America's enemies, and praise the nation's allies. To figures as diverse as Kaiser Wilhelm II, Henry Adams, and Theodore Roosevelt, Rome was both a model and a warning. Politicians, historians and other commentators saw America as heir to the Roman legacy. Race theorizers claimed that Americans were either the modern Romans or the descendants of the Barbarians—promoters of ordered modernity or champions of individual democracy.
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Totelin, Laurence. "Mithradates' Antidote – A Pharmacological Ghost". Early Science and Medicine 9, n. 1 (2004): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573382041153179.
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AbstractTwo kinds of sources are available to the historian to reconstruct the first centuries of the history of Mithradates' antidote: biographical information on Mithradates' interests in medicine, and a series of recipes. In this paper I argue that we cannot reconstruct the original recipe of Mithridatium from our existing sources. Instead, I examine how the Romans remodelled the history of the King's death and used the royal name to create a "Roman" drug. This drug enjoyed a huge popularity in the first centuries of the Roman Empire. An Emperor, Marcus Aurelius, consumed it as well as members of the upper class; and many highly literate physicians recommended it notwithstanding the medical sect they were belonging to. With all its expensive ingredients, and its claim to work as a panacea, Mithridatium responded to a real demand in a Roman Empire at its commercial and political apogee.
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Csüllög, Gábor. "Birodalmi térszerkezetek a Kárpát-medencében". Jelenkori Társadalmi és Gazdasági Folyamatok 5, n. 1-2 (1 gennaio 2010): 181–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/jtgf.2010.1-2.181-186.
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In Europe's history can be found local states and empires, but their proportion and their political role were changing in the thousand years. The historical geographical research of the state spaces of the empires concentrates on the spatiality (flow lines, flow junctions, conquest of sate spaces, turning conquered state spaces into a province). The Carpathian Basin is the great area of Europe, and has been a contact and mixing region of ethnic, cultural and economic influences for thousands of years and where serious state spaces came into existence already in the first century in the flow zone along Danube. But not only the Roman one, the Ottoman one and Habsburg state can be considered for an empire but tak-ing the spatial structure into consideration the medieval Hungarian state, so the imperial structures cover the area's history because of this from the Roman Empire until the 20th century.
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Guerras, Maria Sonsoles. "Paulo Orósio e o providencialismo no marco do Império Romano". Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 2, n. 1 (3 febbraio 2018): 123–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v2i1.630.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This work makes part of the collective research of some professors and students of the History Department – Sector of Ancient and Medieval History – of UFRJ, who are financed by CNPq. Ater making a brief biographical sketch of Paulo Orósio, contemporary of Agostinho from Hipona, we analise the traces of the classical Roman culture that can be found in his work: the authors who served as sources for him, Cicero’s doctrine of classic historiography that he follows, and so on. The second part contains an analysis of some facts from Roman history which are, in the point of view of the author of the "Seven Books of History", a clear demonstration of how Providence has made use of the Roman World to start a new era: Christ is born during August’s time, therefore these two events will be forever joint and the "Pax Romana" will be the very beginning of the "Pax Christi". The objective of work is the analysis of Paulo Orósio's historical providentialism, for whom the Roman Empire is God’s Instrument for getting to the real Universal Christian Empire. according to Daniel’s prophecy.
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Scott, T. "The Holy Roman Empire 1495-1806/ The Holy Roman Empire, 1495-1806: A European Perspective". German History 31, n. 3 (9 aprile 2013): 415–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ght026.
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Tica, Cristina I. "Osteobiographies at the Edge of Empire". Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 26, n. 2 (18 dicembre 2020): 403–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341382.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract The aim of this research is to employ osteobiography as a means of learning about individuals in the past. Osteobiography entails a life-history approach in the analysis of skeletal human remains. Two groups that have been characterized in the literature as ‘Romans’ and ‘barbarians’ were analyzed by the author. The research questions used skeletal remains to address how the daily life of people under Roman control compared to that of their neighbors to the north, the ‘barbarians’. Looking at two contemporaneous populations from the territory of modern Romania and dating from the 3rd to the 6th centuries AD, the study examines pathological conditions and traumatic injuries, in order to gain a better understanding of the general quality of life for these individuals. One collection comes from the site of Ibida (Slava Rusă) from the Roman province of Scythia Minor, and the other originates from the Târgşor site, located to the north of the Danube frontier, in what was considered the ‘barbaricum’ (the land beyond Roman administrative control).1 For the purposes of this article, two individuals from each group were selected and are presented in depth herein.
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Voeltz, Richard. "Queen Victoria's Empire". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 29, n. 1 (1 aprile 2004): 46–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.29.1.46-47.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Victorian Britain has recently been treated by no less than three major historical television and video productions without even counting A& E's miniseries Victoria and Albert, which is clearly more love story than history. Simon Schama 's A History of Britain, a BBC and History Channel production, carries the story into the Victorian era where he focuses on emerging concepts of gender and family life and the hubris of liberal humanism and colonialism. Patrick Allitt of Emory University delivers a series of lectures for The Teaching Company that focus on the achievements of Victorian Britain as well as the strange internal contradictions of a time that seems remarkably close to our own in so many ways. PBS 'sentry in the current Victorian video derby is Queen Victoria's Empire, part of the Empires Collection that includes Egypt's Golden Empire, The Greeks, The Roman Empire in the First Century, Islam: Empire of Faith, and Napoleon.
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TEMIN, PETER. "Financial Intermediation in the Early Roman Empire". Journal of Economic History 64, n. 3 (settembre 2004): 705–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050704002943.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
I evaluate the effectiveness of financial markets in the early Roman Empire in this article. I review the theory of financial intermediation to describe a hierarchy of financial sources and survey briefly the history of financial intermediation in eighteenth-century Western Europe to provide a standard against which to evaluate the Roman evidence. I then describe the nature of financial arrangements in the early Roman Empire in terms of this hierarchy. This exercise reveals the extent to which the Roman economy resembled more recent societies and sheds light on the prospects for economic growth in the Roman Empire.
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Barnes, T. D., e John Matthews. "The Roman Empire of Ammianus." American Historical Review 96, n. 4 (ottobre 1991): 1177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165054.
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Dyson, Stephen L., e Hugh Elton. "Frontiers of the Roman Empire." American Historical Review 102, n. 5 (dicembre 1997): 1461. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171095.
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Maier, Felix K. "The question of being 'Roman': Examining ancient history more closely". Open Access Government 39, n. 1 (10 luglio 2023): 310–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.56367/oag-039-10349.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The question of being 'Roman': Examining ancient history more closely Professor for Ancient History at the University of Zurich, provides an intriguing and instructive analysis of the question of being ‘Roman’ in his most recent ancient history focus. My history research project analyses the dynamics of different identities in the Roman Empire from around 50-150 AD. This project seeks to understand the often-paradoxical dynamics of different identities in a multicultural empire and to stimulate a discussion about hidden aspects of social interactions that we still need to understand correctly. Although the Roman era is entirely different to our times, some critical questions relate to today’s world, where social and political distinction mechanisms also lead to open or concealed conflicts.
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MATTHEW, D. J. A. "Reflections on the Medieval Roman Empire". History 77, n. 251 (ottobre 1992): 363–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.1992.tb01558.x.
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Okamura, Lawrence. "Frontiers of the Roman Empire (review)". Journal of World History 12, n. 2 (2001): 468–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2001.0036.
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Mrozewicz, Leszek. "Karl Christ i Rzym nieprzemijający…". Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, n. 11 (1 gennaio 2015): 261–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2015.11.13.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Karl Christ belonged to the most eminent German historians of the ancient Rome of the latter half of the 20th century. He was particularly interested in the Roman Empire and its place in the European history. This was vividly reflected in his “Geschichte der römischen Kaiserzeit”, which had as many as six editions in Germany. The book conveys the conviction that the history of the Roman Empire constitutes a fundament of contemporary Europe, regardless of the assessment it received over the centuries, which was often very negative. Karl Christ believed that in our times, Roman Empire acquires a new meaning in view of the unification of Europe. Naturally enough, this engenders the question whether a similar process had taken place in the past, whether there is a model of unity and if so, whether it has a chance of being successful. It turns out that the Roman Empire, despite its weaknesses and drawbacks, can be the only point of reference, regardless of the ways in which Europe is “unified”. The observation is also applied in a broader perspective which extends beyond Europe. This is associated with the ongoing globalisation, which in its turn provokes questions about a similar phenomenon in the past, and almost automatically evokes the example of the Roman Empire. Therefore Christ decided to provide the reader with a comprehensive compendium of knowledge of the Roman Empire in a structural-dialectic approach, so as to facilitate the understanding of persistence of the ancient realm and its impact on European history, at the same time enabling one to arrive at its spiritual and cultural roots. Christ wished to acquaint the contemporary inhabitant of our continent with the dialectics of development of the Roman world, its structural evolution, internal social and cultural diffusion and finally the development of culture in all its manifestations. The historian believed that only in this fashion, i.e. not only through history of persons and events, based on sensational elements, can one appreciate the place of the Roman Empire in the developmental sequence of the European continent and its significance for the contemporary cultural shape of Europe. This is also reflected in Christ’s studies on the history of historiography, or the image of the history of ancient Rome and the specificity of the Roman Empire that had been created by various authors over the centuries. This is also where he undertook the effort to evaluate the positions assumed by German historians in the Nazi times and during the Communist era, in the German Democratic Republic. Nonetheless, the studies of history of historiography were only a means to an end, which was to promote the awareness of the importance of the Roman world, or Mediterranean civilisation as a whole, for the contemporary European culture as well as highlight its persisting influence. In Christ’s opinion, it is that “dialogue of a historian with history” which demonstrates to the fullest extent the dialectic bond between antiquity and the present day.słowa klucze
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Maier, Felix K. "Integration & Acculturation: Different identities in the multicultural Roman Empire". Open Access Government 36, n. 1 (4 ottobre 2022): 222–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.56367/oag-036-10343.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Integration & Acculturation: Different identities in the multicultural Roman Empire In this piece, Dr Felix K Maier, Professor for Ancient History at University of Zurich, analyzes intercultural dynamics in the Roman Empire. He explores how the acculturation to Roman culture by the inhabitants of the provinces often desired and promoted by the hegemonic power, was paradoxically ambivalent because it undermined the important dichotomy between ‘victors’ and ‘vanquished’ with which the hegemonic position was legitimized. Whilst exploring this topic, Dr Maier also provides a short case study of Hadrian and Roman subjects and the differences between his rule and previous emperors of the Roman Empire.
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Wigen, Einar. "Ottoman Concepts of Empire". Contributions to the History of Concepts 8, n. 1 (1 giugno 2013): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2013.080103.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Empire was never an important concept in Ottoman politics. This did not stop Ottoman rulers from laying claim to three titles that may be called imperial: halife, hakan, and kayser. Each of these pertains to different translationes imperii, or claims of descent from different empires: the Caliphate, the steppe empires of the Huns, Turks, and Mongols, and the Roman Empire. Each of the three titles was geared toward a specific audience: Muslims, Turkic nomads, and Greek-Orthodox Christians, respectively. In the nineteenth century a new audience emerged as an important source of political legitimacy: European-emergent international society. With it a new political vocabulary was introduced into the Ottoman language. Among those concepts was that of empire, which found its place in Ottoman discourse by connecting it with the existing imperial claims.
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Woolliscroft, D. J., H. Elton e D. Williams. "Frontiers of the Roman Empire". Britannia 29 (1998): 474. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526847.
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Zaitseva, Evgenia. "The Role of the Roman Aristocrats in the Diplomatic Communication of Byzantium and Persia in the Middle of the 6th Century". ISTORIYA 12, n. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015138-0.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The author examines the features of diplomatic relations between the Persian state and the Roman empires in the middle of the 6th century. The author concludes that the Roman aristocrats who arrived in Constantinople in 546 and participated in the V Ecumenical Council were involved in the settlement of relations between the old opponents. The sources are the works of Procopius of Caesarea and the Acts of the Church Council of 553. The author defines a list of diplomats engaged in negotiations with the Persians in 551—552, and also demonstrates that Byzantine military leaders and politicians turned to the Romans for consultations, since the previous truces concluded with by the Persians, were short-lived. This tactic has brought results. With the participation of experienced Roman senators in the negotiations, the empire retained Lazica, took control of the port of Fasias, and secured its eastern borders.
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Salway, Benet. "What's in a Name? A Survey of Roman Onomastic Practice from c. 700 B.C. to A.D. 700". Journal of Roman Studies 84 (novembre 1994): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300873.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Perusal of over a thousand years of the fasti of the Romans' eponymous magistracy is sufficient to demonstrate that Roman onomastic practice did not stand still. Why, then, is there a tendency to see the system of three names (tria nomina, i.e. praenomen, nomen gentilicium, and cognomen) as the perfection and culmination of the Roman naming system rather than as a transitory stage in an evolutionary process? The simple answer is probably that usage of the tria nomina happens to be typical of the best documented class in one of the best documented, and certainly most studied, eras of Roman history — the late Republic and early Empire. This perspective tends to pervade discussion of post-classical developments, the basic outline of which is clear from a glancing comparison of the Prosopographia Imperii Romani, which catalogues eminent persons of the first to third centuries A.D., with the Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, covering the fourth to seventh. The difference in their very organizational structure betrays the change since, while the entries in PIR are classified alphabetically by nomen, those of PLRE are arranged by last name, usually cognomen. The major problem requiring explanation is why the nomen gentilicium, the central element of the classical tria nomina, should have been displaced by the cognomen as the one most consistently attested element.
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Bjornlie, Shane. "Urban Crises and the Contours of the Late Antique Empire through the Lens of Antioch". Studies in Late Antiquity 7, n. 2 (2023): 184–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2023.7.2.184.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This introduction sets the stage for three essays that each address different crises in the late antique history of Antioch. The essay considers some of the difficulties presented by various methodological lenses for “reading” the urban experience of a city such as Antioch and provides a framework for understanding the cultural meaning of the late antique urban landscape and the modern discourse concerning the role of cities in the Roman Empire. The essay also considers the rhetoric of Antioch in late antique sources and the intersection of that rhetoric with the centrality of cities in the maintenance of the Roman Empire. The essay suggests that the complicity of the cityscape in modern narrative frameworks for the fall of the Roman Empire has produced teleologies that inflect the understanding of disaster and crisis at Antioch and elsewhere in the Roman Empire.
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Milinović, Dino. "Kasna antika: dekadencija ili „demokratizacija“ kulture?" Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, n. 17 (6 novembre 2019): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2019.17.10.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In our age “without the emperor”, fascination with empires and with the emperor mystique continues. Take for witness Tolkien and his Return of the King, the third sequel of The Lord of the Rings, or the television serial Game of Thrones. In the background, of course, is the lingering memory of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire, “a revolution which is still felt by all nations of the world”, to quote Edward Gibbon. It comes as a surprise that in this dramatic moment of its history, in times marked by political, economic and spiritual crisis that shook the very foundations of the Empire during the 3rd century, historians and art historians have recognized the revival of plebeian culture (arte plebea, kleinbürgerliche Kultur). It was the Italian historian Santo Mazzarino, talking at the XI International Congress of the Historical Sciences in Stockholm in 1960, who introduced a new paradigm: the “democratization of culture”. In the light of the historical process in the late Roman Empire, when growing autocracy, bureaucracy, militarization and social tensions leave no doubt as to the real political character of the government, the new paradigm opened up fresh approaches to the phenomenon of decadence and decline of the Roman world. As such, it stands against traditional scenario of the “triumph of barbarism and Christianity”, which was made responsible for the fall of the Roman Empire and the eclipse of the classical civilization of ancient Greece and Rome. It is not by accident that the new paradigm appeared around the middle of the 20th century, at the time when European society itself underwent a kind of “democratization of culture”, faced with the phenomenon of mass culture and the need to find new ways of evaluating popular art. Today, more than anything else, the notion of “democratization of culture” in late Roman Empire forces us to acknowledge a disturbing correspondence between autocratic and populist forms of government. It may come as a shock to learn that the very emperors who went down in Roman history as villains and culprits (such as Caligula, Nero or Commodus), were sometimes considered the most “democratic” among Roman rulers. Do we need to feel certain unease at this historical parallel?
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Lee, A. D. "Evagrius, Paul of Nisibis and the Problem of Loyalties in the Mid Sixth Century". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44, n. 4 (ottobre 1993): 569–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900077800.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 561/2, a few years before the death of the Emperor Justinian, Roman envoys concluded a peace treaty with the Persian Empire. A detailed account of the negotiations and terms is preserved among the surviving portions of the sixth-century history by Menander Protector. For the immediate purposes of this paper, the most important features of this treaty were that it ended more than twenty years of intermittent warfare between the two empires, that the treaty was to remain in force for fifty years, and that the Romans were required to make substantial payments of gold to the Persians at a rate of 30,000 solidi per year.
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Yartsev, Sergey Vladimirovich. "The Last Years of the Reign of the Bosporan King Fofors in the Context of the Internal Political Struggle in the Roman Empire during the Tetrarchy". Genesis: исторические исследования, n. 10 (ottobre 2022): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.10.38953.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The object of the study is the history of the ancient civilization of the Northern Black Sea region, as part of the Roman world during the early dominant period. The subject of the study is the history of the Bosporan Kingdom in the last years of the reign of King Fofors in 303/304–309/310, in the context of relations with the Roman Empire during the new system of government – tetrarchy. The author examines in detail such an aspect of the topic as the internal political struggle in the Roman Empire of that time and its impact on the events that took place on the Bosporus. Particular attention is paid to the political struggle of two opposing factions for supreme power in the Bosporan Kingdom at the specified time. The main conclusions of the study are related to the factors of the strengthening of the influence of the Roman Empire on the northern periphery of the ancient world in the last years of the Bosporan king Fofors. It is obvious that during this period, virtually any conflict in the internal life of the empire, to one degree or another, exerted its influence on the course of the history of the Bosporan state. Thus, the fall of the power of Fofors on the Bosporus became possible only after the Bosporan king lost Roman support, first Diocletian, and then Galerius. In 309/310, Fofors was replaced by a new tsar, Radamsad, who may have been a protege of Maximin II Daza, who was actively preparing a plot to seize supreme power in the empire just during these years. The main contribution of the author to the study of the topic is the first revealed pattern of the history of Bosporus during the reign of Fofors. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that for the first time in historiography, this tense moment of Bosporan history is viewed through the prism of the internal political struggle in the Roman Empire during the tetrarchy (293-313).
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Kee, John. "Writing Edessa into the Roman Empire*". Studies in Late Antiquity 5, n. 1 (2021): 28–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2021.5.1.28.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Syriac tradition presents an exceptional opportunity to investigate how the people of a late Roman frontier articulated local community affiliation against the backdrop of the larger Mediterranean and Near Eastern worlds. Over the last decade, Syrian/Syriac identity and Roman identity in late antique Syria-Mesopotamia have emerged as topics of increasing interest. In concentrating on ethnicity, however, studies of specifically local affiliations have generally left unexamined the other modes of group identification which may have been equally or more salient. This essay fills that gap by excavating non-ethnic means of constructing local and regional identity in three Syriac texts written in and about Edessa in the pivotal century around 500 CE: the Chronicle of Pseudo-Joshua the Stylite, the Chronicle of Edessa (540), and Euphemia and the Goth. Across their differences in date and genre, these three texts demonstrate a convergent set of strategies for reconciling Edessa and its neighbors to the Roman Empire at large. Crucially, all three project notions of local belonging which focus not on ethnic markers but on particular places: in the first instance, on the city. Drawing from cultural geography’s interdependent concept of “place,” the essay shows how in these texts local identity emerges from the interaction of city, church, and empire; Edessa’s connections to the wider Roman world serve not to negate but to articulate its specificity as a community. Moreover, such place-based means of identification could be extended to frame larger regional communities too, as Ps.-Joshua does in its most distinctive moments.
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Milinović, Dino. "Writing History, Shaping Images in Later Roman Empire". IKON 5 (gennaio 2012): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ikon.5.100650.
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Whaley, Joachim. "Central European History and the Holy Roman Empire". Central European History 51, n. 1 (marzo 2018): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000067.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Central European History (CEH) began to appear at a crucial juncture in the historiography of the Holy Roman Empire. Of course its remit was much broader. Founded sixteen years before the British journal German History, Central European History, together with the Austrian History Yearbook (founded in 1965) and the East European Quarterly (founded in 1967), took over the role occupied between 1941 and 1964 by the Journal of Central European Affairs. Each of these US journals shared an openness to new approaches and to work on all periods since the Middle Ages, as well as a desire—in the words of CEH's inaugural editor, Douglas Unfug—to keep “readers abreast of new literature in the field …,” with “reflective, critical reviews or review articles dealing with works of central importance … [and] bibliographical articles dealing with limited periods or themes…”
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Keller, Katrin. "Hidden Figures: The Holy Roman Empire as a “Realm of Ladies”". Central European History 55, n. 3 (settembre 2022): 339–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938922000024.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThe aim of this article is to make clear that, although men largely dominated the institutions of the Holy Roman Empire, beyond these constitutional institutions we can find many examples of women's agency. In particular, women of noble and princely families assumed political roles, both in relation to territories and to the empire as a whole. While it would not be correct to reinterpret the Holy Roman Empire as a “realm of ladies,” it seems clear that the empire, as a communicative context and dynastic network, was constituted with the participation of elite women, and that women were important for the ritual perpetuation of the constitution of the empire. In short, it was not only law and the constitution and the actions of men that held the empire together, but also the actions of women, who helped shape networks and politics just as they influenced the transfer of knowledge and culture.