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1
Vallar, Christian. "Vichy : traditionalisme et technocratie". Nice, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990NICE0003.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Le régime de Vichy se présente tel un Janus. "Triomphe" de la réaction, il est aussi avènement de la technocratie, qui réclame le pouvoir pour la compétence. Ces deux courants, présents à Vichy, entretiennent des relations contradictoires. Ils convergent sur l'établissement d'un état autoritaire, d'inspiration monarchique, et reposant sur une fonction publique rénovée et des collectivités territoriales reformées dans le sens de l'autorité et de l'efficacité. Cette dernière l'emporte lorsqu'il s'agit de rénover la société civile. Les enjeux de l'économique et du social portent sur la nature de la construction de la société à venir. Le dirigisme et le syndicalisme éliminent les espoirs corporatistes des traditionalistes, qui assistent impuissants à la victoire des technocrates, lies au néo-capitalisme et favorables à l’Europe allemande.
2
Nicolaï, Rosette. "Analyse socio-économique de l'administration : bureaucratie et technocratie". Aix-Marseille 3, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991AIX32019.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
L'objectif du premier chapitre consiste a mettre en valeur les principales analyses de nature organisationnelle qui ont ete developpees a propos de la bureaucratie par les sociologues. Elles correspondent, en effet, a une approche technique de ce probleme, se caracterisant par la recherche des principes necessaires a un fuonctionnement efficace de l'organisation et a un epanouissement du travailleur. Si le champ de la bureaucratie a d'abord ete investi par les sociologues, les annees soixante ont marque les debuts de son analyse par les economistes comme tente de le montrer le chapitre deux. Fondee sur la theorie des droits de propriete et celle de l'entreprise manageriale, elle permet d'interpreter les biais bureaucratiques comme une consequence de la rationalite des bureaucrates les poussant a maximiser une fonction objectif sous certaines contraintes techniques et financieres. Relativement a cette optique une autre perspective va bientot etre proposee : prenant en compte l'interdependance strategique et les relations de confiance des acteurs sociaux, elle constitute une contribution decisive pour la comprehension du comportement bureaucratique. S'interesser a l'administration conduit a mettre en evidence dans un dernier chapitre sa composante technocratique. . . . . De legitimite invoque par les technocrates necessite l'identification des circonstancesThe focus of the first chapter is to high-light the main organizational analysis on bureaucracy as developed by sociologists. In fact, they pursue a technical approach, characterized by the search for an efficient functioning of organizations and the worker's well being. It is, only, in the sixties that economists have begun to be interested in bureaucracy. This will be shown in chapter two. The first conceptualization of bureaucracy has been done by the public choice school and is founded on the theory of property rights and the theory of the managerial firm. An alternative approach is suggested. Focusing on the strategic interdependance and the trust relations between social actors. The interest in administration leads us in a mast chapter to underline its technocratic component : the formation of the psycgology of the technocrat in the grands corps", " grandes ecoles", the role payed by planification and, finally, the ways of infiltration into the political field. The study of this approach emphasizes the absence of an economic theory of this phenomenon
3
Carrasco, Rahal Eduardo. "Le VIH au Chili. Entre sécularisation et technocratie". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA075/document.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Récemment, le Chili a vu la victoire des politiques publiques de prévention et de soins de l'infection à VIH promues par la vérité technique de l'OMS et de l'ONUSIDA (notre acception de la vérité technique a été définie dans les derniers travaux de Michel Foucault). Pourtant, l'histoire récente des politiques de santé du Chili dans notre domaine de recherche nous incite à la prudence. Des questions telles que la responsabilité sociale des dépenses de santé ont connu des va et vient répétés dus aux bouleversements politiques de ces dernières décennies. Certains sujets cruciaux pour la prévention de la transmission verticale du VIH / SIDA, liés à la morale privée et à son influence sur les politiques publiques, comme dans le cas de l'avortement thérapeutique, ont longtemps été influencés par la dose laïcité permise par l'église catholique aux partis politiques chiliens les plus conservateurs. La promotion du préservatif comme seul moyen de prévenir la transmission sexuelle du VIH, simple vérité technique «connue» par les politiques publiques du Nord depuis les années 80, a partagé les campagnes de prévention officielles chiliennes avec abstinence et fidélité jusqu'en 2015. Cependant, si une vérité mérite notre sympathie, elle mérite en même temps l'aversion des secteurs de la population tout aussi respectables que nous. Si nous considérons avec bienveillance une vérité technique qui émerge du débat pour s'imposer comme «la vérité», ignorant que ce qui a vraiment été imposé est le prestige de la technicité, nous ignorons probablement le sens du combat politique comme objet scientifiqueRecently, Chile lived the victory of public policies of prevention and care of the HIV infection as promoted by the WHO’s and UNAIDS technical truth (our meaning of the technical truth has been defined in the latest works by Michel Foucault). Yet the recent history of Chile's health policies in our research matters urges us to be cautious. Issues such as social responsibility of health spending have come and gone according to the political upheavals of the recent decades. Some crucial topics for the prevention of vertical transmission of HIV/AIDS, linked to private values and its influence on public policies, as in the case of therapeutic abortion, has long been under the influence of the dosage of secularity allowed by the catholic church to the most conservative political parties. The promotion of the condom as the only way to prevent the sexual transmission of the HIV, a simple technical truth “known” by the northern public policies since the 80’s, shared the official prevention campaigns with abstinence and fidelity till 2015. However, if a truth deserves our sympathy, it deserves at the same time the aversion of sectors of the population just as respectable as we are. If we consider with kindness a technical truth that emerges from the debate to impose itself as "the truth", ignoring that what has really been imposed is the prestige of technicality, we probably ignore the sense of political struggle as a scientific object
4
Salaam, Yasmine Saad. "American educated Saudi technocrats : agents of social change? /". Thesis, Connect to Dissertations & Theses @ Tufts University, 2000.
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Thesis (Ph.D) -- Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 2000.Advisers: Andrew Hess; Sugata Bose; Jeswald W. Salacuse. Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;
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Bear, Marca Marie. "Middle eastern technocrats' attitudes towards U.S. technology transfer controls". The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1282746243.
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Pastorella, Giulia. "Technocratic governments : power, expertise and crisis politics in European democracies". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3364/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of my thesis is to investigate the reasons for the appointment of technocratic governments in Europe. In order to do this, I conceptualise what technocratic governments are, both in terms of their own characteristics and in comparison with party governments. I problematize classic elements, such as independence, neutrality and expertise of ministers, and add further ones including the relation to electoral outcomes, their particular type of agenda, and the echo they have in the media. Having established that technocratic governments require a shift in politicians’ preferences away from typical office-seeking behaviour, I proceed to enquire as to the situations that make their appointment more likely. Through a statistical analysis on all European cabinets from 1977 to 2013, I identify situations of economic and political crises – in particular scandals - as the main variables influencing the likelihood of technocratic government appointments. I further examine how these crises have lead to these appointments by exploring cases of over 25 technocratic governments in a range of countries and years. The qualitative illustrative evidence highlights the importance of institutional characteristics of the given political system in which such governments were appointed. The status of the party system, the role of the Head of State and external pressures coming from international or supranational institutionas are thus shown to be important in technocratic cabinet appointments. Finally, I assess whether technocratic governments fit within the European democratic standards and conclude that technocratic governments are symptoms of the decline of party democracy, identifiable in the loosening of delegation and accountability ties between parties and cabinets, increasing external pressures on domestic political actors, and the weakening of partisan ideology-based politics. The thesis adds further elements to reinforce the already vast literature on the crisis of – especially party – democracy in Europe.
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Sjögren, Anders. "Between militarism and technocratic governance : state formation in contemporary Uganda /". Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6796.
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Pitcher, Patricia C. "Character and the nature of strategic leadership : artists, craftsmen and technocrats". Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39475.
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This dissertation represents an inquiry into the relationship between character and strategy. From Aesthetics, it borrows the conceptual categories, art, craft, and technique. From Psychoanalysis, it borrows a scientific framework for exploring the inner life. From Psychiatry and Psychology, it borrows methodologies. Strategic Management lent its preoccupations.The study demonstrates the long shadow cast by our inner lives on our actions. It portrays the evolution of the strategic posture of a world class corporation in terms of the character of the men who have led it over the past thirty years. It shows the stages through which the corporation went and how those changes were intimately related to the characters of the key executives.
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Sébastien, Jean. "La technocratie et le phénomène de la machine dans les années trente". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ51972.pdf.
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French, Adam. "A new water culture?: institutional inertia and technocratic water management in Peru". Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2016. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/78796.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La Ley de Recursos Hídricos (No 29338) de 2009 transformó el marco normativo e institucional del sector hídrico en el Perú hacia un enfoque en la Gestión Integrada de Recursos Hídricos (GIRH). Este cambio fue significativo después de 40 años de vigencia de la ley anterior que priorizaba el uso agrícola del recurso hídrico. A través de un análisis del marco normativo actual y la institucionalidad existente combinado con una mirada a las relaciones históricas entre la burocracia hídrica del Estado y la sociedad peruana, este artículo argumenta que la institucionalidad del agua contemporánea refleja la persistencia de una cultura tecnocrática basada en la ingeniería y la manipulación y control de la naturaleza que predominaba al nivel global en el siglo 20. El trabajo muestra como la burocracia hídrica actual en el Perú ha consolidado su autoridad sobre el agua a través de la asimilación y desarrollo de una variante de la GIRH que prioriza el establecimiento de derechos formales al agua, el reconocimiento del valor económico del recurso hídrico, y un creciente enfoque en la eficiencia del uso del agua.The 2009 Hydrologic Resources Law (Law 29338) shifted the legal and institutional framework in Peru’s water sector toward a focus on Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM). This change formally ended the explicit prioritization of water for agricultural uses that had prevailed for four decades under the prior legal regime enacted during the nation’s agrarian reform. This article combines analysis of Peru’s current legal and institutional setting for water management with examination of the historical dynamics betweenthe state water bureaucracy and Peruvian society to argue that the existing arrangements for water governance reflect the enduring influence of an engineer-led technocracy rooted in the high-modernist approaches of the 20th century. The article illustrates how the state bureaucracy has consolidated centralized authority over the water sector through assimilation and adaptation of the IWRM paradigm and the development of a water regime that prioritizesthe formalization of water rights, recognition of the economic value of water, and water-use efficiency.
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Estragnat, Dominique. "Technocratie et démocratie : essai sur la violence institutionnelle sous la Ve République". Lyon 3, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993LYO33008.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La rationalisation du politique et du social vaut a notre republique une violence institutionnelle galopante. La societe technocratique francaise maintient en tension, d'un cote la force de la multitude mais gouvernee par le principe de plaisir, de l'autre la raison instrumentale d'elites autocentrees. Le principe de l'alienation est la, paradoxal : chacun vit de la reconnaissance de l'autre et par consequent de la necessite de l'ennemi, mais d'un ennemi qui est d'abord embusque au coeur de l'individu-citoyen. Par consequent, le seul constat des rapports de force qui corrompent la democratie francaise de l'interieur ne peut, a lui seul, que conclure a une perennisation indefinie des mecanismes victimaires. L'etat et ses elites, l'administration, les groupes sociaux, les partis et les syndicats refletent le combat que se livrent servitude et liberte a l'interieur de l'individu car la liberte de l'etat n'existe que par celle de l'individu. L'unite de la tripartition force - amour -esprit dans l'individu conditionne l'unite et donc la liberation de l'etat et de la societe. Ainsi la liberation exterieure - l'existence de libertes et partant d'une democratie authentiques - trouve sa condition dans une liberation interieure de l'individuRationalization of politics and social has led our republic into a galloping institutioinal violence. The french technocratic society maintains the opposition between, on the one hand, the force of the multitutde but ruled by the principle of pleasure, and ont the other hand, the instrumental reason of oligarchical elites. In this case, the principle of alienation is paradoxical : everyone lives out of the other one's recognition, and thus the need of the enemy, but an enemy first hidden in the citizen-indvidual's heart. Therefore, the only report of strength's relations which corrupt the french democracy from the inside, only leads, on its own, to a never ending institutionalization of the relations of domination v. Servitude. The state and its elites, administration, social groups, parties and tradeunions reflect the fight between slavery and freedom inside the individual because the freedom of the state only exists by the individual's one. The unity of the individual's partition into force-love-spirit is a condition of the unity and the freedom of the state and society. External liberation - the existence of authentic liberties and therefore, democracy - this way, finds its condition in an internal liberation of the individual
12
Vautrin, David. "L'évolution de l'impôt sur le revenu (1914-1952) - Contribution à l'étude des relations entre la technostructure fiscale et le Parlement sous les IIIè et IVè Républiques". Thesis, Nancy 2, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010NAN20015.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
L'évolution de la législation fiscale propre à l'impôt sur le revenu de 1914 à 1952, si elle montre la mise en oeuvre d'un développement accentué des mécanismes de personnalisation de l'impôt, met surtout en évidence le rôle croissant des techniciens fiscaux du Ministère des finances dans l'élaboration de la norme fiscale à partir de la fin des années trente pour répondre à l'accroissement des besoins budgétaires dû à la préparation de la guerre. De 1914 à 1948, l'impôt sur le revenu n'est pas réellement appliqué, puisque les principes dont est porteur cet impôt n'ont pas été complètement traduits dans la législation suite à un profond antagonisme politique. Ce constat équivaut à dire que cet impôt ne sera véritablement achevé que par les réformes fiscales de 1948-50. De manière sous-jacente, le phénomène technicien apparait à partir de la fin des années trente sous la poussée de l'évolution économique vers le productivisme, solution adoptée par les Etats occidentaux calquée sur les méthodes de rationalisation économique de l'Allemagne hitlérienne, pour sortir des effets de la crise de 1929. Dans cette nouvelle donne économique, l'impôt sur le revenu ne sert plus seulement à fournir des recettes pour couvrir les dépenses croissantes de l'Etat (fiscus) mais va devenir un instrument d'intervention dans et pour l'économie après la seconde guerre mondiale. Cette évolution de la politique fiscale définie en fonction d'une politique économique globale (planisme), va avoir pour effet de développer la technicité de l'impôt sur le revenu à partir de 1946. A partir de ce virage, l'empirisme fiscal issu du régime parlementaire n'a plus lieu d'être. Le pouvoir de la technostructure fiscale va progressivement s'émanciper du cadre du consentement parlementaire à l'impôt et s'inscrire dans une sorte de pouvoir autonome acquis selon un processus coutumier provoqué par l'usure du pouvoir législatif incapable de générer des mesures fiscales économiquement efficacesUnavailable
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Gillespie, Thomas Andrew. "Disciplining social work power and the discursive regimes of professionalization and technocratic bureaucracy /". Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005.
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Bavouzet, Julia. "Entre technocrates et administrateurs de l’Ancien régime : les hauts fonctionnaires des ministères hongrois du dualisme (1867-1918)". Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100175.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Au lendemain du Compromis de 1867, l’administration ministérielle de Budapest répond à un double héritage. Elle hérite d’un côté de l’« administration noble » des comitats (nobile officium de l’auto-administration des nobles dans la fonction publique élective), tandis que de l’autre, l’empreinte du néo-absolutisme rappelle la tradition de professionnalisation de l’administration centrale de l’Autriche, qui comme la Prusse organise un « fonctionnariat » dès le milieu du XVIIIe siècle. Aussi, ce double héritage structure les deux « niveaux » de l’administration : alors que l’administration régionale reste aux mains des notables locaux, une bureaucratie d’État émerge dans les institutions centrales, dont par ailleurs le personnel s’embourgeoise.Cette thèse propose une approche empirique des enjeux que recouvre le développement de l’administration centrale de l’ « ère bourgeoise » en Hongrie. Pour cela, le personnel des ministères est abordé à travers deux axes principaux : la professionnalisation de l’administration, et l’embourgeoisement de l’élite ministérielle. Une étude détaillée du recrutement social, de la formation académique et enfin des carrières des hauts fonctionnaires de l’administration ministérielle apporte un nouvel éclairage à ces questions. Par-delà le lustre des bals de cours, des cérémonies officielles et des casinos de la capitale, c’est bien ces aspects que s’efforce de mettre à jour le présent travail, dans une démarche quantitative appuyée par des statistique descriptivesFollowing the Compromise of 1867, the ministerial administration in Budapest relates to a double inheritance. On the one side, there is the « administration of the nobles » of the counties, nobile officium of the elective public service of the noble class. On the other hand, neo-absolutism manifests itself in the tradition of the professionalization of Austria’s central administration, following the steps of Prussia’s civil service model since the mid-18th century. This way the double inheritance structures the two levels of the hungarian administration: with the regional management remaining in the hands of the local nobility, and a state bureaucracy gradually becoming « gentrified », and emerging in the central institutions.The present thesis proposes an empirical approach to the major issues of the central administration’s development in Hungary of the « bourgeois era ». The study of the ministerial personnel will proceed along two main axes: the administration’s professionalization and the bourgeoisification of the ministerial elite.Descriptive statistics provided by this quantitative study shall shed new lights on the recruitment mechanisms in relation to social status, academic formation and career of the ministerial high-ranking civil servants - sterner aspects of their lives beyond the usual scintillating court balls and grand official ceremonies
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Bousquet, Franck. "Hollywood et l'idéal national : de la démocratie de l'homme du peuple à la technocratie". Toulouse 2, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002TOU20062.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Le cinéma est ici considéré comme un fait social et comme un produit culturel susceptible de véhiculer des positions idéologiques. De plus, en ce qui concerne les Etats-Unis, une liaison intime entre film et nation se dégage de l'histoire du pays. Il s'est alors agi de déterminer si, durant deux décennies charnières, les années 30 et les années 90, Hollywood a développé une vision homogène de l'idéal national. Ainsi, malgré l'existence de nombreux débats concernant la forme de l'Etat fédéral ou la définition de la citoyeneté, la démocratie de l'homme du peuple paraît avoir été érigée en un absolu politique et social par le cinéma des années trente. De la même manière, alors qu'ils sont souvent décrits comme ne possédant aucune cohérence thématique ou stylistique, les films hollywoodiens de la dernière décennie du vingtième siècle se sont révélés porteurs d'une image unifiée de la société idéale, essentiellement définie par les caractéristiques idéales typiques d'un modèle technocratiqueCinema here is considered as a social event and as a cultural product liable to convey ideological stances. Moreover, as regards the United States, an intimate connection between film and nation emerges from the very story of the country. It has therefore been a matter of determining whether, during two transition decades, the 30's and the 90's, Hollywood developed an homogeneous vision of the national ideal. Thus, in spite of the existence of numerous debates concerning the form of the federal state or the definition of citizenship, the democracy of the common man seems to have been raised to the status of a political and social absolute by the cinema of the 30's. In the same manner, although they are often described as devoid of any thematic or stylistic coherence, Hollywood movies from the last decade of the XXth century have actually proved to be conveying a unified picture of the ideal society, perfectly defined by the typical ideal characteristics of a technocratic model
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Shukri, A. "Rural development in Peninsula Malaysia, 1950-1980 : A critique of the technocratic approach to development". Thesis, University of Essex, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.374721.
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Chen, Shi. "The Chinese technocratic leadership, a case study of the municipal leadership of Shanghai in the reform era". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq45806.pdf.
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Badawy, Eslam. "The World Bank and Institutional Reform: The Technocratic Approach versus Political Survival. A Case Study of Egypt". Thesis, Griffith University, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/402731.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
By the late 1990s, it had become evident among the international development community that state capacity and well-functioning institutions are key determining factors for the success of projects aimed at poverty reduction and economic development. Since that time, foreign aid and development organizations have funded projects which aim to facilitate institutional reforms across the developing world. This thesis examines the case of Egypt, utilizing semi-structured interviews and document analysis to test why some World Bank reform projects are more successful than others. It argues that not enough attention has been paid to the political survival imperatives of State elites. This thesis tests this argument through the development of a process tracing model that analyzes the interaction between the World Bank’s technical approach and the domestic politics in three sectoral reform projects. The model draws upon four explanations for likely success or failure of interventions: the World Bank’s weak understanding of a nation’s political context, the isomorphic mimicry of best practices, the political survival of State incumbents, and signaling theory.
The case study reveals that political survival is the most likely and yet most neglected explanatory factor of the success or failure of the World Bank’s interventions in institutional reforms in Egypt. There are numerous reasons for why this is so. This thesis argues that ostensible support from the political leadership means very little unless other conditions such as preparedness to commit resources are also forthcoming. Likewise, this thesis finds that isomorphic mimicry does work if best-practice-based reforms are aligned with the political survival of the ruling elites and adapted by domestic reformers rather than by outsiders. My results also indicate that reforms are implemented as signals when local policy makers focus on imitating best practices to gain external legitimacy. I find weak support, however, that reforms are implemented as signals to maintain flows of foreign aid. The findings of this study contribute to research efforts focused on improving the effectiveness of foreign aid and reform of Egypt’s institutions. My results provide significant policy recommendations for the World Bank’s interventions to facilitate institutional reforms.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
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Hong, Chang-Yu. "The Tension between Technocratic and Social Values in Environmental Decision-making: An'Yang Stream Restoration in South Korea". PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3784.
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This dissertation examined the extent to which interests and values of diverse stakeholders were considered through participation-oriented decision-making. It covered the An' Yang Stream restoration case in South Korea, which has been judged a successful stream management endeavor led by public-private partnership governance.
This research utilized a mixed methods approach, combining qualitative and quantitative methods. It addressed the extent to which the collaborative and participatory decision-making processes incorporated diverse stakeholder values and visions. The relevant data on stream restoration was collected through nominal group technique (NGT), analytic hierarchy process (AHP), semi-structured interviews, observations at collaborative stakeholder meetings and workshops, and documentation review.
My research concluded that integration of all interests was not achieved. These interests might have potentially affected the extent to which stakeholders' values are incorporated or not in participation-oriented collaborative stakeholders' partnerships by utilizing interest-based facilitation techniques, such as joint-fact-finding or principled negotiation. At the same time, my findings expatiate the catalyzing roles of the public media within stream restoration decision-making governance.
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Konstantellou, Eudokia. "Beyond the limits of humanistic and technocratic ideologies in education : a critique of the Greek and American models /". The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487759914760985.
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Taylor, William George. "Shifting sands and the rise of the technocrat : the professionalisation of sports coaching in the United Kingdom". Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.530761.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the changing landscape of the professionalisation of sports coaching and is presented in response to the dearth of empirical research and peerreviewed literature within the field. This paucity has, in turn, created a political context in which the discourses that inhabit transitions towards professionalism are becoming increasingly rigid and inflexible. Policies, too, have exacerbated these situations, creating imposed prescribed reforms that have sought to homogenise coaching practice and further gloss over cultural differences, sporting spaces, and diversity in practice. While volunteerism is often regarded as a socially embedded activity, as well as one that is part of the United Kingdom's (UK) long-established coaching tradition, still there remains an ambition, to transform coaching into certified, professionalised activity. This is a form of professionalism with clear benchmarked standards, novel forms of commercial engagement, ever-present systems of formal accreditation and managed individual accountability. From this has evolved a series of treatments prescribing somewhat standardised solutions to otherwise unique and individualised professional challenges. Against this backdrop, this thesis adopts a more critical orientation towards the debate on the professionalisation of sports coaching in the UK. It examines the tensions, power relations and pockets of resistance that are manifested in practice across different areas of sport, and moves to understand some of the key differences emerging between contemporary reforms, situated practice and socially-embedded coaching traditions. Drawing extensively on Bourdieusian sociology and Foucauldian philosophy as both a methodological guide and tools for analysis, the thesis reflects upon the experiences of coachesand stakeholders operating at all levels of practice in the UK. Findings drawn from the data, together with a consideration of the literature, suggest that while for some the professionalisation process offers opportunities and engagement in commercial based employment, for many this movement is perceived as a fundamental attack on central notions of mutual aid and community provision. Within these notions of resistance and compliance operating in situ/ external factors and policies that have impacted upon the field are examined and the complexities that inhabit the profession of sports coaching as a whole are rigorously analysed.
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Snider, Erin. "Technocrats, bureaucrats, and democrats : the political economy of U.S. assistance for democracy in Egypt and Morocco since 1990". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609684.
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Alexander, Ryan M. "FORTUNATE SONS OF THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION: MIGUEL ALEMÁN AND HIS GENERATION, 1920-1952". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/216972.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Miguel Alemán, who in 1946 became the first civilian president to represent Mexico's official revolutionary party, ushered into national office a new generation of university-educated professional politicians. Nicknamed the "cachorros (puppies) of the revolution," these leaders were dismissed as slick college boys by their opponents. Despite this objection, the rise to power of this new cadre represented a major turning point in the nation's political history. The prior ruling generation, composed of military officers who had faced calamitous violence during the Revolution, had carried out a decades-long social program that sought to address social-economic inequalities, redistribute resources, and draw previously marginalized groups into a politically, culturally, and ethnically unified nation. The members of the Alemán administration, by contrast, dedicated federal resources to promoting industrial development by implementing protectionist measures and constructing massive public works. Powerful hydroelectric dams and expansive irrigation networks supported large-scale commercial agriculture, while ambitious urban projects, including modernist housing complexes, planned suburbs, and the sprawling University City, symbolized the government's middle-class orientation. Despite these advances, their program came with high social costs: suspended redistributive policies and suppressed political liberties led many to accuse them of abandoning the legacy of social revolution they had inherited, an accusation bolstered by rampant corruption. While their policies fomented impressive economic growth over the next three decades, their focus on urban industry ultimately contributed to a debt crisis and a capital city overburdened by rapid inward migration. This controversial policy agenda and ambivalent legacy reflected their collective social formation. Their experiences as politically active students and as career politicians inculcated a sense of pragmatism that set them apart from their military predecessors. Once in office, Alemán and his colleagues exploited the geopolitical circumstances of the early Cold War period to solicit foreign loans as well as private investment, especially from the United States. These leaders fashioned a new image of the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Carlos Denegri, a journalist during the Alemán years, captured the essence of this transformation best: "The Revolution," he lamented, "has gotten off its horse and into a Cadillac."
24
Junanto, Deny. "The use of performance information in the Indonesian public sector : the role of rational/technocratic and political/cultural frameworks". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8305/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Public administrative reform in Indonesia accelerated after the country experienced economic and political turbulence in 1999. As part of the reform policy, the central government introduced performance management systems in order to improve the capacity of public institutions, particularly local governments. The thesis uses semi-structured interviews to answer, how effective is the performance management system in Indonesian local government? How do rational/technocratic and political frameworks affect the effectiveness (or ineffectiveness) of performance management system? The evidence suggests the performance management system in the Indonesian public sector is ineffective. This is indicated by gaps between performance indicators and actual performance, by the non-use of performance information and by the behaviour of those who are supposed to be influenced. The ineffectiveness may be explained by both rational/technocratic factors, and political/cultural factors. Based on our findings, those elements affect effectiveness of the performance management system. However, respondents emphasised that political/cultural elements were more fundamental to successful use of performance information, but present more difficult and challenging issues to reform. Indonesian government agencies compete with each other to maintain a role in the context of decentralisation, each seeking to prevent too much accumulation of power by any other agency. Therefore, although the government agencies may favour a technocratic approach, they will resist any comprehensive technocratic scheme of system integration, particularly in the performance management system. The Indonesian public sector may thus represent a case of ‘political technocracy’ in which rationality is limited by political interests.
25
BORDIGNON, MARGHERITA. "ELITES AND SOCIAL MEDIA. EXPLORATORY STUDY ON ELITES' BEHAVIOUR ON SOCIAL MEDIA AND TECHNOCRATIC, TECHNO-POPULIST AND POPULIST ATTITUDES". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/933291.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In light of the vast literature on populism, populist leaders and especially their communication,
the general research aim underlying the present work is to explore elite actors, their behaviour
on social media and their connection with populism, elitism and technocracy. Such research
goals are addressed in this work in three autonomous sections, introduced by an overview of
the literature on the concepts that are common to all chapters and concluded by a recapitulation
chapter.
The first chapter explores and updates the research on elite actors in Italy. Taking our cues
from Carlo Carboni’s efforts in mapping and analysing elite members, we identify, by means
of positional approach, 5246 people at the top of the main elite sectors commonly identified in
political science: politics, public administration, armed forces, private businesses, mass media,
academia and education and voluntary association. To these main sectors, we add those actors
who are part of the religious and cultural elite (i.e. museums’ director) as established by the
literature. Thus, compared to Carboni’s works, we identify the 2.000 core members of the
elites, we underestimate the “second circle” of 6.000 of important, but not all-powerful, actors
in the Italian society. We also collect socio-demographic information about these actors,
including date and place of birth, gender, level of education, type of education, subject of
specialization, position held and institution the actor works for. These allow us to test some
confirmatory hypothesis that vastly confirm Carboni’s analysis. While elite actors become
increasingly diverse in all sectors, with more women participating to the upper echelons of
society, the political elite appears to be most heterogeneous also in terms of education and
provenance. Conversely, we do find a greater representation of economic (20%) and hard
sciences’ degree (around 15%), which goes in contradiction with some of Carboni’s arguments. In particular, linking several of the flaws of the élite class to their education: specialized in
subject useful to maintain consensus (i.e. literature and law) but lacking the technical
competence and knowledge to mobilize it towards innovation.
The second chapter explores elite actors’ behaviour on social media. In particular, we choose
to analyse Twitter for a number of reasons; first, by demographics, it appears to be the one
most adopted by elite actors. Second, and more substantially, Twitter is one of the ‘most open’
social media platforms in terms of data collection. We compile an extensive database of elite
actors on social media, with more than 1500 actors; by means of REST API (application
programming interface), we collect ids, number of followers, network of following of each
member. We test several hypotheses on both the propensity of activation, adoption and early
adoption. Among the other findings, members of the political elite are more likely to both adopt
and being active. Interestingly, however, members of the mass media elite seem to have
embraced social media before. Second, we observe some variations in terms of the field of
specialization; in particular, and as posited by the literature, those specialized in STEM subjects
are less likely to adopt social media. On the other hand, we analyze the networks of following.
By means of exponential random graph model (Ergm), we find significant levels of homophily
within each elite. On the other hand, we test several hypotheses on the likelihood of being a
central actor within the general and restricted networks.
The third chapter explores elites’ attitudes in terms of populism, technocracy and techno-
populism. Research has vastly detailed the existence of such dispositions within public opinion
and traced several profiles of political leaders that have exploited such attitudes. However,
there is still little research concerning if and how other actors in public life express and exploit
such views. The scope of the last chapter is thus to explore whether technocratic, populist and
technocratic-populist attitudes are present in elites’ members communication strategy and
whether such attitudes are rewarded in terms of engagement. We hypothesise that both some socio-demographic characteristics (education, which type of elite they belong to) and external
factors to influence the propensity to adopt such attitudes. On the other hand, we expect the
adoption of such attitudes to be rewarding in terms of both engagement and positive
engagement. In order to test our hypotheses, we collect 6.000 tweets from 1.575 members of
different elites. We manually code them, relying on the well-established methodology of
quantitative content analysis. Among the other results, we find few differences in how members
of different elites rely on populist or technocratic rhetoric, and how positively they characterise
either populism, technocracy or techno-populism. Likewise, the moment of crisis does not
increase the appreciation for such attitudes. On the other hand, we find that the moment of
crisis generates more engagement (retweets) but does not increase significantly more positive
(likes) engagement. Finally, with some differences among different types of elites, adopting
technocratic attitudes has a positive effect in terms of engagement, but a negative one in terms
of positive engagement.
26
Thépot, André. "Les ingénieurs du corps des mines du XIXe siècle,1810-1914 : recherches sur la naissance et le développement d'une technocratie industrielle". Paris 10, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA100015.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La thèse étudie comment un groupe de fonctionnaires de contrôle technique de l'industrie métallurgique et minière est devenu progressivement un corps de hauts-fonctionnaires fournissant à l'industrie lourde privée des cadres dirigeants.
27
Longeaux, Nicolas de. "La philosophie politique contemporaine face aux questions écologiques". Paris 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA010588.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette thèse étudie la façon dont les institutions politiques des démocraties contemporaines traitent des questions écologiques. Elle met en évidence des insuffisances de principe concernant en particulier la question de I'acceptabilité du risque collectif, et celle du conflit de valeurs; ces deux problèmes apparaissent insolubles avec les outils politiques existants, qui ont été construits pour répondre à des problèmes d'une nature logique tout à fait autre. Ces insuffisances sont ensuite confrontées aux questionnements majeurs de la philosophie politique, afin de déterminer si celle-ci pourrait fournir les moyens de les penser et de les résoudre. Outre la pensée proprement écologiste, on étudie la pertinence des catégories du républicanisme comme théorie de I'action, du libéralisme rawlsien comme théorie constructivisme de normes communes, et de ses critiques communautariennes, dans la perspective d'une application aux questions écologiques. II ressort de cette confrontation que ces dernières présentent des caractéristiques logiques intrinsèques qui les rendent partiellement inadaptées au x présupposés communs à ces trois familles de pensée.
28
Dulong, Delphine. "Un président de la République à l'image d'une France "moderne"". Paris 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA010305.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La thèse s'efforce de comprendre, dans une perspective sociologique, les conditions sociales de la prééminence présidentielle sous la cinquième république, en partant de l'hypothèse que celle-ci ne saurait se déduire uniquement du texte constitutionnel. Elle a ainsi pour objet de montrer que le renforcement de la position présidentielle sous la cinquième république s'inscrit plus largement dans un processus de dévalorisation du modèle "légicentriste" de l'état, dévalorisation portée par un certain nombre d'acteurs plus ou moins éloignés du champ politique qui cherchent, par la, a consolider leur propre position dans leur propre secteur d'activitéThis dissertation attempt to understand in a sociological perspectiv the social conditions for the presidential prominent in the fith republic, starting from the hypothesis that il can't be deduced only by the constitutionnal text. It therefore aims to show that the strengthening of the presidential position in the fifth republic takes place in a more general processus of devalorization of the "legicentriste" model of the state. A devalorization carried by some actors who are more less part of the political field and try to consolidate their own position in the social sector they belong to
29
Shivlani, Manoj. "The Impacts of Fisheries Management on the Performance and Resiliency of the Commercial Fishing Industry and Fishing Communities in the Florida Keys (Monroe County, Florida) from 1950-2010". FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1234.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Commercial fisheries in the Florida Keys have experienced a significant decline in participation and harvest over the past two decades, with over half of the fishers exiting the fishery since 1990 and a 50-70% decline in annual landings compared to previous decades. The conventional narrative of fisheries management identifies overfishing and overcapacity as the malaise endemic to open-access fisheries systems, for which the remedy offered is technocratic management. Technocratic management, which seeks to restore ecological integrity and economic efficiency, has been increasingly employed in the Florida Keys, in the form of limited access and property rights measures. I contend that the technocratic management approach is flawed and in a large part responsible for the decline of Florida Keys fisheries because the approach has ignored social sustainability, leading to a significant reduction in fisher participation, the fragmentation of fishing communities, and erosion of social capital. Technocratic management has also underestimated the importance of non-fishery factors, unique to place, and these factors – including population, tourism, and globalization factors – have exacerbated the impacts of management measures. The net result has been the opening up of scarce and valuable coastal space, which was previously occupied by fishers, fish houses and processors, and other fisheries infrastructure, to conversion for non-working waterfront uses. While measures have been undertaken to foster fisher participation and slow down waterfront conversion, these have largely failed due to the measures’ inability to address the core problem, which is the flawed management approach that undermines social sustainability. I provide a revised, comprehensive fisheries management framework that, if implemented, can at least address some of the technocratic management’s shortcomings and prevent further decline in fisher participation and fisheries decline.
30
Zhong, Xiaofeng. "L'ouverture chinoise sur l'extérieur,1979-1989 : alliance des acteurs et affrontement des logiques". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995IEPP0018.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Depuis la fin des années 70, en dépit des turbulences politiques, l'ouverture chinoise s'est constamment élargie. Comment expliquer cette dynamique alors que le système politique ne semble pas avoir fondalement changé ? Le modèle dit d'« autoritarisme fragmenté » et la théorie transnationaliste permettent de nous éclairer sur cette question. La continuité de l'ouverture trouve d'abord son explication dans la prédominance politique de Deng Xiaoping. Sa conception de l'ouverture et son approche pragmatique et progressive permettent de garantir une cohérence certaine et de créer un solide point d'appui en dehors des organes traditionnels du pouvoir. La stratégie denguiste désavantage les intellectuels. La proximité avec le pouvoir politique les prive des moyens de leur autonomie. Si cette relation quasi-incestueuse leur permet de "parasiter" les ressources de l'Etat, ils sont souvent les premières victimes de la lutte intestine du parti. Quant aux entrepreneurs, ils bénéficient d'une attitude plus encourageante de Deng, d'une autonomie protégée et de la complicité des réseaux transnationaux, et s'affirment comme des interlocuteurs du pouvoir politique. Ils constituent ainsi une sorte d'opposition potentielle forte que Deng Xioping a activement encouragée et avec laquelle il s'est allié. La position prédominante de Deng et l'émergence des entrepreneurs côtiers épousant de plus en plus les réseaux d'intérêts transnationaux, ainsi que l'alliance de ces derniers avec Deng ont été essentielles au maintien de l'ouverture chinoiseSince 1979, China's opening up policy has been continuously carried out despite political turbulences : how to explain such dynamics since the political system seems resist change? The "fragmentary authoritarianism" model and the transnational theory together appear adequate to propose an answer to this question. Deng Xiaoping's dominant political position, his determination to open the country to the outside world and his pragmatic and progressive approach ensured the consistency and created a strong political base beyond the traditional organs of power. Chinese intellectuals were clearly put a disadvantage by Deng's strategy. Their close ties to the ruling party made finding their autonomy really difficult to achieve. Because of this almost "incestuous" relationship, they often became the first victims of the party power struggle. As for the emerging Chinese enterpreneurs, they benefited from Deng Xiaoping's encouraging attitude, a real degree of autonomy and the "complicity" of transnational networks. Unlike the Chinese intellectuals, the enterpreneurs appeared to the communist regime as first rank autonomous partner. They formed one kind of potential and strong "opposition" that Deng Xiaoping consistently encouraged and counted on. The position of Deng, the pressure from the emerging coastal region enterpreneurs with transnational background and the alliance between Deng and the enterpreneurs have been essential in implementing the opening up policy
31
Carvalho, Lucie de. "Has the ship really lost her captain? Les politiques électronucléaires britanniques de 1979 à 2015 : le rôle de l’État à l’épreuve des nouveaux modes de gouvernance". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA153.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Depuis les années 2000, l’équilibre mondial se trouve confronté à deux menaces majeures, le réchauffement climatique et la fin annoncée des ressources en hydrocarbures, préfigurant un changement de paradigme énergétique imminent. Face aux inquiétudes grandissantes concernant l’équilibre des systèmes énergétiques futurs, de nombreux pays ont récemment vu dans l’industrie nucléaire la solution permettant d’allier système de production stable et faible pollution. Depuis 2006, le Royaume-Uni s’est également engagé dans la voie de la renaissance nucléaire. Toutefois, cette transformation soulève de nombreux questionnements pour une industrie qui a, au cours de l’ère néo-libérale des années 1990, subi de nombreuses transformations provoquées par un désengagement progressif de l’Etat à travers des phases de privatisation, d’agencification et de déstructuration. Selon les théories de la gouvernance, ces processus sont les symptômes d’une érosion pérenne et profonde des pouvoirs de l’Etat centralisateur, dont les leviers d’action ont été émoussés et qui ont été vidés de leur substance (hollowed out). Dans la mesure où la renaissance nucléaire britannique est conditionnée par un soutien étatique fort, le cas britannique constitue un exemple de choix afin de tester cette théorie. À travers une mise en perspective historique et selon une approche systémique, cette recherche analyse l’évolution des politiques électronucléaires britanniques de 1979 à 2015. Son objectif sera de démontrer que, depuis la fin des années 2000, la relance du nucléaire a déclenché la réactivation des mécanismes de leadership étatique, malgré la permanence des principes de primauté des marchés et de concurrence vertueuse. Il s’agira alors d’identifier ce nouveau paradigme qui a émergé depuis le milieu des années 2000, au sein des relations entre l’État britannique, la société civile, l’industrie nucléaire nationale et les marchés. Cette nouvelle dynamique se caractérise par des pratiques dorénavant hybrides d’action politique, telles que des formes innovantes de gouvernance technocratique, de néo-corporatisme et de néo-keynésianismeSince the turn of the century, the threats of climate change and the future depletion of the world’s oil reserves have triggered mounting concerns over a looming energy crisis, foreshadowing a shift in energy paradigm. Many industrial nations have recently turned to nuclear power as a possible low-carbon and stable means of producing electricity. In 2006 the UK became a new player in this worldwide nuclear renaissance. However, the UK nuclear industry was greatly weakened during the neo-liberal era of the 1990s, when its previously monopolistic structure was dismantled and privatised. According to governance theories, such practices underscore how the State has essentially been hollowed out and has seen its capacity to interfere in policy-making greatly eroded throughout the 1990s. Since new nuclear energy projects rely on strong state support, the British situation offers a case in point to test this governance theory. This research explores how the British nuclear power policies evolved from 1979 to 2015 from a historical and systemic angle. It reveals that, since the end of the 2000s, the UK State has managed to revive some of its leadership instruments, despite its attachment to free market principles. A new paradigm is therefore emerging in the relationship between the State, the citizens, the industrial sector and the electricity markets that can be characterised by new innovative and hybrid decision-making practices, involving forms of technocratic governance, neo-corporatism and neo-Keynesianism
32
Barbin, Adeline. "La démocratie technique". Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H231.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Les thèses de l'autonomie de la technique et l'identification du progrès au progrès technique ont exclu la notion de démocratie du champ de la réflexion de la philosophie politique sur les sciences et les techniques, au profit de conceptions technocratiques. Ce sont alors l'histoire et la sociologie des techniques qui ont essentiellement abordé les relations entre technique et démocratie. En examinant leurs travaux, nous montrons à la fois l'importance des facteurs socio-culturels pour expliquer le développement technique d'une société et l'existence d'une forme faible de déterminisme par lequel les techniques structurent les relations sociales. La possibilité et la pertinence qu'il y a à faire de la technique un objet du débat démocratique apparaît alors à double titre : d'une part, elle engage chaque société sur le chemin d'un mode de développement que les citoyens doivent pouvoir discuter et, d'autre part, elle est déjà un objet de politique puisqu'elle est concernée par des législations et constitue, sous la forme de l'innovation, un élément majeur des projets politiques nationaux et internationaux. Nous montrons que, confrontée à différentes critiques, la démocratie technique doit être complexifiée afin de ne pas s'en tenir à une réflexion sur l'expertise et la compétence et de pouvoir répondre aux enjeux des conditions juridiques, économiques et épistémiques de la production des savoirs et des innovations comme aux enjeux classiques de la démocratie en général dont elle constitue un approfondissement vers un nouveau champ, celui de la définition du progrèsThe topic of democracy has been excluded from thinking about sciences and technologies in political philosophy by the idea of an autonomous technology and the identification of technical progress to progress itself. Instead, technocratic conceptions of power have been examined. Consequently, it is in history and sociology of technology that we can find considerations on relationship beteween technology and democracy. By analysing how they conceive this relation, we show both the importance of socio-cultural factors to explain technical development of society and existence of a weak version of determinism which implies that technologies shape social relationships. Then, we can understand that there is two reasons which explain why making technology an object of democratic debate is possible and relevant: first, technology commit society on a development path that citizens should be entitled to discuss; second, it is already a political object for it is adressed by legislations and, as innovation, is a key element of national and international political objectives. We point out technical democracy, given the critics it receveid, has to become more complex in order no to be limited to thinking about expertise and skill and to be able to adress what is at stake in the economic, juridic and epistemic conditions of knowledge and innovation production as well as what is at stake in the classic thinking about democracy. For technical democracy is a way to enlarge democracy to new topics, particularly to the question of how to define progress
33
Santos, Gisele Silva [UNESP]. "Herbert Marcuse: crítico da sociedade tecnocrática". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93341.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
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A partir da segunda metade da década de 1940 um novo capitalismo configurava-se nos Estados Unidos da América. Com o início da Segunda Guerra Mundial, uma significativa parcela da tecnologia de guerra foi aprimorada à produção de bens. O grande investimento de capital no desenvolvimento de tecnologia requintada e mão-de-obra especializada constituíram-se na matriz geradora de uma gama de mudanças que atingiram aquela sociedade econômica. Dessas mudanças advêm a necessidade de organização da grande empresa e a previsão dos preços da mercadoria e da sua demanda, para evitar que os altos investimentos estivessem à mercê da instabilidade do mercado. Na esteira dessas mudanças e necessidades a iniciativa privada estabelece uma aliança econômica com o Estado que fornece a regulação de salários e preços e promove o desenvolvimento de um maciço aparelho de persuasão e incentivo associado à venda de mercadorias. Todas essas mudanças foram alvo de muitos debates, críticas e discussões. Dentre os mais importantes trabalhos sobre o moderno capitalismo norte-americano, destacamos as obras Eros e Civilização e a Ideologia da Sociedade Industrial de Herbert Marcuse. A presente pesquisa objetivou analisar essas duas obras e identificar o caráter de originalidade de suas críticas a sociedade norte-americana enquanto produto desse novo capitalismo da década de 1950. Constatou-se que os métodos e caminhos que Marcuse utilizou para construir seu pensamento, produziu um olhar próprio sobre aquela sociedade econômica e projetou esse autor e suas teorias nos mais diferentes meios sociais e em dimensões mundiais.
After the second half of 1940’s a new form of Capitalism took shape in the United States of America. And because of World War II, a considerable share of technology developed during the war was improved and directed towards wealth gain. The tremendous sums of capital invested in high technology and specialized labor became the matrix responsible for generating changes that affected American society throughout. From these changes came the need of organized enterprise and prevision of products costs and their demand, so the market instability would not jeopardize all investments. In the midst of all needs and changes private financial initiative forms alliance with the State, the responsible for regulating wages and product prices, thus promoting the development of a massive tool of persuasion and incentives of products selling. All changes became the main target for intricate debates, criticism, and arguments. Among the most important published works dealing with modern capitalism in the United States is Eros and Civilization, and, Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society, both by Herbert Marcuse. This research project aimed to analyze both of Marcuse publishing’s and identify the body of originality of his own views on North American society as a product of this new form of capitalism in the 1950’s. It is notorious and established that all methods and paths Marcuse built to reach his ways of thinking gave an entire new perspective on American society, projecting the author and his theories into the most various social niches worldwide.
34
Santos, Gisele Silva. "Herbert Marcuse : crítico da sociedade tecnocrática /". Assis : [s.n.], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93341.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Orientador: Milton Carlos CostaBanca: Célia Reis Camargo
Banca: Carmem Lúcia Gomes de Salis
Resumo: A partir da segunda metade da década de 1940 um novo capitalismo configurava-se nos Estados Unidos da América. Com o início da Segunda Guerra Mundial, uma significativa parcela da tecnologia de guerra foi aprimorada à produção de bens. O grande investimento de capital no desenvolvimento de tecnologia requintada e mão-de-obra especializada constituíram-se na matriz geradora de uma gama de mudanças que atingiram aquela sociedade econômica. Dessas mudanças advêm a necessidade de organização da grande empresa e a previsão dos preços da mercadoria e da sua demanda, para evitar que os altos investimentos estivessem à mercê da instabilidade do mercado. Na esteira dessas mudanças e necessidades a iniciativa privada estabelece uma aliança econômica com o Estado que fornece a regulação de salários e preços e promove o desenvolvimento de um maciço aparelho de persuasão e incentivo associado à venda de mercadorias. Todas essas mudanças foram alvo de muitos debates, críticas e discussões. Dentre os mais importantes trabalhos sobre o moderno capitalismo norte-americano, destacamos as obras Eros e Civilização e a Ideologia da Sociedade Industrial de Herbert Marcuse. A presente pesquisa objetivou analisar essas duas obras e identificar o caráter de originalidade de suas críticas a sociedade norte-americana enquanto produto desse novo capitalismo da década de 1950. Constatou-se que os métodos e caminhos que Marcuse utilizou para construir seu pensamento, produziu um olhar próprio sobre aquela sociedade econômica e projetou esse autor e suas teorias nos mais diferentes meios sociais e em dimensões mundiais.
Abstract: After the second half of 1940's a new form of Capitalism took shape in the United States of America. And because of World War II, a considerable share of technology developed during the war was improved and directed towards wealth gain. The tremendous sums of capital invested in high technology and specialized labor became the matrix responsible for generating changes that affected American society throughout. From these changes came the need of organized enterprise and prevision of products costs and their demand, so the market instability would not jeopardize all investments. In the midst of all needs and changes private financial initiative forms alliance with the State, the responsible for regulating wages and product prices, thus promoting the development of a massive tool of persuasion and incentives of products selling. All changes became the main target for intricate debates, criticism, and arguments. Among the most important published works dealing with modern capitalism in the United States is Eros and Civilization, and, Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society, both by Herbert Marcuse. This research project aimed to analyze both of Marcuse publishing's and identify the body of originality of his own views on North American society as a product of this new form of capitalism in the 1950's. It is notorious and established that all methods and paths Marcuse built to reach his ways of thinking gave an entire new perspective on American society, projecting the author and his theories into the most various social niches worldwide.
Mestre
35
Hernando, Nieto Eduardo. "Política jurisdiccional y administración". Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/114870.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
To what extent does studying jurisdictional politics need the knowledge of different administrative theories in general and the science of public administration in particular? This small text proposes such reflection and comes to the conclusion that it is impossible to propose a new approximation to this topic without considering the administrative theory, for that the specialists and thinkers will get more with the contact of this discipline from what it is called a multidisciplinary approach.¿Hasta qué punto estudiar política jurisdiccional requiere del concurso de distintas teorías administrativas en general y de la ciencia de la administración pública en particular? Este pequeño texto se plantea tal reflexión y llega a la conclusión de que es imposible proponer una aproximación novedosa a esta temática sin contar con la teoría administrativa, por lo que los especialistas y reformadores ganarían mucho con el contacto de esta disciplina dentro de lo que ya resulta, claramente, un enfoque multidisciplinario.
36
Frenkiel, Emilie. "La démocratie conditionnelle : le débat contemporain sur la réforme politique dans les universités chinoises". Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0108.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette étude prosoprographique porte sur une vingtaine d'universitaires chinois et sur leurs propositions de réforme politique. Ils s'engagent dans la sphère publique pour dresser un bilan des « problèmes » urgents à résoudre pour « sauver la Chine », et pour défendre certaines valeurs. Après avoir analysé le statut des chercheurs et les contours de la liberté académique, cette enquête dresse le portrait intellectuel de deux générations d'un certain type d'intellectuels chinois, marqués par la Révolution culturelle et la sortie de la révolution. Si ces chercheurs se prennent au jeu technocratique, c'est très certainement parce qu'ils ont renoncé aux ruptures révolutionnaires et adhérent plus ou moins au discours officiel sur le rôle primordial du Parti unique dans le développement et le maintien de la stabilité étant donné la « qualité » insuffisante de la population. À partir des années 1990, l'intelligentsia est traversée par la montée du nationalisme, et par une réflexion sur l'apport de la « tradition » dans la modernisation de la Chine. Ils se fragmentent autour du bilan de la politique de réforme et d'ouverture et de l'avenir du régime chinois. Leur conception de la démocratie à introduire en Chine peut être qualifiée de conditionnelle car, dit-on fréquemment, elle doit attendre son heure afin de s'assurer qu'elle sera une solution aux différentes crises (morale, sociale, rurale, nationale, procédurale etc. ) et non un problème supplémentaire. Mais elle l'est également du fait de l'incertitude de la définition qui lui est donnée : celle-ci implique une prise de distance avec les définitions occidentales, ainsi opposées à une conception chinoise de la démocratieThis is a prosoprographic study of academics from major Chinese universities focusing on their conception of democracy and proposals for political reform. These prominent public intellectuals assess the most urgent "problems" that must be solved in order to "save China", present their analyses on recent events, and defend certain values. The study first analyzes their status, their relationships with power, and the contemporary contours of academic freedom. Then it offers an intellectual portrait of these two generations of Chinese intellectuals defined by their experience of the Cultural Revolution and the retreat of that revolution. These intellectuals accept playing the technocratic game because they have discarded revolutionnary change. They tend to adhere to the official discourse on the low "quality" of the population and the major responsibility of the Party for development and stability. One result of this is that scholars now produce and make avalaible to political elites a vast number of ideas. Since the 1990s, the Chinese intelligentsia has increasingly voiced nationalism and preoccupation with the relevance of "traditional" resources for China's modernization. Rifts have appeared in assessing the Reform and the future of the Chinese regime. However, any interests in democratization are in two ways very conditional. First, it is often said that democracy should bide its time, to get people ready, so as not to create a new problem instead of a solution to various crises (moral, social, rural, national, procedural, etc. ). Second, the definition of democracy is uncertain ; Western definition are placed at a distance and opposed to a Chinese conception of democracy
37
Rogina, Sergio A. (Sergio Armando). "Diplomacy Rhetoric and the Human Rights Appeals of Jeane J. Kirkpatrick and Vernon A. Walters". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc504209/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis investigates the extent to which Ambassador Kirkpatrick's and Ambassador Walters' United Nations discourses on human rights reflects the rhetorical themes of "prophetic dualism" and "technocratic realism." A metaphoric analysis of six speeches reveals that both Kirkpatrick's and Walters' arguments were framed through an ideological division between Democracy and Communism. The presence of "prophetic dualism" in Kirkpatrick's and Walters' discourses is explained as an extension of President Reagan's bipolar rhetoric on world affairs. The presence of "technocratic realism" in Walters' discourse is described as resulting from a unique set of political and rhetorical factors. The exacting nature of "prophetic dualism" may make it ill suited as a method of argument in the realm of diplomacy.
38
Perrier, Jérôme. "Entre administration et politique, Michel Debré (1912-1948) : du service de l'État à l'entrée au forum". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012IEPP0048.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Haut fonctionnaire devenu homme politique, Michel Debré doit à ce parcours une conception particulière de la vie publique. Il a notamment toujours attaché une grande importante aux idées, préalable indispensable à l’action politique. Ses riches archives personnelles en témoignent et permettent de retracer avec précision sa carrière et son cheminement intellectuel entre son entrée au Conseil d'Etat en 1935 et son engagement dans la profession politique en 1948, c'est-à-dire à un moment où les valeurs libérales fondatrices du modèle républicain français sont mises à rude épreuve. Jeune technocrate, Michel Debré vit avec douleur la crise du régime parlementaire jusqu’à l’effondrement de 1940, qui suscite chez lui une brève tentation autoritaire. Avant que son entrée dans la Résistance ne coïncide avec une forme de synthèse « néo-libérale » visant à réconcilier liberté et autorité, aux antipodes du citoyen contre les pouvoirs incarné par le philosophe Alain, mais dans la lignée d’un « libéralisme par l’État », hérité notamment des grands fondateurs de la IIIe République. Analyser en détail ce parcours fournit dès lors une contribution inédite à l’étude de la genèse de la Constitution de 1958, tout en permettant d'illustrer de manière très concrète les rapports complexes et ambigus qui existent entre administration et politique, et ce bien avant l'avènement de la "République des énarques". Ce faisant, ce travail entend pratiquer une histoire qui soit à la fois politique, sociale et intellectuelleAs a high-ranking official turned politician, Michel Debré had always given much importance to ideas, which are the necessary prelude to any political action. His rich personal archives bear witness to that and make it possible to pinpoint his professional and intellectual progression between 1935 and 1948, at a time when the liberal values at the core of the French republican model were being severely tested. When he was a young technocrat, Michel Debré painfully experienced the crisis undergone by the parliamentary régime until its collapse in 1940 and was triggered into a short-lived desire for authoritarianism. That was before he joined the Resistance movement, a period which coincided with a form of new liberal synthesis aiming at linking liberty and authority. He was as such the exact contrary of the citizen opposed to any form of power embodied by Alain -the philosopher- but rather in agreement with the definition of "state liberalism" coming from the great founders of the Third Republic. Hence, a thorough study/analysis of Michel Debré's progression would bring a new outlook to the study of the genesis of the 1958 Constitution, and give a concrete example of the complicated and ambiguous relations that exist between civil service and policy or politics, even before the "République des énarques"
39
Vela, Estelí, María Gracia Becerra, Sebastián García, Gabriela Ruiz e Pablo Roca. "Social Technocracies: the emergence of a technocracy in the Ministry of Development and Social Inclusion". Politai, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92772.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article analyzes the technocracy emergence in social sector, through the study of the Ministry of Development and Social Inclusion case, created in 2011 in response to one of the essential themes of Ollanta Humala’s electoral campaign: social inclusion. This paper aims to determine which factors led to the establishment of a technocracy linked to social policy in a country where it has been traditionally linked to political usage and patronage. There are three factors that explain the positioning of a technocracy in this ministry addressed throughout the article. On one hand, there was the presence of a consensus about the need for a technical management of this sector in the search of generating legitimacy and autonomy. On the other hand, it happened to be a favorable political environment characterized by a wide political support from the government. Finally, the wide discretion of the technical team in the design of MIDIS and during formation of the first ministerial body of bureaucrats allowed the emergence of a technocratic institution. To this end, this article describes development of the stages of the creation of the institution, design, approval and implementation and shows a corroboration of the technocratic profile of the initial top management team of this ministry.El presente artículo analiza el surgimiento de una tecnocracia en un sector social, a través del caso del Ministerio de Desarrollo e Inclusión Social, creado en el 2011 en respuesta a uno de los ejes centrales de la campaña electoral de Ollanta Humala: la inclusión social. Este texto busca determinar qué factores permitieron el establecimiento de una tecnocracia vinculada a la política social en un país donde esta ha estado tradicionalmente vinculada a un manejo político y clientelar. A lo largo del artículo, se abordan tres factores que explican el posicionamiento de una tecnocracia en este ministerio. Por un lado, existió un consenso sobre la necesidad del manejo técnico de este sector en la búsqueda de generar legitimidad y autonomía. Por otro lado, se dio un entorno político favorable caracterizado por un vasto respaldo político del gobierno. Por último, el amplio margen de decisión de los técnicos en el diseño del MIDIS y en la conformación del primer cuerpo ministerial permite el surgimiento de una institución de carácter tecnocrático. Para ello, esta investigación describe el desarrollo de las etapas de creación de esta institución, de diseño, aprobación e implementación, así como presenta una corroboración del perfil tecnocrático del equipo inicial de alta dirección de este ministerio.
40
Heredia, Mariana. "« Les métamorphoses de la représentation : les économistes et le politique en Argentine (1975-2001) »". Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0081.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Prenant appui sur un ensemble d'entretiens auprès des économistes, plusieurs observations de terrain ainsi qu'un corpus d'articles de presse et d'archives, cette thèse étudie la relation entre l'action des économistes et l'adoption des réformes « économiques » en Argentine entre 1975 et 2001. L'enquête, organisée en trois parties, commence par la caractérisation de ces nouvelles élites et du travail de représentation qu'elles ont réalisé. Elle se poursuit par l'analyse des interventions des économistes dans l'espace public et la prise de décisions, en considérant les politiques anti-inflationnistes comme des expériences grandeur nature. Enfin, elle s'interroge sur le passage d'un régime sociopolitique de représentation centré sur l'Etat-nation à un régime technopolitique impliquant une séparation plus nette entre les discours, les représentants et les dispositifs d'intégration et de régulation sociale associés à la cité (nationale) et au marché (mondialisé)This research, based on interviews with economists, on some field observations and a large corpus of press articles and printed data, studies the relation between the economists' activities and the adoption of «economic» reforms in Argentine in the period 1975-2001. The thesis is organized in three parts. Part 1 describes these new elites and their work of representation. Then, in part 2, are analysed the interventions of economists in a public space and the decision making process, the anti-inflationist politics being considered as the real-size in situ experiments. Finally, part 3 focuses on the transition from a sociopolitic mode of representation centered on a nation-state to a technopolitic one implying a more clear separation between the discourses, the representatives and the integration and social regulation tools associated with the community (national) and the market (globalized)
41
Růžičková, Martina. "UNIVERSAL BASIC OPRESSION". Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta výtvarných umění, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-295731.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Master's thesis Polyamory Design Unit (PDU) explores the possibilities of collaboration between experts being active in fine arts, product design, graphic design, architecture and philosophy in order to create a speculative future scenario. Together with Jana Trundova, Simon Barak, Ondrej Mohyla and Lukas Likavcan, I create the concept and the presentation structure for a housing complex, which is designed for polyamoric coexistence of human and non-human entities. Such a coexistence is made possible by full automation of work and global implementation of universal basic income. These initial parameters constitute a big emancipatory potential, that could change present meaning of the concept of polyamory and thus redefine networks of relations in bigger scales too.
42
Söderberg, Gabriel. "Constructing Invisible Hands : Market Technocrats in Sweden 1880–2000". Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-208885.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Dominant market theories analyze markets as ahistorical entities without the need for professional groups that manage crucial functions within them. This thesis, in contrast, approaches markets as historical systems that develop over time and that can be constituted in many different ways because of different historical trajectories. Different professional groups managing market routines, further, are seen as a crucial part of markets. Two concepts are introduced: “market architecture”, the specific way a market is constituted at a given time; and “market technocrats”, the seemingly disinterested third party functionaries that manage routines in markets and advocate changes in market architecture. The thesis argues that market technocrats exist because of uncertainty and lack of trust between market actors, and that they are an important part of how market architectures develop over time. It presents an analytical framework for understanding market technocrats and how they interact with and develop markets. Four different aspects of market technocrats are explored: the process of establishing market technocrats in market routines; the capture of the authority of market technocrats by other market actors; the expansionistic behavior of market technocrats; and the way changes in economic theory, as an important part of how economists with technocratic authority advocate market change, can help to explain changes in markets. These aspects are explored through four empirical papers: The Market Technocracy of Import Substitution: The Role of Asymmetric Information and The Swedish Seed Association 1880–1935; Limits of Market Technocracy: Swedish Fertilizer Research and the Crisis of Objectivity 1945–1960; Central Banks, and the Pursuit of Influence, Prestige, and Legitimacy: The Creation of the Nobel Memorial Prize; and From Market Engineering to Institutional Engineering: Reform Economics in Sweden 1950–2000. The results of the papers form the basis of a hypothetical narrative of how the role of market technocrats has changed during the 20th century. This provides a roadmap for further research in the development of markets and the role of market technocrats.
43
Mathibe, Isaac Ramoloko. "The development, character and effects of education in a technocratic age". Diss., 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18166.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Rapid industrialization, breakthroughs in science and technological development have ushered
in an era regarded as a technocratic age. The advent of a technocratic age has necessitated the
acquisition of technologically appropriate knowledge, skills and attitudes, and consequently it
has become necessary to establish education systems that fulfil the demands set by technocratic
age principles.
Present-day education is typified by technocratic age imperatives which include meritocracy,
specialization, vocationalism, professionalism and scientism. Technocratic age education is
further characterized by mass education, free and compulsory education and greater bureaucratic
control of education. In technocratic age education systems, entrance examinations are used to
select learners for advanced education and training. It would appear that this takes place with
little regard for the learner's personal worth or meeting the learner's distinctive needs.Educational Studies
M. Ed. (History of Education)
44
李夢琪. "Taiwan technocrats : the life and merits of Sun Yun-suan (1949-1984)". Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/5afk4q.
Testo completo
45
Gochman, Benjamin P. "Networks, neoliberalism, and NAFTA economic technocrats and policy change in Mexico, 1982-1997 /". 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/44064489.html.
Testo completo
46
Chen, Jung-Fang, e 陳容芳. "The Comparison of Chinese Elite Recruitment between Party Cadres and Economic Technocrats:1992-2009". Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/68245459532999501698.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
博士臺灣大學
政治學研究所
98
After the reform and opening to the outside world in 1978, the Chinese Communist Party has two main regime goals. The first and the most important one is to maintain the status of ruling party, and the second one is to pursue economic development, especially the market economy. The purpose of this dissertation is to compare the recruitment patterns of the Chinese party cadres and economic technocrats through the viewpoint of regime goals. The targets include the top leaders above the vice ministerial level in these two political systems from 1992 to 2009. The main conclusions are: CPC adopts different standards to recruit cadres of these two systems, and the cadres almost transfer in the same system once they entering the party organs or the economic-related departments. The possibility of the position exchanges between the systems is very low and forms an almost independent promotion route, which is called elite dualism. Under elite dualism, the qualifications of these two systems are very different although “both red and expert” is stressed. As to party cadres, the criteria of political credentials are higher and the professional demands increase as well. As to economic technocrats, the professional requirements are more rigorous and the political credentials are a little loose when compare to the party cadres. It is obviously that CPC select leading cadres with different standards according to the missions of the systems, and the missions of the political systems are of course originating from CPC’s regime goals. The main tasks of party organs are maintaining the CPC ruling status and the duties of economic-related departments are sustaining the economic development. CPC takes different recruitment standards in order to ensure that the selected political elites fit in with the need of diverse systems and the regime goals can achieve smoothly.
47
Kressel, Daniel Gunnar. "Technicians of the Spirit: Post-Fascist Technocratic Authoritarianism in Spain, Argentina, and Chile, 1945-1988". Thesis, 2019. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-8sth-b879.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The focus of this dissertation is a distinctive post-fascist ideology that emerged during the Cold War era. Developed and first put to practice in Francisco Franco’s Spain during the 1950s and 1960s, this model for a market-oriented dictatorship, which I label Hispanic technocratic-authoritarianism, became a key ideological reference for the dictatorships of Juan Carlos Onganía in Argentina (1966-1970) and Augusto Pinochet in Chile (1973-1988). For its chief designers, this theory of state represented a noble dream of a “post-ideological” society marked by neoliberal economic development, firm social hierarchies, and most importantly, a project of spiritual “perfection.” Rather than a simple mimesis, this study points to a dynamic of constant transatlantic intellectual dialogue between what were, in essence, three attempts to foster an alternative “Hispanic” modernity, within three dissimilar historical settings.
The venture to constitute a reactionary modernity, as a spiritual “third position” that would transcend the antagonistic “materialist” ideologies born at the time of the French Revolution, is as old as modernity itself. The present study explores a prominent case study of these ideological projects, in the Spanish speaking world. My point of departure is that there is a certain lacuna in the historical analysis on Latin America’s far-right ideology during the Cold War. Whereas historiography has fully scrutinized extreme neo-fascist revolutionary movements, military counterrevolutionary states, and populist authoritarianism in the region, there is a dearth of analytic work on the post-fascist technocratic ideologies of the 1960s. My analysis therefore underscores the role of the international Catholic Society Opus Dei as one conspicuous arena for the formulation of the technocratic-authoritarian ideology. Thus, my work accounts for the rise of the “technocrats” as a contingent historical phenomenon that mirrored the economic and cultural contexts of the Cold War era. Consciously setting out to replace what they thought was the failed fascist revolution of the 1930s, the ideologues I analyze formulated what they believed was a more sophisticated method of Catholic modernization - one comprising of a consumerist society protected from the harms of either parliamentarism or rationalism.
Chapter 1 of the dissertation explores how, during the 1950s, Franco’s regime propagated a distinct post-fascist ideology of “Hispanism” via a transnational organization by the name of Instituto de Cultura Hispánica, and how this traditionalist ideology founds if most zealous interlocutors in Argentina and Chile. Chapter 2 hones in on Spain’s novel technocratic-authoritarian ideologies of the 1960s. Designed and implemented by members of the Secular Catholic Organization Opus Dei, this ideology soon became identified with Spain’s 1960s “economic miracle.” Chapter 3 explains how the Francoist ideologies made their way into the Argentine public sphere through two Argentine intellectual affiliations: the Ateneo de la República and the Cuadernos del Sur journal. These groups, I explain, began designing Argentina’s “post-ideological” society during the early 1960s. Chapter 4 explores how the regime of Juan Carlos Onganía (1966-1970) utilized the ideologies of the aforementioned affiliations, as well as several Francoist “development” tactics such as “poles of growth.” Chapter 5 depicts the impact of the Instituto de Cultura Hispánica and the Opus Dei on the Chilean far-right during the late-1960s leading to the regime of Augusto Pinochet. Like Onganía, Pinochet and his ideologues borrowed Francoist political myths for their purposes. Last, Chapter 6 analyzes the decline of the technocratic-authoritarian model. The circumstances of the late 1970s, I suggest, propelled the authoritarian ideologues to abandon the technocratic-authoritarian schemes and seek new forms of civic participation, thereby leading them to initiate unique “protected” democratic transitions.
48
Dargent, Eduardo. "Technocracy under democracy : assessing the political autonomy of experts in Latin America". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2012-05-5000.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The important role that technocrats play in Latin America has stimulated a lively theoretical debate about experts’ influence in policy making and their effective independence from other sociopolitical players, especially politicians, international financial institutions and business. Through an in-depth analysis of the role of economic and health technocrats in Colombia from 1958 to 2011 and in Peru from 1980 to 2011, this dissertation demonstrates that technocrats are best conceptualized as autonomous actors in Latin America. This technical autonomy, though, varies in strength from policy sector to policy sector and even within the same policy sector across time. I propose a theory of technocratic autonomy to explain both the bases of experts’ autonomy and the determinants that explain the variation in the degree of autonomy across policy sectors and across time. Fundamentally, technocrats’ higher degree of expertise provides them with considerable leverage over sociopolitical actors and allows them to enhance their influence.
x
Four factors explain experts’ degree of autonomy and its variation across policy areas. First, a high level of technical complexity in a policy area enhances autonomy by making it more difficult for politicians to counter technocrats’ proposals. Second, the degree of technocratic consensus in a policy area limits the possibility of experts being replaced by other experts with preferences closer to those of politicians. Third, experts are more likely to gain autonomy in state areas where bad policy performance causes high political costs for the incumbent. Finally, a balanced constellation of diverse powerful stakeholders having interests in a policy area also enhances technical autonomy. These stakeholders monitor competing stakeholders and the incumbent, opening a space for technocrats to act with more autonomy. I argue that these four factors explain why economic experts, in general, are more likely to gain autonomy and entrench it over time, whereas health experts remain more vulnerable. These factors also explain the variation in technocratic autonomy over time within the same policy area.text
49
Bastone, Christopher. "Transgressing the technocratic culture of technology education: dominant and other stories of teacher, technology, curricula and teaching". Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/3721.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is a study and transgression of the technocratic culture of technology
education. The study problematizes technocratic ideology entrenched within the
socialization of technology education teachers, common sense understandings of
technology, technology education curricula, and industrial/technology education
teaching practices. Knowledge is gained through life-history de/construction, socially
critical examination of orthodox understandings of technology, technology education
curricula, and classroom research in teaching social aspects of technology. Dominant
and contrasting stories are revealed that describe and challenge the technocratic culture
of technology education. The culture of technology education, from one teacher's
perspective, is informed by the interpretative frames of industrial/technology
educators, a technocratic consciousness within society, historical practices of industrial
arts, and current political forces that shape technology education curricula. The author,
as a classroom teacher, comes to a critical consciousness of personal and professional
saturation in technocratic ideology. The story is told of the author's dislodgement from
technocratic metanarratives and the growth of a heightened social consciousness of self,
technology, curricula, and teaching. Such accounts infringe upon, or transgress, the
near totalizing grip of technocratic consciousness within the culture of technology
education. The study concludes that there is strong evidence of ingrained technocratic
orientations within technology educators, common sense understanding of technology,
curricular emphasis, and teaching practice and of the necessity to challenge such
dominance. Possibilities are discussed for pedagogical practices that emphasize a
critical, social, and cultural intelligence, rather than just a technical intelligence, in
technology. While a technocratic culture for technology education may contribute to
the goals of a technocracy, it is detrimental to the growth of an informed and critical
democratic citizenry.
50
Meer, Craig D. "Crafting markets in Taiwan : technocrat leadership, ruling party politics and financial reform in the late 1980s". Phd thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146062.
Testo completo