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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Tanguts"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 12 ottobre 2024

Ultima modifica: 7 luglio 2025

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1

Hongyin, Nie. "Chinese Stories of Filial Piety in Tangut Literature." Письменные памятники Востока 18, no. 3 (2021): 95–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/wmo77344.

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Before the formal Chinese compilation of the Twenty-four filial pieties appeared in the Yuan era, there were lots of stories concerning family moral code spreading around the Central Kingdom and along the Gansu Corridor. Most of them entered Xixia through the channels of literary record or oral narration. Some of them were translated into Tangut more than once and became the most popular materials used in moral education for youth and in birthday congratulation for aged people. Sometimes the Tangut versions are quite different from the corresponding Chinese originals in their storylines or even in topics. Such fact shows that Tanguts tried their best to make Chinese culture integrate into their own and lots of their Tangut versions were recomposed through oral literature than historical records. Tanguts did not have the real concept of Twenty-four filial pieties, but their versions concerning filial piety show the transitory stage shortly before the Yuan era.

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2

Nie, Hongyin, and Yingxin Sun. "The Mixed Homonymic Characters: Procedures for Primary Teaching as Recommended by the Tanguts." Written Monuments of the Orient 9, no. 1S (2023): 77–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.55512/wmo594235.

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The newly discovered Tangut xylograph Essential Selection of Mixed Homonyms Often-Transmitted is a primer designed to teach beginners over 2000 Tangut characters commonly used in Buddhist scriptures. Referring to various dictionaries and primers, the compilation approach of the booklet is modeled after the Chinese traditional primer entitled Mixed Characters, which was widely circulated at that time, but its notes focus on the interchangeability of homonymic characters in various manuscripts, rather than on providing phonetic or semantic explanations. The two prefaces of the book prove to be a unique material for showing how the Tanguts treated their own script, and how a Tangut teacher taught beginners to read and write such complex characters. Unfamiliar with the Chinese concept of radicals, the Tanguts regarded their characters as combinations of various components formed by simplest strokes and glyphs. They believed that it would be easier for students to learn Tangut characters by piecing the components together than trying to write full characters directly. Complete translations of the two prefaces to the book are presented for the first time in this paper.

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3

Kuzmin, Nikita. "Pilgrimage in Western Xia: Research on Tangut Wall Inscriptions in the Mogao and Yulin Caves." Written Monuments of the Orient 9, no. 1S (2023): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.55512/wmo569219.

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The Tanguts who established Western Xia (982–1227) were active and devoted Buddhist pilgrims. They visited the Buddhist cave complexes of Mogao and Yulin in the Greater Dunhuang area and left several hundred lines of wall inscriptions. The paper examines various types of the remaining Tangut pilgrimage inscriptions and formulates their common textual formula. The comparative study of the resemblant Chinese, Tangut, and Uyghur inscriptions reveals their structural and vocabulary similarities and suggests the existence of the multilingual “inscriptional discourse” in the greater Dunhuang area in the 10th–14thcc. Finally, the content analysis of the inscriptions illuminates the features of the Buddhist pilgrimage as a local social and religious phenomenon and provides a precious primary textual source for the study of Western Xia.

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4

Solonin, Kirill, and Zhang Yongfu. "The Tangut Text of Suiyuan ji and the History of Chan Buddhism in Xixia." Journal of Chan Buddhism 2, no. 1-2 (2021): 210–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25897179-12340012.

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Abstract The paper discusses some problems pertaining to the spread of Sinitic Buddhism, especially of the Huayan Chan tradition in Xixia. These include issues of the transmission of the teaching as well as codicological and conceptual problems of the dissemination of the publications of Huayan Chan texts in Xixia. The paper presents evidence that the Chan Buddhist content available to the Tanguts was not limited to Huayan Chan, but included some knowledge of the Song-period Chan Buddhism. The paper introduces the previously unknown Tangut composition Suiyuan ji and discusses its structure as well as aspects of its contents.

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5

Drobyshev, Yu I. "Tangut captivity of Genghis Khan." Orientalistica 4, no. 2 (2021): 380–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2021-4-2-380-405.

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The article puts forward a hypothesis about the capture of Genghis Khan by the Tanguts during his attack on the Tangut state of Xi Xia in 1207-1208. The only source that provides this information is the work of Guillaume de Rubruk, who visited Mongolia in 1253-1255. No supporting information has yet been found, however, there is no data that would completely exclude the possibility of Genghis Khan being captured. On the basis of Chinese, Mongolian, Persian, Tibetan, and Tangut sources, the author reconstructs a picture of the Mongol invasions into Xi Xia in search of the moment when this event had the maximum chance to occur. Special attention is paid to the goals that the Mongols may have set in each of the five documented attacks on the Tangut country. Analysis of the sources suggests that the nature of these raids changed dramatically after the second Tangut campaign of 1207-1208: predatory raids were replaced by a full-scale war, which ended with the submission of Xi Xia to the Mongols. Perhaps the reason for this was revenge for the stay of the Mongol leader in Tangut captivity. The possibility of Genghis Khan being held captive in the Chin Empire is also briefly discussed, which is also only reported in a thirteenth-century Chinese diplomat's essay

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6

Chih-hung, Yen. "“Imagined Pure-Lands of Bhaisajyaguru by Chinese and Tanguts”." Journal of Inner Asian Art and Archaeology 2 (January 2007): 159–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jiaaa.2.302557.

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7

Sperling, Elliot. "Further Remarks Apropos of the 'Ba'-rom-pa and the Tanguts." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 57, no. 1 (2004): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aorient.57.2004.1.1.

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8

Bogdanov, Kirill M. "The Tangut Manuscript <i>The First [Shamanistic] Ritual</i> from IOM, RAS Collection. Textual Research and Translation." Письменные памятники Востока 19, no. 1 (2022): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.55512/wmo100085.

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The Tangut manuscript Танг 1621 is recorded evidence of the Tangut shamanistic tradition that existed in the Xixia state, but had originated from the religious beliefs of the Tanguts ancestors. This text was discovered among unidentified Tangut texts in the process of cataloguing work. Prior to this this discovery, we came across some indirect references to Tangut shamanism in various sources such as historical documents (The Tangut Codex), ritual or religious text fragments. Most likely, the text in question is an original Tangut text that had originally existed in verbal tradition and was later recorded. Structurally, it consists of 14-syllable verses, including archaisms, unclear metaphors and symbolism. It is a complete manuscript with a title, a short preface, and a logical ending. The titles translation can be only interpreted tentatively, as it literally means The Origin of [Religious] Ecstasy (Russian kamlaniye). However, I guess that to translate the Tangut word 影 as [religious] ecstasy would not be entirely correct in this case, because we find in this text a description of a shamanistic ritual that includes kamlaniye only as its part. The main goal of the rite described here is to defend the world of living beings from the disasters that astral spirits visit on some tribes or ethnic groups for being neglectful of the rules of sacrificial rites or for damaging sacred items. Therefore, this ritual, when it was performed for the first time, was aimed at procuring Heavens support for people. On can assume that, once performed, this rite had laid the foundation for a ritual tradition that preserved the wealth and stability of the community that observed it, and later it became the most basic, principal ritual of the state. I can also assume that it was this archetypal rite that emperor Yuanhao performed as he proclaimed himself emperor of the Xixia State. I should add that the above-mentioned linguistic traits pose a serious challenge to the textual research into this sourcefirst of all, to its proper translation. That is why this study is only a preliminary one. The main goal of interpreting this text is to determine the place of the Tangut shamanistic tradition within the context of the long-time scholarly definition of such religious beliefs.

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9

Elikhina, Yuliia I. "The Dunhuang and Yulin cave museum complexes." Issues of Museology 12, no. 2 (2021): 296–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu27.2021.212.

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The article examines the caves of Dunhuang and Yulin — world famous Buddhist complexes. The tradition of cave temples with wall paintings and sculpture came from India. The Dunhuang and Yulin caves were decorated in this manner. The highest peak in the development of Dunhuang art falls on the period of the Tang Dynasty (618-907), it was at this time that numerous murals appeared depicting the Pure Land of Buddha Amitabha, the Lord of the West, where the souls of the righteous dwell, the Pure Land of Buddha of healing Bhaishajyaguru and other subjects. The main source for the creation of works of art in Dunhuang was Chinese Buddhism, which was formed under the influence of local cults and beliefs and was reflected in the sutras. A certain influence on the painting of Dunhuang was exerted by the art of the cave complexes of the Great Silk Road, and later by the artistic and iconographic traditions of the Tanguts and Mongols. The findings from Dunhuang in the collection of the State Hermitage Museum includes three hundred items. In 1914–1915, the Second Russian Turkestan Expedition under the leadership of academician S. F. Oldenburg worked there and brought these artifacts back. In addition, the expedition acquired a large number of manuscripts in Sanskrit, Chinese, Uyghur, Sogdian, Tibetan and Tangut. Currently, these priceless monuments are kept at the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts in St. Petersburg. The Dunhuang and Yulin cave complexes are a monument of world culture in terms of their size, quantity and quality of paintings, as well as in the variety of subjects, which constitute an encyclopedia of Buddhism in pictorial and sculptural images.

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10

Zhu, Tianshu. "Lute, Sword, Snake, and Parasol—The Formation of the Standard Iconography of the Four Heavenly Kings in Chinese Buddhist Art." Religions 14, no. 6 (2023): 798. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14060798.

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The Four Heavenly Kings, Sida Tianwang 四大天王, are the guardians of the four quarters of the world in Buddhism. They are among the most frequently represented protective deities in Buddhist art across different traditions. In their standard iconographies developed in China popular during the Ming and Qing dynasties (1368–1911), they wear full armor, and each holds exclusive attributes—lute (pipa 琵琶), sword, snake, and parasol—from the east, south, west, to the north respectively. There is no direct textual base in the Chinese cannon for such iconographies. Neither can we find prototypes in India or central Asia. Indeed, how did this iconographic group develop in China? In the past, since the standard iconographies of the Four Heavenly Kings are clear, and identification is no problem, comprehensive in-depth study on this is lacking. Actually, those attributes came from a Tantric tradition related to Tibetan Buddhism filtered through the Xi Xia (1036–1227) and Yuan (1206–1368). What revealed in the development of this iconography is the complex relationship among the Tibetan, Tanguts, Mongols, and Chinese Buddhism.

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11

Drobyshev, Yuliy. "Chinggis Khan and the Idea of World Domination." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2024): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080027500-7.

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The article proposes a solution to the question of Temujin/ Chinggis Khan’s plans for world domination. Based on reports of a number of medieval sources, the author comes to the conclusion that his military campaigns pursued specific goals mostly to take revenge on numerous enemies and were not a part of a common aggressive plan. After uniting nomadic tribes and pacifying borderlands, Chinggis Khan usually reacted severely to external challenges, and his first campaignto Xi Xia and Jin were predatory. At the same time, the war did not always imply seizure of foreign territories, or the Mongols at first limited themselves to their partial annexation. In process of revealing Chinggis Khan’s motivations, his testament to descendants is of great importance. Sources refute an idea that the dying khan bequeathed to complete his world conquests. In fact, his political testament is boiled down to the following: he approved Ogedei as his successor, ordered his sons to obey the new ruler and to do away with Tanguts, Jurchens, and Kipchaks. All these points were subsequently fulfilled. Chinggis Khan’s deathbed speeches do not contain words about the need to seize the whole earth. Plano Carpini was one of the first to attribute him such a will, but the source of his information is unknown. Most likely, the idea of world domination was formed by the Mongols during the reign of Ogedei, and then it began to be ascribed to the founder of the Mongol Empire, which probably arose in spite of his desire.

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12

Beaudouin, Mathieu. "Tangut verb agreement." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 45, no. 1 (2022): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.21008.bea.

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Abstract The Tangut language is of particular importance to the field of SinoTibetan Studies, notably because of its morphological conservatism, which is unexpectedly correlated with a simplification of its syllable structure, a consequence of a process Miyake (2012) called “compression”. Such conservatism is evident in the syllable qualities reconstructed, which sometimes reflect proto Tangut’s ancient derivational processes. Verbs also exhibit various flectional phenomena, mainly due to conversion of agreement rules and referential hierarchy rules (Silverstein 1976), in a manner reminiscent of the indexation system of languages of the rGyalrongic taxon within the Qiangic family. The present paper attempts to explain the absence of indexation in the Tangut verb, a key phenomenon in the history of verb agreement analysis. First, I recall the main rules of the Tangut verb’s agreement system, as shown by Kepping (1975) and Gong (2001). Second, cases of nonagreement are analyzed. Apart from the case of nonlocal contexts, we see that the absence of agreement occurs in nonfinite forms resulting from a dependency pattern, such as clause chaining, topic/comment context, and semantically dependent modality.1

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13

Tian, Guyuan, and Yuanyuan Xu. "A Study on the Typeface Design method of Han Characters imitated Tangut." Advances in Education, Humanities and Social Science Research 1, no. 2 (2022): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.56028/aehssr.1.2.270.

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The Western Xia (1038-1227) was an ethnic regime in the northwest of China during the Song and Liao dynasties. Tangut is the concentrated expression of Tangut culture and Tangut art. It is the language used by the Xiang clan of Tangut party. The typography design of Chinese characters imitating the Tangut style is a new field of Chinese character typography design, which not only conveys the basic shape and meaning of Chinese characters, but also shows the beauty of blending with the aesthetic scale of Tangut style characters. Based on the analysis of the characteristics of Tangut characters in ancient books, this paper summarizes the characteristics of stroke structure with typical "Tangut style", and studies and explores the methods and rules of font design of Chinese characters imitating Tangut style combining with design practice.

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Tian, Guyuan, and Yuanyuan Xu. "A Study on the Typeface Design method of Han Characters imitated Tangut." Advances in Education, Humanities and Social Science Research 2, no. 1 (2022): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.56028/aehssr.2.1.270.

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Abstract (sommario):

The Western Xia (1038-1227) was an ethnic regime in the northwest of China during the Song and Liao dynasties. Tangut is the concentrated expression of Tangut culture and Tangut art. It is the language used by the Xiang clan of Tangut party. The typography design of Chinese characters imitating the Tangut style is a new field of Chinese character typography design, which not only conveys the basic shape and meaning of Chinese characters, but also shows the beauty of blending with the aesthetic scale of Tangut style characters. Based on the analysis of the characteristics of Tangut characters in ancient books, this paper summarizes the characteristics of stroke structure with typical "Tangut style", and studies and explores the methods and rules of font design of Chinese characters imitating Tangut style combining with design practice.

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15

Devine, Nesta, and Ruth Irwin. "Autonomy, Agency and Education: He tangata, he tangata, he tangata." Educational Philosophy and Theory 37, no. 3 (2005): 317–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-5812.2005.00122.x.

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16

Lai, Yunfan, Xun Gong, Jesse P. Gates, and Guillaume Jacques. "Tangut as a West Gyalrongic language." Folia Linguistica 54, s41-s1 (2020): 171–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2020-0006.

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Abstract This paper proposes that Tangut should be classified as a West Gyalrongic language in the Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan family. We examine lexical commonalities, case marking, partial reduplication, and verbal morphology in Tangut and in modern West Gyalrongic languages, and point out nontrivial shared innovations between Tangut and modern West Gyalrongic languages. The analysis suggests a closer genetic relationship between Tangut and Modern West Gyalrongic than between Tangut and Modern East Gyalrongic. This paper is the first study that tackles the exact linguistic affiliation of the Tangut language based on the comparative method.

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17

Arakawa, Shintaro. "On the Tangut prefix 2da:-." Письменные памятники Востока 18, no. 3 (2021): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/wmo77306.

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The Tangut language was spoken during the Xixia (Tangut) dynasty (A.D. 1038-1227) in the northwestern part of China.The first emperor (A.D. 1036) established the Tangut script for the language. Although the Tangut language and its script are now extinct, the many documents written in the Tangut script enable us to reconstruct its phonology and grammar. Tangut belongs to the Tibeto-Burman language group (Tangut-Qiang). Its grammar possesses unique features that are not found in either Old Tibetan or Old Burman. One of such features is a directional prefix. Six or seven morphemes function as prefixes. Previous works have discussed the change in the function of the prefix from directional to aspect (perfective). Some minor Tibeto-Burman languages have morphemes that are similar syllables or functions to Tangut. In this article, we present the outline of the prefixes and a description of the prefix 2da:- with sample sentences and discuss some remarks

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18

Arakawa Shintarō. "Introduction to Tangut Script." Kugyol Studies ll, no. 38 (2017): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17001/kugyol.2017..38.004.

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19

Xiaofang, Ma. "Quotations in Tangut texts." Journal of Chinese Writing Systems 2, no. 3 (2018): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2513850218778823.

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The aim of the present paper is to discuss the differentiation between direct and indirect quotations in Tangut texts. Based on the analysis of Buddhist texts and translations from Chinese classics in the Khara-khoto collection preserved in the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, RUS, the quotations in Tangut may be divided into two categories. Direct speeches are not marked or attached by a quotative marker jɨ2妒. Indirect speeches are composed by using jɨ2妒 or a compound marker jɨ2 djij2妒纓 at the end of the quote. Tangut quotation structure is closely related to the verb jɨ2妒. It is illustrated in the study of cross-linguistic typology that the semantic verb ‘say’ may usually evolve to quotative markers. The semantic and grammatical functions of the verb he semantic and grammatical functions of the verb jɨ2妒 which the quotation structure used reflected the grammaticalization from an independent verb to a grammatical marker. This phenomenon can provide a new perspective for the grammatical study of Tibetan-Burman languages.

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Beaudouin, Mathieu. "Tangut and Horpa languages." Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 24, no. 4 (2023): 611–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.00142.bea.

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Abstract Fieldwork from the past decade has yielded new data from a cluster of languages in Western Sichuan (China), resulting in new observations relevant for the understanding of Tangut grammar. In this paper, I intend to present morphosyntactic evidence pointing to the Tangut language’s membership within the Horpa taxon, located within the larger Gyalrongic group of the Qiangic branch of Sino-Tibetan. Tangut exclusively shares with Horpa languages cognates that are far too peculiar to be the result of mere chance. By successively considering the verbal, nominal, and postpositional domains, the present paper highlights evidence that links Tangut to Horpa, while proposing new paths to the understanding of grammatical categories of Tangut proper, such as orientational/aspectual preverbs.1

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Pemba, Kadidia Adula. "Tangles." Journal of LGBT Youth 6, no. 1 (2009): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19361650802396924.

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Villierme, Marie-Helene. "Tangata." Manoa 17, no. 2 (2005): 52–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/man.2006.0019.

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Warren, Deborah. "Tangents." Sewanee Review 123, no. 1 (2015): 51–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sew.2015.0019.

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Rossé, Élizabeth. "Les « Tanguys » des jeux vidéo." Psychotropes 21, no. 2 (2015): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/psyt.212.0123.

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Chung-pui, Tai. "Tibetan Buddhism practice of inner fire meditation as recorded in Tangut fragments with Tibetan phonetic glosses." Journal of Chinese Writing Systems 2, no. 3 (2018): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2513850218781514.

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This paper examines the content of the Tangut text in one of the largest joinable pieces of Tangut fragments with Tibetan phonetic glosses, Fr. 3(8), Fr. 9(14), and Fr. 1(6) from инв. 8363 of the Archives of Orientalists of the Institute of Oriental Manuscript, Russian Academy of Sciences. A detailed sentence-based translation of the Tangut text is provided. The interpretation of these fragments suggests that the Tangut text is an instruction for vase breathing and inner fire meditation, which is also known as “tummo.” This text should relate to the Six Yogas of Nāropa, which was mainly practiced by the Kagyu School of Tibetan Buddhism during the Tangut era. The content of the text should help further study on the identification of the origin of the text, and on the examination of the date of the fragments, which would be critical in the study of the Tibetan phonetic glosses of the Tangut characters.

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West, Andrew. "An introduction to the Tangut Homonyms." Journal of Chinese Writing Systems 2, no. 3 (2018): 195–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2513850218778825.

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This paper discusses a printed edition of a hitherto unknown Tangut linguistic text called Homonyms, which was sold at auction in Beijing in 2014. The book is complete in 14 folios, and comprises two prefaces on three folios; an initial section on two folios showing the cursive forms of sample Tangut characters, ordered by components; and a main section on nine folios which lists 577 groups of homophone characters, listed under head characters that derive from the Tangut books Synonyms and Mixed Characters. The homophone groups do not closely correspond to homophones in other Tangut linguistic texts such as Homophones and Sea of Writing, and so this text may represent the phonetic system for a different dialect or historical stage of the Tangut language.

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Martins, Valter. "Comida, diversão e liberdade. Os tanguás de Campinas no final da escravidão." URBANA: Revista Eletrônica do Centro Interdisciplinar de Estudos sobre a Cidade 2, no. 1 (2013): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/urbana.v2i1.8635233.

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Dispersos após a demolição do Mercado de Hortaliças de Campinas em 1885, muitos de seus comerciantes retomaram as atividades vendendo verduras, legumes e quitandas em estabelecimentos que ficaram conhecidos como tanguás. Situados no centro da cidade, os tanguás assumiram funções variadas, preocupando autoridades municipais, policiais, sanitárias e vigilantes da moral e dos bons costumes. Quase sempre camuflados por um beco ou cortiço, freqüentados por escravos, livres e libertos, nos democráticos tanguás havia comida, bebida, diversão e se respirava um ar de liberdade, constituindo um espaço de intensa vida social e trocas culturais das classes populares. Este artigo apresenta aspectos da ordem escravista urbana, representada pelos tanguás de Campinas no final da escravidão.

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Liao, Yang. "Astral Cult in the Encompassing Mind: Rethinking the ‘Stellar Magic Circle’ from Khara-Khoto." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 76, no. 1 (2023): 47–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/062.2022.00124.

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A rare painting with unique subject matter among extant Tangut cultural heritage, the so-called astral maṇḍala (more accurately, Grahamātṛkā-maṇḍala) from Khara-khoto deserves focused academic attention. Now in the collection of Hermitage, this painting broadens the horizons of research from multiple perspectives, including the history of astrology, Tangut culture, Esoteric Buddhism, and ritual studies. Introduced into Tangut Buddhism likely via Tibet, the Grahamātṛka-maṇḍala contributed to the construction of both a new iconographical system and a new pantheon of astral deities. The painting provides important visual details that gradually reveal a complete series of liturgies based on the Tangut astral cult, from the maṇḍala construction to fire ritual with offerings and visualization. Therefore, it helps to demonstrate astrological knowledge and religious practices prevalent in the Tangut period but previously overlooked by modern researchers. The Tangut people learned with an encompassing mind and became skilled at new teachings, methods, and practices through transcultural communications with India and Tibet. They actively combined this learning with the existing Chinese astrological and religious traditions in the Héxī region.

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Janhunen, Juha A. "A Chinese View on Tangut." International Journal of Eurasian Linguistics 3, no. 1 (2021): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25898833-12340045.

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Gong, Xun. "Nasal Preinitials in Tangut Phonology." Archiv orientální 89, no. 3 (2022): 443–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.89.3.443-482.

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Gong Hwang-cherng proposed that the Tangut language has a distinction between short and long vowels. To date, however, no reliable correlates have been found regarding the actual phonological nature of the distinction. A careful examination of Chinese loanwords in Tangut and Sino-Tangut pronunciation reveals that the “vowel length” distinction should be revised to that of the presence vs. absence of a nasal preinitial. The pair “weed” vs. “tomb,” borrowed respectively from Chinese 蒲 bu and 墓 muH (the latter from a Northwest-type reflex with *mb-), hitherto reconstructed as buʶÅ {buÅ} vs. buʶ¹ {bu¹}, should be revised to buʶ¹ vs. mbuʶ². The reconstructed nasal preinitial not only has a close typological parallel in Modern West Rgyalrongic, but is equally reflected in other sources of evidence, most strikingly Sanskrit transcription and fǎnqiè. The revision solves a large number of problems in the historical phonology of Tangut, though not without raising some new ones, especially in connection with the treatment of Proto-Rgyalrongic preinitials before nasals.

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31

Ma, Zhouyang. "The Nyāyabindu in Tangut Translation." Journal of Indian Philosophy 49, no. 5 (2021): 779–825. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10781-021-09479-w.

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32

Duan, Yuquan. "Conjunction wja1 in Tangut Language." Journal of Chinese Writing Systems 3, no. 1 (2018): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2513850218796081.

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Tangut wja1 is considered as a verb, a noun or a pronoun, which is ambiguous in current dictionaries. This paper makes it clear that wja1 is a conjunction in grammatical words of the Tangut language, and can be used to translate the conjunction na in Tibetan language. This conjunction usually occurs at the end of a former clause in a compound sentence, and expresses progressive, hypothetical, conditional and sequenced relations with the latter clause. Moreover, the latter clause is usually an interrogative sentence, in which there are mostly rhetorical questions in the progressive relation complex sentences, while it can be rhetorical questions or general questions in other complex sentences. However, there are some individual exceptions without using interrogative sentences.

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33

Liu, Changqing. "On Tangut Historical Documents Recognition*." Physics Procedia 33 (2012): 1212–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.phpro.2012.05.201.

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34

Solonin, K. J. "The Glimpses of Tangut Buddhism." Central Asiatic Journal 52, no. 1 (2008): 64–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/caj/2008/1/6.

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35

Zamalieva, Zarina I., and Elena I. Nesterenko. "LEGAL STATUS OF WOMEN IN TANGUT SOCIETY (based on materials of the Tangut Code)." Vestnik of Kostroma State University 29, no. 3 (2023): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2023-29-3-68-73.

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This article examines the legal status of women in the Tangut society based on the materials of the “Amended and Approved New Code of Regnal Era of Heavenly Prosperityˮ, as well as the basic laws that establish the rights and obligations of women in the state of Xi Xia. The articles of the code that define women by social status, are raised. The women’s status is analysed in the whole variety of their social roles in the Tangut state – mother, wife, daughter, widow, concubine, nun, slave. Laws, indicating restrictions on marriage and divorce, and establishing a distinction between a lawful wife and a concubine were also considered. Serious attention is paid to female victims of family crimes. Topicality of the theme is due to the high interest in the culture of the peoples inhabiting the territory of China in the past, since the development of their culture had a lot of influence on the development of China itself, which today is a multinational state.

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36

Wang, Peipei. "New Translations of Some Tangut Words." Written Monuments of the Orient 9, no. 1S (2023): 124–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.55512/wmo595720.

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Some important documents, such as the Tangut legal texts “Revised and Newly Approved Code of the Heavenly Prosperity Reign (1149–1168)” (Tiansheng lüling) and “New Laws of the Pig Year” (Hainian xinfa), are not fully clarified. One reason is that some Tangut words cannot be understood correctly. The main key to finding exact meanings of Tangut words are translations of Chinese classics. In this paper it is shown how using the Tangut translation of a Chinese leishu, “Forest of Categories” (Lei lin), and finding correct interpretations of nine words results in reasonable translations of legal provisions.

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37

Gong, Xun. "Uvulars and uvularization in Tangut phonology." Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 21, no. 2 (2020): 175–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.00060.gon.

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Abstract Tangut, a mediaeval Qiangic language (Sino-Tibetan family) distinguishes three grades (děng 等). The traditional Sofronov-Gong reconstruction of this distinction postulates different degrees of medial yod: Grade I {-Ø-}, Grade II {-i-}, Grade III {-j-}. The yods, however, are not supported by the transcriptional evidence. Based on cognates between Tangut and Rgyalrongic languages, this study proposes the uvularization hypothesis: Tangut syllables have contrastive uvularization. Grade I/II syllables are uvularized, while Grade III syllables are plain. For phonological velars, uvularized syllables trigger a uvular allophone, while plain syllables trigger a velar allophone. Tangut uvularization is an instance of a common typological feature in Qiangic languages, that of Guttural Secondary Vocalic Articulations (GSVA), variously termed uvularization, velarization, tenseness, or Retracted Tongue Root (RTR). Recognizing Tangut grades as a case of Qiangic GSVA has far-ranging potential consequences for Sino-Tibetan comparative linguistics.

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38

Kepping, Ksenia Borisovna. "The conjugation of the Tangut verb." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 57, no. 2 (1994): 339–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00024903.

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The data and analyses of Tangut verbal morphology which I have presented (1979b, 1981, 1982, 1985) represent the cumulative result of more than twenty years of research of Tangut texts. It is with great regret that I saw my analyses misunderstood (LaPolla, 1992). In order to clarify my view on the Tangut verbal agreement, I feel compelled to give a succinct account of the phenomena causing so much controversy in the Tibeto-Burman linguistic literature.The Tangut verb shows agreement for person and number of actant. The three overt agreement morphemes are <-ŋa2> (first person singular), <-na2> (second person singular) and <-ni2> (first and second person plural). The Tangut verb shows overt agreement only with first and second person actant. Third person involvement is marked by zero. A Tangut intransitive verb agrees with the subject, i.e. the ‘intransitive subject’. The two rules for the distribution of the overt agreement markers in the transitive verb as formulated in my Tangut grammar (Kepping, 1985: 233–4) are: (1) If one and no more than one of the actants is a first or second person, then the verb will overtly agree with that actant regardless of its syntactic role, and (2) if a transitive verb has two non-third person actants, the verb will agree with the grammatical patient or ‘transitive object’.

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39

Thurston, Hugh. "On Tangents." Mathematics Magazine 66, no. 4 (1993): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2690735.

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40

Brazil, Melanie. "Preventing tangles." Nature Reviews Drug Discovery 1, no. 2 (2002): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nrd741.

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41

SHAKMAN, STUART HALE. "Heliocentric tangents." Nature 338, no. 6215 (1989): 456. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/338456a0.

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42

Thurston, Hugh. "On Tangents." Mathematics Magazine 66, no. 4 (1993): 227–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0025570x.1993.11996126.

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43

Brockett, Tracey Physioc. "Daily Tangles." Massachusetts Review 58, no. 4 (2017): 729–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mar.2017.0112.

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44

Melzer, Arthur. "Esoteric Tangles." Perspectives on Political Science 44, no. 4 (2015): 226–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457097.2015.1088769.

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45

Goldman, Jay R., and Louis H. Kauffman. "Rational Tangles." Advances in Applied Mathematics 18, no. 3 (1997): 300–332. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/aama.1996.0511.

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46

Wai-Ming, Ng. "The Historical Reception of the Yijing in the Tangut State." China and Asia 1, no. 2 (2019): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589465x-00102002.

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Abstract The Yijing [Classic of Changes] was an influential Chinese text in the Sinosphere, but its reception in the non-Sinic neighboring nations of China remains largely unknown. This is a pioneering study of the popularization and uses of the Yijing in the Tangut state based primarily on Tangut documents unearthed in Khara-Khoto, highlighting the ways that the Yijing’s symbolism and divination were incorporated into Tangut traditions. Yijing-related ideas and practices played a considerable role in different aspects of Tangut culture such as medicine, architecture, art, military strategy, political terminology, calendars, divination and the perception of the world. The Tangut reception of the Yijing was selective and the preference for practical values was obvious. This pioneering study will shed new light on the popularization and localization of the Yijing in non-Sinic cultures in Asia and the making of a Yijing cultural sphere in Asia.

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47

Arakawa, Shintaro. "The Tangut Dictionary by E.I. Kychanov and the Study of the Shapes of the Tangut Script." Written Monuments of the Orient 9, no. 1S (2023): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.55512/wmo569308.

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Abstract (sommario):

The late Professor, Dr. Evgeny Ivanovich Kychanov not only created a solid academic foundation for the research on history, society, law, and religion of Xixia, but also made a significant contribution to the study of the Tangut language and script. One of them is the Tangut Dictionary (Kyoto University, 2006). The author, as a co-editor of the dictionary, typed Tangut characters in the special font, checked phonetic-reconstruction forms, and worked on the arrangement of the characters in the index. Although the dictionary’s method to find the character index is unique, it is useful for the study of the shapes of the Tangut script from the viewpoint of current research. The author discusses some topics from the viewpoint of linguistics.

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48

Peipei, Wang. "A textual research on Tangut philological work Tongming Zazi." Journal of Chinese Writing Systems 2, no. 3 (2018): 209–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2513850218781262.

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This paper discusses a recently found Tangut xylograph Zeyao Changchuan Tongming Zazi. The two prefaces of this book state that it was compiled for recognizing and reading Tangut characters correctly. Its main purpose is to help people to read sūtras, so the author is expected to be a Buddhist. The prefaces mentioned two well-known Tangut dictionaries, Homophone and Synonymous, which were printed in 1170 and 1188. Therefore, Tongming Zazi was printed no earlier than 1188.

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49

Meng, Xia, and Natalia Tsareva. "E.I. Kychanov’s Translation of the “Revised and Newly Approved Code of the Heavenly Prosperity Reign” in the Context of the Development of Modern Translation Studies." Written Monuments of the Orient 9, no. 1S (2023): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.55512/wmo569349.

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E.I.Kychanov was well known in Chinese academic circles since 1980s, and his translations of ancient Tangut manuscripts into Russian are often used by Chinese scholars as reference material. This article focuses on the scholar’s translation of the Tangut “Revised and Newly Approved Code of the Heavenly Prosperity Reign (1149–1168)” and analyzes some features of his translation work, his chosen strategies and methods, and also comments on the Chinese specialists’ attitude to E.I.Kychanov’s translation of the Tangut legal text.

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50

Dmitriev, Sergey. "Tangut (Xi Xia) Studies in the Soviet Union: Quinta Essentia of Russian Oriental Studies." Mongolian Journal of International Affairs 19 (February 7, 2015): 178–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v19i0.412.

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Grace to the famous discovery of Piotr Kozlov’s expedition, a very rich collection of various Tangut books in a mausoleum in the dead city of Khara-Khoto was found in 1908, and almost all the texts in the Tangut language were then assembled in Saint-Petersburg. Because of this situation Russian Tangutology became one of the most important in the world very fast, and Russian specialists, especially Alexej Ivanov, did the first steps to understanding the Tangut language and history, which had for a very long time been hidden from humanity.This tradition persisted in the Soviet Union. Nikolaj Nevskij in 1929 returned to Russia from Japan, where he had stayed after 1917, mainly to continue his Tangut researches. But in 1937, during Stalin’s Purge, he was arrested and executed, Ivanov too. The line of tradition was broken for almost twenty years, and only the 1960s saw the rebirth of Russian Tangutology. The post-War generation did a gigantic work, raising Tangut Studies to a new level. Unfortunately, they almost had no students or successors.The dramatic history of Tangut Studies in Russia could be viewed like a real quinta essentia of the fate of Oriental Studies in Russia – but all the changes and tendencies are much more demonstrative of this example.Mongolian Journal of International Affairs Vol.19 2014: 178-196

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