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Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 29 luglio 2024

Ultima modifica: 30 luglio 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North"

Lathrop, Coalter G. "Government of Sudan v. Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (“Abyei Arbitration”)". American Journal of International Law 104, n. 1 (gennaio 2010): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.104.1.0066.

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Lusk, Gill. "Les crises du mouvement armé sud-soudanais". Politique africaine 50, n. 1 (1993): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1993.5660.

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Crisis within the armed southern sudanese movement. The remorseless fighting between factions of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLM/SPLA) are widely seen as evidence that the Southern Sudanese movement is fatally damaged, mainly on tribal grounds. This attempt to discern the factors at work concludes that they are primarily political : they are the Southern expression of Africa’s current wave of aspiration for democracy, group identity and human rights. The great flaw in the Southern organisation is that it is an army, not a political movement — SPLA not SPLM. Yet the driving force of the South’s search for identity and justice means that resolution of the conflict can only be political, not military, and that the SPLM/SPLA ’s internal dissensions cannot ultimately be fatal. The political nature of the wider war means that the questions facing the South remain essentially the same, whatever can be its eventual formal relationship with the North.

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Ahmed, Einas. "The Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the Dynamics of Post-Conflict Political Partnership in Sudan". Africa Spectrum 44, n. 3 (dicembre 2009): 133–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400307.

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Most of the researches on peace agreements conclude that power-sharing arrangements included in these are mostly to the detriment of long-term democratic transformation. The basic argument of these studies is that peace deals consolidate mainly the power of the signatories to the detriment of other major political forces. This article illustrates that, in contrast to many cases, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which was signed in 2005 between the government of Sudan represented by the ruling party, the National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), has led to an important political transformation in state structure as well as in power relations. Although the CPA enhanced the legitimacy of the SPLM and the NCP and consolidated their political domination, it, nevertheless, contributed to a significant political opening for other political forces in the North and in the South. The CPA put an end to the historically exclusive political hegemony of the North. This article focuses on the dynamics of relations between the SPLM and the NCP during the transitional period and illustrates how these dynamics have impacted upon the process of political transformation.

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Yulianti, Dina, Windy Dermawan e Muhammad Alfiandra Yudistira. "Analisis Kegagalan Consociational Approach dalam Perjanjian Naivasha Sudan". Padjadjaran Journal of International Relations 6, n. 1 (28 gennaio 2024): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/padjir.v6i1.40789.

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The Second Sudanese Civil War was a conflict between the Sudanese government and a separatist group from South Sudan, namely the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). It was the most prolonged violent conflict in African history (1983-2005). The conflict officially ended after the signing of the Naivasha Agreement in 2005. In this agreement, there was an effort to resolve the conflict with a consociational approach that carried out project sharing between the conflicting parties. However, this agreement did not succeed in making Sudan free from conflict. This article will present an analysis of the failure to implement the consociational approach in creating positive peace in Sudan and South Sudan The findings of this research are that the power-sharing carried out in this agreement only involves elites. Apart from that, the distribution of resources other than oil has yet to be carried out, which should also be divided, taking into account identity factors.

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BÖCKENFÖRDE, MARKUS. "The Abyei Award: Fitting a Diplomatic Square Peg into a Legal Round Hole". Leiden Journal of International Law 23, n. 3 (30 luglio 2010): 555–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215651000021x.

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AbstractOn 22 July 2009 a Tribunal of five leading international lawyers rendered their award at the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA), thereby redrawing the boundaries of Abyei, a small patch of land in the centre of Sudan and source of violent conflict throughout recent years. The arbitration was initiated by the two signatories of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that in 2005 brought an end to the longest civil war in Africa. Both parties, the government of Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Army/Movement, expressed satisfaction with the award, which conceivably saved the CPA from potential collapse. This article examines the legal oddities which accompanied the settlement of the dispute over the Abyei area. It analyses both the referral of the dispute to the PCA through the lens of the Sudanese Constitution and the legal ambiguities of the award itself.

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Jedrej, M. C. "The Southern Funj of the Sudan as a Frontier Society, 1820–1980". Comparative Studies in Society and History 46, n. 4 (ottobre 2004): 709–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417504000337.

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The long civil war in the Sudan between the government and the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) is usually simply described as a war between ‘the Arab North’ and ‘the African South.’ Equally simply, it is understood as a continuation, by new means and in new circumstances, of nineteenth-century and earlier inequalities between free people and unfree people, and of hostilities between slavers and those they preyed upon. In the twentieth century these asymmetries came to be represented by a religious distinction between Muslims and non-Muslims. However, these apparent distinctions between free and unfree, and between Muslim and non-Muslim begin to blur when we ask who is making them. Likewise, at closer inspection, the division into “the Arab North” and “the African South” begins to fragment and reconstitute into a complexity of alliances and interest groups. These complexities become more evident as engagement moves from hostile encounters in the remote vastness of the Sudan to peace negotiations and press conferences in hotels and offices in capital cities. In the latter settings marginalized populations can be heard. Of special here interest are the three culturally ‘southern’ populations whose homelands are in the geo-political North: Abyei, the Nuba Mountains, and South Blue Nile. In January 2003, a public statement, headed “Let us not be denied the right to decide on our future,” was delivered to the North-South peace conference in Kenya by a local NGO, the Relief Organisation of Fazugli (ROOF), on behalf of “the people of South Blue Nile.” It demanded that their representatives, along with those of the Nuba Mountains and Abyei be included in the current peace negotiations.

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Hutchinson, Sharon E. "A Curse from God? Religious and political dimensions of the post-1991 rise of ethnic violence in South Sudan". Journal of Modern African Studies 39, n. 2 (giugno 2001): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003639.

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Southern Sudanese civilian populations have been trapped in a rising tide of ethnicised, South-on-South, military violence ever since leadership struggles within the main southern opposition movement – the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) – split into two warring factions in August 1991. This paper traces the devastating impact of this violence on a particularly volatile and fractured region of contemporary South Sudan: the oil rich heartlands of the Western Upper Nile Province. Foregrounding the historical experiences and grassroots perspectives of Nuer civilian populations in this region, the paper shows how elite competition within the southern military has combined with the political machinations of the national Islamic government in Khartoum to create a wave of inter- and intra-ethnic factional fighting so intense and intractable that many Nuer civilians have come to define it as ‘a curse from God’. Dividing Sudan's seventeen-year-long civil war (1983–present) into four distinct phases, the paper shows how successive forms and patterns of political violence in this region have provoked radical reassessments of the precipitating agents and ultimate meaning of this war on the part of an increasingly demoralised and impoverished Nuer civilian population.

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Hamsa Khatan Khalaf. "The political deduction and building political security In Sudan post of 2019". Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, n. 29 (30 settembre 2022): 228–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/tjfps.v3i29.159.

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The political deduction in political security issues has become one of the topics that related with the attention of researchers and specialists. On the philosophical level, the deduction based on a certain reason to be as the basis for proving a specific issue that cannot be tackled by the existence of contradictions between two extremes - paradigm (Security and Instability). So that, the future of political security in Sudan is still instability, although the international community's ability to impose their Comprehensive Peace Agreement since February 2005, and according to the requirements of what included in the clauses of the agreement to complete the procurement of democratic transition period, as for the Sudanese opposition forces and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement which are represented the real partners of power. So, the ability of the National Congress Party at that time could have power to consolidate its inclusiveness as a dominant political party. From the another hand, the possibilities to infer the dimensions of political security in Sudan are ready to restore the army’s control over the political life, but with the need to maintain the settlement of critical political issues according to a new criteria that take into account the demands of civil forces; However, the civilian leadership was still inactive by as a result of internal divisions and rivalries within, so that the local, regional and international pressures remain to be the only source of strength to achieve a kind of consensus and satisfaction to overcome the critical period and accomplish what can be achieved for the benefit of the political security for Sudan, at the present and future alike. Finally, the absence of mechanisms for managing the divergent interests between civil and military leaders may lead to an unstable civil-military alliance, and they concern about losing of the whole absolute privileges and powers that they enjoyed during the past three decades for the rule of former President Omar al-Bashir, leaving the civilian leadership in 2019 to be as a drastically situation in its inability to form a united front that pushed towards neutralizing the military’s authority or resorting to confront a new period as a returning of violence as what happened in the past. As for the multiplicity of factors affecting on the political security crisis in Sudan, it meant that there is no real solution to subsequent crises in the future, so that the possibility of shifting towards civilian rule remains the only way to manage differences. And the differences between civilians and military alike might erupted at any reason or incentive.

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Scott, Philippa. "The Sudan Peoples' Liberation movement (SPLM) and liberation army (SPLA)". Review of African Political Economy 12, n. 33 (agosto 1985): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056248508703635.

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Yearbook of Islamic and Middle East, Editors. "The Comprehensive Peace Agreement between The Government of The Republic of The Sudan and The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Sudan People’s Liberation Army Sudan". Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law Online 10, n. 1 (2003): 303–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22112987-91000067.

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Tesi sul tema "Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North"

Akuany, Deng Dongrin. "The political consequences of uneven development in Sudan : an analysis of political struggles, with special reference to the Sudan People's Liberation Movement and the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLM/SPLA)". Thesis, University of Hull, 1990. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5659.

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The objective of this study is to investigate the origins and process of contemporary uneven development, regional disparities and political violence as reflected in the recurrent civil wars in Sudan. The Study confirmed the general outcry from the masses, that socioeconomic and political disparities and injustices imposed on the Sudanese people by Anglo-Egyptian Colonialism have been continued and expanded by the neo-colonial state under the Sectarian Jallaba leaders who inherited both political and economic power, after political independence. All peaceful demands for socio-economic and political equality and justice by the masses from the most backward areas have always been violently suppressed by the neo-colonial state. As a result, several political and liberation movements including SPLA/SPLM emerged. The Study argues that all attempts by successive governments in Khartoum to solve the current problems have failed because they did not correctly recognize the root causes of the problems and have instead continued to impose Islamization, Arabization and the policies of 'divide and rule' as a strategy to maintain the status quo and to strengthen the process of economic and political alienation of the majority of Sudanese people. The author concludes that the most acceptable solution to the majority of Sudanese people would be to replace what this thesis characterizes as a settler neo-colonial state, with a new national democratic secular federal state in which the Sudanese people, regardless of race and creed can live in peace and prosperity.

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Pinaud, Clémence. "Les armes, les femmes et le bétail : une histoire sociale de la guerre civile au Sud Soudan (1983-2005)". Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010604.

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Cette thèse montre que la violence a suivi une géographie et un calendrier particuliers au cours de la deuxième guerre civile au Sud Soudan. Elle n'a par conséquent pas affecté les Sud Soudanais de manière uniforme, en particulier les femmes. Dans les zones contrôlées par le SPLA (Sudan People 's Liberation Army), la guérilla entretenait une relation essentiellement extractive avec les civils, en particulier avec les femmes. Même si la guérilla essaya de limiter les violations des droits de l'homme, elle instrumentalisa et marchandisa néanmoins les femmes pour soutenir sa lutte. Elle créa aussi, à terme, de nouvelles classes sociales, grâce à l'expansion des liens de parenté. L'inclusion des femmes au sein du SPLM/A confirma la marchandisation des femmes et la formation de nouvelles classes sociales. Le SPLA ne remit pas en cause les structures sociales du Sud Soudan, et les femmes participèrent à la lutte essentiellement dans des rôles de soutien au combat. Néanmoins, la guérilla créa une élite féminine à travers les liens de parenté. Cette nouvelle élite féminine agrandit son statut au milieu des années 1990 grâce à la démocratisation du mouvement, à son accès aux arènes internationales favorables au SPLA, et à l'expansion du rôle des femmes dans les processus de paix. Après la guerre, les différences sociales entre les femmes furent amplifiées par la constitution de l'Etat semi-autonome. Le comportement des troupes du SPLA pendant la guerre influença par la suite les nouvelles structures de pouvoir et, combiné à l'accès nouveau aux ressources de l'Etat, il participa à la consolidation des classes sociales
This dissertation illustrates that violence followed a particular geography and timeline during the second civil war in Southern Sudan. Therefore it did not affect Southerners, and women in particular, uniformly. In the SPLA-held areas, the guerilla had a mostly extractive relationship with civilians and particularly women. Although it tried to curb human right abuses, the guerilla still instrumentalized and commodified women to support its struggle and to ultimately create new social classes through the expansion of kinship ties. The inclusion of women in the SPLM/A continued to demonstrate women's commodification and the formation of new social classes. Given its superficial and circumstantial Marxism ideology, the SPLA did not question the Southern Sudanese social structures, and women supported the struggle mostly in combat-support roles. Nevertheless, the guerilla created a female elite through kinship ties. This new female elite expanded its status in the mid-1990s, thanks to the movement's democratization and to their access to international arenas that were favorable to the SPLA and to expanding women's roles in peacemaking. After the war, social difference between women were amplified through the formation of the semi-autonomous state. The legacy of the SPLA troops behavior during the war influenced new power structures and, combined with access to new state resources, consolidate social classes

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Omeje, Kenneth C., e N. Minde. "The SPLM government and the challenges of conflict settlement, state-building and peace-building in South Sudan". 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/10041.

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Yes
This article examines the key features of state failure that have adversely affected the goal of state-building and peace-building in South Sudan. Drawing on interviews with sections of local and international stakeholders in South Sudan, the article analyses the major areas of state reconstruction and peacebuilding that the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement (SPLM) government has failed to address proactively, areas and issues that seem directly or indirectly linked to the political crisis that started in December 2013 and the relapse into armed conflict. The paper also analyses the recent political developments and ongoing peace process in South Sudan and proffers some complementary policy intervention measures that could be implemented to strengthen the peace process.
This article was made possible through support from the Social Science Research Council’s African Peacebuilding Network (APN) research grant, with funds provided by the Carnegie Corporation of New York.

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Levy, Wendy Priscilla. "The politics of governance in post-war Sudan : problems and prospects for a unified state". Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150524.

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Libri sul tema "Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North"

Nyaba, Peter Adwok. Politics of liberation in South Sudan: An insider's view. Kampala, Uganda: Fountain Publishers, 1997.

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Ḥarakah al-Shaʻbīyah li-Taḥrīr al-Sūdān - al-Taghyīr al-Dīmuqrāṭī. Constitution of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-Democratic Change (SPLM-DC), 2012. South Sudan?]: National Executive Committee, 2012.

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Vanang, Deng. Leaped to fall: The triumphs and tribulations of an African revolution - SPLM/SPLA. Nairobi: Flogin East Africa Ltd., 2016.

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Sudan. Protocol between the Government of Sudan (GOS) and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) on power sharing. Naivasha, Kenya: [s.n., 2004.

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Movement, Sudan People's Liberation, a cura di. Protocol between the Government of Sudan (GOS) and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) on power sharing. Khartoum?]: [publisher not identified], 2004.

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Garang, Kuir ë. South Sudan ideologically: Tribal socio-democracy, SPLM Ideologues, Juba corruptocrats, Khartoum theocrats and their time-frozen leadership. Calgary, Alberta: The Nile Press, 2014.

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Garang, John. John Garang speaks. London: KPI, 1987.

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Shams al-Dīn al-Amīn Ḍaww al-Bayt. Institution building in Southern Sudan: Proceedings of civil society peace initiative workshops on: institution building in Southern Sudan under CPA. A cura di Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Sudan Office e Great Britain Embassy (Sudan). [Khartoum]: Friedrich Ebert Foundation--Sudan, 2007.

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Nyaba, Peter Adwok. South Sudan: The crisis of infancy. Cape Town, South Africa: the Centre for Advanced Studies of African Society (CASAS), 2014.

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Group, International Crisis, a cura di. Sudan: Saving peace in the east. [Brussels]: International Crisis Group, 2006.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North"

Wassara, Samson S. "The Sudan people's liberation movement/army". In Routledge Handbook of the Horn of Africa, 43–54. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429426957-6.

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Erickson, Jennifer. "Beyond Bare Life". In Race-ing Fargo, 182–212. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501751134.003.0007.

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This chapter discusses Southern Sudanese forms of citizenship, resettling Christians, social and cultural citizenship, political citizenship, gendered citizenship, and the Lost Boys. It discusses how the Southern Sudanese enacted multi-sited citizenship through religious, social, political, and familial assemblages. The chapter discusses how the Church became an important social service to the Southern Sudanese because social services were not providing enough support. It talks about the New Sudanese Community Association, which was the only Southern Sudanese–led organization registered as a 501(c)3 nonprofit organization in Fargo Moorhead in 2007–2008. It also discusses women's participation in the community and how men viewed Sudanese women who have lived in the United States. It also discusses The Sudan People's Liberation Army and Sudan People's Liberation Movement formed in 1983 to fight the military domination and political interests, respectively, of the ruling Northern Sudanese elite.

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Salomon, Noah. "Introduction". In For Love of the Prophet. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691165158.003.0007.

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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book offers an ethnographic study of the Sudanese experience with the Islamic state from its revolutionary establishment in 1989 to the present, with a particular focus on the years of National Unity, 2005–11, when the author lived in Sudan for a prolonged period of time. The period of National Unity between the ruling National Congress Party and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement, representing the South, was particularly interesting because it constituted perhaps the first time since coming to power that the Islamists were compelled to grapple with religious pluralism as they sought to construct a state that did not give up on its Islamic aspirations, but might also appeal to non-Muslims.

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"Government of Sudan / Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (‘Abyei’)". In Permanent Court of Arbitration Summaries of Awards 1999–2009, 296–312. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-647-3_16.

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Herr, Stefanie. "8. Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A)". In Nichtstaatliche Gewaltakteure und das Humanitäre Völkerrecht, 129–78. Nomos, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845263076-129.

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"5. Building a New Sudan: The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army". In Rebel Rulers, 129–66. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9780801462979-008.

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De Alessi, Benedetta. "Peacemaking, the SPLM/A’s Political Transition During the Comprehensive Peace Agreement Era and Conflict in the Sudans". In Making and Breaking Peace in Sudan and South Sudan, 97–115. British Academy, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on the flawed transformation of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLM/A) from a rebel movement into a political organisation during the years of implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in Sudan and how that contributed to delivering an unsustainable peace in Sudan and South Sudan. The chapter examines in particular how approaches to peacemaking ignited and then failed to support the war-to-peace transition, and the extent to which the drivers and factors within and outside the movement contributed to that failure. It argues that while the CPA mediators and the SPLM/A negotiators considered the SPLM to be the engine of Sudan’s democratic transition - after two decades of civil war - they did not adequately consider the movement’s structural weaknesses, namely a divisive ideology, a fractured and hierarchal military leadership and weak political institutionalisation that would affect the movement’s transformation into a national party and its ability to bring about the transformation of Sudan.

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Roach, Steven C. "The Divided Movement and a Framework for Peace". In South Sudan's Fateful Struggle, 47—C2P89. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190057848.003.0003.

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Abstract This chapter discusses the events and developments of Sudan’s second civil war (1983–2005), including the formation of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the South–South war. It shows how tribal factionalism weakened the SPLM and allowed the Government of Sudan to contain the SPLA by supporting southern anti-SPLA forces. It moves on to discuss how international policymakers embraced the Christian versus Islamist clash as the root cause of the war. This, it argues, oversimplified the conflict and, in the end, downplayed the need for morally redressing the effects of war and for promoting accountability. The chapter also analyzes the key issues of Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), including an integrated security force and ongoing border disputes. Finally, it addresses the strategic rationale of powerful states and organizations to bring an end to the war.

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Abdulbari, Nasredeen. "The Interlinkage between Understandings of Self-Determination and Understandings of Peace". In Making and Breaking Peace in Sudan and South Sudan, 26–42. British Academy, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0002.

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There are two (not mutually exclusive) understandings of self-determination: a ‘thin’ one and a ‘thick’ one. The thin understanding focuses on secession; the thick understanding focuses on participation within the same state. In the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), the Sudanese government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) used both conceptions of self-determination. This chapter argues that the two understandings of self-determination correspond to two different understandings of peace and that in Sudan’s particular experience only self-determination in its thin sense, which corresponds to negative peace and not positive peace, was implemented in resolving the southern Sudan-northern Sudan conflict, explaining much of what followed. The chapter analyses the CPA and its implementation, as well as the two main constitutions that reflected its provisions, with the objective of examining the different understandings of self-determination that they incorporated, the conceptions of peace that correspond to them and how they were interlinked, and how this determined the degree of success in realizing peace through self-determination.

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"Award in the Arbitration regarding the delimitation of the Abyei Area between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-Army". In Reports of International Arbitral Awards, Vol. XXX, 145–487. UN, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/7915014c-en-fr.

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