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1

D'Agostino, Anthony, Mark Carliner e Ivan Passer. "Stalin." American Historical Review 98, n. 4 (ottobre 1993): 1169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166610.

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2

Bauman, Zygmunt. "Stalin". Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 4, n. 1 (febbraio 2004): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708603254356.

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3

Legvold, Robert, e Edvard Radzinsky. "Stalin". Foreign Affairs 75, n. 4 (1996): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047705.

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4

Pintilescu, Corneliu. "« Oras?ul Stalin » (La Ville de Staline) 1950-1960". Histoire urbaine 25, n. 2 (2009): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhu.025.0049.

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5

Hirschberg, W. R., Boris Groys e Gabriele Leupold. "Gesamtkunstwerk Stalin". World Literature Today 63, n. 4 (1989): 704. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40145675.

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6

Furr, Grover. "Stalin etc." Theory & Struggle 117 (aprile 2016): 151–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ts.2016.31.

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7

Burlatskii, Fedor. "After Stalin". Soviet Law and Government 28, n. 3 (dicembre 1989): 5–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rup1061-194028035.

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8

McBurney, Gerard. "Surviving Stalin". Index on Censorship 27, n. 6 (novembre 1998): 52–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229808536456.

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9

Erickson, John. "Stalin revisited". RUSI Journal 136, n. 1 (marzo 1991): 69–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849108445499.

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10

Khrushcheva, Nina. "“Rehabilitating” Stalin". World Policy Journal 22, n. 2 (2005): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07402775-2005-3008.

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11

Yekelchyk, Serhy. "Review: Stalin". International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 61, n. 3 (settembre 2006): 778–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200606100324.

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12

Ruggenthaler, Peter. "The 1952 Stalin Note on German Unification: The Ongoing Debate". Journal of Cold War Studies 13, n. 4 (ottobre 2011): 172–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00145.

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On 10 March 1952 the Soviet government unexpectedly sent an identical diplomatic note to the U.S., British, and French governments proposing the conclusion of a peace treaty with Germany on the basis of neutrality. This document, widely known as the Stalin Note, has been a source of controversy ever since, pitting those who see it as an insincere ploy against those who argue that it was a missed opportunity for German unification. Declassified documents from the former Soviet archives, first published in German translation in 2007 in the book Stalins großer Bluff, allow scholars to reconstruct in a detailed way the preparation of the note and to examine whether Iosif Stalin was really ready to sacrifice the GDR and to reunify Germany. This article shows that the Stalin Note was merely a ploy to facilitate the incorporation of the German Democratic Republic into the Eastern bloc and to blame the Western occupying powers for the division of Germany.
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13

Zhu, Anzhe. "Political Speech Under Philosophical Theories: Impact of Stalins Speeches on the Soviet Union". Communications in Humanities Research 11, n. 1 (31 ottobre 2023): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/11/20231369.

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Language has always been a powerful tool in human society, it is often used for political purposes and a political speech can be extremely influential to the society and its audience when it is based on philosophy. During the reign of Stalin, his political speeches heavily influenced the citizens of the Soviet Union or the USSR. In fact, one of the main factors that led to the success of those speeches was the involvement of philosophical ideologies and theories in the language. The ideas from multiple philosophers such as Grice, Brandom and Tirrell earnestly supported Stalins speech and increased its influence, especially in the agricultural speech provided by Stalin in the late 1920s. For instance, Stalin by giving speeches based on philosophical theories, which helped gain the support and recognization of the vast majority of citizens, was able to shape the Kulaks as the enemy of the Soviet Union society and arrange suppression and eliminations towards them. Thus Stalin and his speech will be analysed in this paper by offering theories from different philosophers and discovering the role of the philosophy of language in politics, especially in political speeches. Additionally, providing an understanding of the huge influence and power of language for scholars exploring this field of study.
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14

Regelson, Lev. "De russisch-orthodoxe kerk en de Stalin-cultus". Het Christelijk Oosten 44, n. 4 (29 novembre 1992): 221–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497663-04404002.

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Die russische orthodoxe Kirche und der Stalin-Kult Während des zweiten Weltkrieges fand eine überraschende Wendung statt in der Religionspolitik Stalins. Nachdem er die Kirche schwer verfolgt hatte, suchte er jetzt ihre Mitwirkung und gab ihr wieder einen Platz in der Gesellschaft. Für diese Wendung hatte er mehrere Motive: die von den Alliierten geforderte Verbesserung der religiösen Situation, die Kirchenpolitik der deutschen Streitkräfte in den von ihnen besetzten Gebieten, die Gefahr eines sich erhebenden Nationalismus, und schlieslich, die persönlichen religiösen Gefühle Stalins. Auch dieses letzte Motiv darf, in Anbetracht seiner religiösen Erziehung, nicht ausgeschlossen werden. Im Tausch für den ihr von Stalin gewährten Schutz spielte die Kirche eine bedeutende Rolle im Aufbau und bei der Verbreitung des Personenkults, der in den Nachkriegsjahren dem grossen Führer des Landes zuteil wurde. Machle sie dies aus Überzeugung oder sah sie es als eine Bedingung für die Erhaltung der ihr verliehenen Freiheit? Daneben stellte sie sich ganz und gar in Dienst der von Stalin geführten Auslandpolitik. In ihrem Bestreben, die westliche Welt als den Feind des russischen Volkes zu schildern, kehrte sie sich mit grosser Heftigkeit gegen die römisch-katholische Kirche und die ökumenische Bewegung. Es unterliegt keinem Zweifel, dass mil ihrer gefügigen Haltung während der Stalinzeit die russische Kirche eine schwere Verantwortlichkeit auf sich geladen hat. Einer allgemeinen Verurteilung der leitenden kirchlichen Persönlichkeiten sollte man sich jedoch enthalten. Sie waren alle Schlachtopfer der damaligen Situation und teilten in der allgemeinen Verblendung.
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15

Kislitsyn, Sergey. "“The devil is in the details”: S.M. Kirov’s emergent leadership and its elimination". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, n. 12-1 (1 dicembre 2020): 189–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi14.

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On the basis of historiography, a comparative socio -psychological review of political biographies and personal characteristics of Stalin and Kirov is carried out. A number of new sources were used: the correspondence of the Bolsheviks, the stenotech of Trotsky’s counter-process, and journalistic investigations. The system of indirect various data presented in favor of the version of Stalin’s participation in the organization of the murder of Kirov and qualitatively and quantitatively clearly outweighs the set of indirect arguments from the opposite point of view. The removal of Kirov was the initial stage of the forced rotation of the first generation of the Bolshevik political elite. The crime was a stain of Stalin, which eventually killed him mentally.
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16

Brintlinger, Angela, e Robert Service. "Stalin: A Biography". Antioch Review 63, n. 4 (2005): 797. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4614917.

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17

Callaghan, John. "The Stalin question". Twentieth Century Communism 14, n. 14 (1 aprile 2018): 96–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864318823243681.

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18

Oshinsky, David M., e Aileen S. Kraditor. "Soldiers for Stalin". Reviews in American History 17, n. 4 (dicembre 1989): 608. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2703440.

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19

Serge, Victor. "Retrato de Stalin". Estudios: filosofía, historia, letras, n. 5 (1986): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5347/01856383.0005.000169563.

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20

Patula, Jan. "Sombras de Stalin". Estudios: filosofía, historia, letras, n. 11 (1987): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5347/01856383.0011.000170229.

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21

Siegelbaum, Lewis H., Giuseppe Boffa e Nicholas Fersen. "The Stalin Phenomenon". Russian Review 52, n. 3 (luglio 1993): 433. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130757.

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22

Plokhy, Serhii. "Stalin and Roosevelt". Diplomatic History 42, n. 4 (31 luglio 2018): 525–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/dh/dhy050.

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23

Dubin, Boris. "The Stalin Myth". Russian Politics & Law 48, n. 4 (luglio 2010): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rup1061-1940480403.

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24

Brandenberger, David. "Stalin: A Biography". Canadian-American Slavic Studies 44, n. 1-2 (2010): 249–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023910x513100.

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25

Haslam, Jonathan. "Why rehabilitate Stalin?" Intelligence and National Security 2, n. 2 (aprile 1987): 362–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684528708431899.

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26

Rieber, A. J. "Stalin: A Biography". English Historical Review CXXI, n. 494 (1 dicembre 2006): 1505–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel319.

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27

Yekelchyk, Serhy, e Robert Service. "Stalin: A Biography". International Journal 61, n. 3 (2006): 778. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40204211.

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28

Horn, Gerd-Rainer, e Memorial Oesterreich. "Oesterreichische Stalin-Opfer". German Studies Review 15, n. 3 (ottobre 1992): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1430421.

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29

Ripka, Georges. "Stalin and science". Physics World 19, n. 2 (febbraio 2006): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/2058-7058/19/2/30.

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30

Cox, Mick, Johnathan Ree, David‐Hillel Ruben, Chris Arthur, David Law, Scott Meikle, H. H. Ticktin, Simon Clarke e Bob Sutcliff. "Marx after Stalin". Critique 20, n. 1 (gennaio 1993): 105–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03017609308413357.

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31

Wieczynski, Joseph L. "The Stalin Phenomenon". History: Reviews of New Books 22, n. 2 (gennaio 1994): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9948897.

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32

Todorov, Tzvetan. "Stalin close up". Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 5, n. 1 (gennaio 2004): 94–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1469076042000223419.

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33

Khlevniuk, Oleg. "Letters to Stalin". Cahiers du monde russe 56, n. 2-3 (17 aprile 2015): 327–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.8185.

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34

Pinsky, Anatoly. "Subjectivity after Stalin". Russian Studies in History 58, n. 2-3 (3 luglio 2019): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611983.2019.1727714.

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35

Bedford, Ian. "Stalin on linguistics". Canberra Anthropology 8, n. 1-2 (aprile 1985): 58–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03149098509508572.

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36

Ellman, Michael. "Stalin i sovremennost'". Europe-Asia Studies 64, n. 6 (3 luglio 2012): 1144–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2012.691382.

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37

Pitáková, Zora. "Culto de Stalin". Ignis, n. 7 (1 aprile 2014): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.52143/2711-029x.90.

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El artículo reflexiona sobre el cómo Josif Vissarionovič Džugašvili (Stalin), una de las figuras más enigmáticas del siglo XX, fortaleció su culto de personalidad a tal punto que aún 63 años después de su muerte sigue en el ojo de huracán, odiado por muchos y amado por otros. Para ello, primero se mencionará el papel que jugó la religión en este proceso y, luego, se presentará un estudio de caso - la antigua Checoslovaquia, para concluir si Stalin tuvo o no un rotundo éxito al descifrar el terror que propagaba entre la población de la URSS y de los satélites con su deificación.
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38

Buldakov, Vladimir Prokhorovich. "Satire and Stalin". Российская история, n. 5 (15 ottobre 2023): 226–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2949124x2305019x.

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39

Lever, Paul. "Stalin Ja Suomen Kohtalo [Stalin and the Fate of Finland]". RUSI Journal 163, n. 1 (2 gennaio 2018): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2018.1441686.

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40

Cerovic, Masha. "Olaf Mertelsmann, éd., Vom Hitler-Stalin-Pakt bis zu Stalins Tod". Cahiers du monde russe 47, n. 47/4 (30 dicembre 2006): 937–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.6806.

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41

Looby, Robert. "Looking for the Censor in the Works of Sean O'Casey (and Others) in Polish Translation". Translation and Literature 17, n. 1 (marzo 2008): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0968136108000058.

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The March 1953 edition of the Polish publication Medycyna Weterynaryjna (‘Veterinary Medicine’) carried on its first page a photograph of the recently deceased Stalin. In an internal report, the censor wrote: Szkodliwość w okolicznościowym numerze polega na tym, że redakcja ograniczyła się do zamieszczenia na pierwszej stronie zdjęcia Tow. Stalina bez jakiego-kolwiek art. wstępnego. Bardzo nieprzyjemne wrażenie mógłby odnieść czytelnik znajdując na miejscu art. okolicznościowego /wstępnego/ - art. o “Ochronnym szczepieniu świn”. (The harmfulness of the special issue consists in the fact that the editors limited themselves to putting a picture of comrade Stalin on page one without any kind of leader article. A very unpleasant impression might be made on readers finding in the place of a leader (or special) article a piece about ‘Swine Vaccination.’)1
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42

Perrie, Maureen, e Frank J. Miller. "Folklore for Stalin: Russian Folklore and Pseudofolklore of the Stalin Era". Modern Language Review 87, n. 4 (ottobre 1992): 1055. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3731556.

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43

Parthe, Kathleen, e Frank J. Miller. "Folklore for Stalin: Russian Folklore and Pseudofolklore of the Stalin Era". Russian Review 52, n. 1 (gennaio 1993): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130881.

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44

Sheng, Michael M. "Response: Mao and Stalin: Adversaries or Comrades?" China Quarterly 129 (marzo 1992): 180–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100004128x.

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In my view, the fundamental disagreement between Garver and me i, the estimation of the nature of the CCP-Moscow relationship, personalized in the relations between Mao and Stalin. Garver believe, that Stalin regarded Mao as a “dissident communist” who frustrated Stalin's intention to sacrifice the CCP's revolutionary interest; in order to meet the need for Soviet security. In the decade after 1935, Garver continues to argue in his comment, Mao “repeatedly deviate[d] from Comintern line and ultimately emancipate[d] the CCP from Moscow's control.” Therefore, Stalin had good reason to distrust Mao. If the CCP-Moscow radio communication had not been disrupted, Stalin could have prevented Mao from launching a successful coup at the Zunyi Conference, Garver says in his China Quarterly article. After finding some evidence of Stalin's willingness to supply the CCP with weapons, Garver states that “our estimates of Mao's willingness to antagonize Stalin must be adjusted.” To Garver, the Mao-Stalin relations were utilitarian in nature, just like those between Stalin and Chiang Kai-shek – they were all each other's “fishes.” Given the discrepancy between the Soviet security need and the CCP's revolutionary interests, Garver's depiction of the relationship between Mao and Stalin leaves the impression that they were adversaries, rather than comrades.
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45

Tatyana, Khoruzhenko. "Why are Stalin and Google alike? The Russian internet’s representation of Stalin". HUMOR 33, n. 1 (25 febbraio 2020): 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humor-2017-0074.

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AbstractThe aim of this paper is to examine how the image of Josef Stalin is presented on the Russian internet. The main focus of our study will be the macro images and memes published on social media. This article examines how memes were used to articulate an attitude towards Stalin and his time in modern day Russia. The article touches upon three groups of memes: the comparison of Stalin and Putin, Stalin as a victor in the Great Patriotic war and Stalin as a dictator. It is stated that memes are closely connected with the tradition of soviet anecdotes in form and in themes. It is concluded that three groups of memes analyzed are the new ways to express the political satire. The most direct is the first one, yet the last one is the most striking.
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46

Boterbloem, Kees. "Stalin: passage to revolution". Historian 82, n. 4 (1 ottobre 2020): 523–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2020.1889246.

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47

Gruliow, Leo, Dmitri Volkogonov e Harold Shukman. "Stalin: Triumph and Tragedy". Antioch Review 50, n. 3 (1992): 591. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4612581.

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48

Benn, David Wegdwood. "Stalin: triumph and tragedy". International Affairs 67, n. 3 (luglio 1991): 596. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622001.

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49

Faria, MiguelA. "Stalin′s mysterious death". Surgical Neurology International 2, n. 1 (2011): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/2152-7806.89876.

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50

D'Agostino, Anthony, Dmitri Volkogonov, Harold Shukman, Robert Conquest e Alec Nove. "Stalin Old and New". Russian Review 54, n. 3 (luglio 1995): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131441.

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