Tesi sul tema "Somerville (Mass.) – Politics and government"
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1
Quinn, Leon Roman. "The politics of pollution? : government, environmentalism and mass opinion in East Germany 1972-1990". Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271839.
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Chen, Xi. "Mass Media as Instruments for Political and Social Control in China: Media Role in Chinese Politics". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35389.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Under the influence of Soviet media theory, Chinese media have been held under the control of the Communist Party of China ever since the Party was established in 1921. However, this practice of control was subject to change as a result of rapid economic development and many social changes brought about by economic reform after 1978. This thesis explores the current situation of media control in China. Although the mass media in China began to enjoy more autonomy and diversity after the nation adopted its policies of reform and opening up to the outside world, given that political reform did not keep pace with economic reform, this study hypothesizes that the degree of government control varied according to the nature of the issues involved. It is expected that there would be tighter government control over the media in reporting political issues than reporting economic and social issues. The result of these case studies confirmed the original hypothesis. This study demonstrates that the relaxation of media control only happened in the non-political sphere. For those issues with political implications, there remained tight government control. In other words, the media are still used as instruments for political and social control in current day China. This study also explores the detailed approaches adopted by the government in controlling media content, management and operation. Furthermore, based on the study of both the historical development and the current situation of media control in China, this research points out the possible future developments for media control in China.Master of Arts
3
Papatheodorou, Fotini. "Broadcasting and politics in Greece, 1936-1987". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1991. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/28955.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this thesis is to analyse and explain the organization of Greek broadcasting, and particularly its relationship to the state and politics. The study begins with the introduction of state-owned radio in 1936 and ends with the abolition of the state monopoly and the introduction of private local radio by a Socialist government in 1987. Through a mainly chronological structure the study examines the development of Greek radio and television set against major developments in the sphere of politics from the inter-war period until the late 1980s. These developments include the establishment of a quasi-fascist dictatorship in 1936, the Right-Left cleavage of the 1940s and the nature of parliamentary regime which was established as a result of the Communist defeat in the civil war (1946-1949). Subsequently, the study deals with the imposition of the dictatorial regime in 1967 and examines the contradictions which led to its eventual downfall in 1974. Finally, the thesis covers the transition of the country to democracy, the nature of the democratic regime, the party system and the major aspects of policy of both the Conservative governments (1974-1981) and the Socialists (1981-1987). Placed within the framework of the debate about the role of broadcasting in liberal democracies, the thesis examines the applicability of two antithetical models, the 'fourth estate' and the 'dominance' models to the Greek broadcasting system from 1936 to 1987. Neither is found to be satisfactory. Our study of government-broadcasting relations since the introduction of radio demonstrates that the broadcast media have always been subordinate to partisan political control and that neither the editorial autonomy nor the political independence of Greek broadcasters, on which the 'fourth estate' model is based, have ever been safeguarded by Greek politicians. The 'dominance' model, on the other hand, to the extent that it considers the mass media as an instrument of the dominant classes fails to describe accurately the role of Greek broadcasting institutions and of the state which controls them within Greek society. Due to the uneven and belated industrial development of the country, the state has acquired a dominant position in social and economic life by distributing resources and safeguarding the vital Interests of various social groups. Political parties have always relied on the mechanisms of the state to consolidate their power. Broadcasting institutions have therefore been used by those holding executive power as a legitimating mechanism of their policies. Preoccupied as they were with the political output of radio and television, Greek politicians never pursued the development of a public service ethos In Greek broadcasting.
4
Linzer, Drew Alan. "The structure of mass ideology and its consequences for democratic governance". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1779835441&sid=8&Fmt=2&clientId=48051&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Gazali, Effendi. "Communication of politics and politics of communication in Indonesia : a study on media performance, responsibility and accountability /". [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40078108w.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Proefschrift--Universiteit Nijmegen, 2004.Mention parallèle de titre ou de responsabilité : Politieke communicatie en communicatiepolitiek in Indonesië : een studie over media, verantwoordelijkheid en verantwoording. Textes en anglais, résumé en néerlandais. Bibliogr. p. 128-140.
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Kälveus, David. "Regeringskrisen 1978 utifrån två perspektiv : Massmedierna och partiernas ståndpunkt i kärnkraftsfrågan". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-81616.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research highlights the swedish government crisis in 1978, based on two perspectives and how they affected the crisis. These include mass media and how the politicians acted in relation to their respective parties' standpoint on the nuclear power issue. The material is based on information from the editorial pages of two national newspapers and one submission page. This should shed light on whether the media affected the crisis. The research has also been supplemented with literature to investigate the parties’ opinions regarding the nuclear power issue. The chosen newspapers are Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet. A qualitative text analysis has been applied to the study by interpreting texts from newspapers and literature. The essay centers on the end of the crisis when the government parties, Centerpartiet, Moderaterna and Folkpartiet tried to find an agreement on the nuclear power issue, but also the days after Thorbjörn Fälldin's resignation as prime minister. The findings of the investigation suggests that both perspectives affected the crisis, with some exceptions. The newspapers that were examined differ in comparison with other mass media and it turns out that both leader pages and the submitter side did not follow up on the “betrayal” debate that was directed against Fälldin and Centerpartiet. However, several leaders and submitters claim that the media affected the crisis. It is also possible to suggest that the government's dissolution was due to the positions of the government parties on the nuclear power issue and that the politicians had to comply with this.
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Howard, Samuel Hering. "Still keeping watch:Measuring sourcing from statehouse news covering Springfield and Harrisburg in 1986 and 2014". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1461333225.
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Nyambuga, Charles Ongadi. "The role of the press in political conflicts in Kenya : a case study of the performance of the nation and the East African Standard Newspapers". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1449.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study focuses on the role of the press in violent political conflicts in Kenya in the period that preceded the 2005 referendum on the draft constitution. Based on media reports, six major thematic areas of concern emerged during constitution making. These were: land tenure, devolution of power, the executive, the legislature, the Bill of Rights, and the provincial administration. These sections of the draft constitution caused a remarkable divergence of opinion. The citizens either supported or opposed the draft constitution on the basis of how the draft had treated those sections in the draft constitution. Besides the major thematic areas, newspapers regularly focused and reported on ethnicity, violence, political leaders‟ utterances, the process of constitution making, and political conflicts. Three main objectives guided the study. The first objective focused on the relationship between media content and different levels of political conflict. The influence of media content and how these may have led to high political conflict, medium political conflict, low political conflict and no political conflict, are tested in this study. The second objective highlighted the kind of coverage that the draft constitution got during the period that preceded the referendum in November, 2005. This objective facilitated interrogation of media content and whether media content focused on aspects of the draft constitution such as land ownership, the executive, devolution, the legislature and religion, as highlighted in the draft constitution of Kenya 2005. The third objective examined the thematic emphasis that the media undertook in the period that preceded the referendum. The themes that were dominant in the period before the referendum could have impacted on readers' perceptions of the critical issues that could have informed the voters' decisions. Three primary questions were addressed in the study: Firstly, was there a link between media content and different levels of political conflict in weak democracies such as Kenya? Secondly, did media content influence ethnicity and did it encourage ethnic conflict in diverse societies? Finally, what were the key thematic areas of coverage by the press, and how were they used during the referendum? In order to study these research objectives, I used a combination of theories to enhance understanding of the interplay between media content and audience in the society. The theories are: agenda setting, two-step flow, priming, framing, and the public sphere. The study adopts a triangulation convergence design in mixed- methods research that involves both qualitative and quantitative methods. A structured questionnaire and content analysis were used to seek responses to the research questions of the study and to meet the stated objectives. The research revealed that the two newspapers under investigation, namely the East African Standard and the Nation, provided more coverage to issues that were not central to the content of the draft constitution, such as political leaders' utterances, violence, ethnicity, and the process of constitution making. This showed that the newspapers tended to sensationalise issues instead of providing objective coverage of political matters. These newspapers used their opinion pages to educate their readers on how the referendum was turning violent. The theme of political leaders' utterances is closely linked to that of violence. This suggests that the violence was influenced by some of the leaders' statements. These utterances, and more so those that touched on ethnicity, could therefore have been a potential cause of the ensuing political conflicts during the 2005 referendum on the draft constitution. The findings reveal that newspaper editors tended to focus on political conflict at the expense of the actual content of the draft constitution. This would have provided insight and knowledge on the document and avoided sensational reporting, which could have contributed to violent political conflicts during the period that preceded the referendum on the draft constitution of Kenya.
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Greenberg, Joshua L. "Promotional communication and reflexivity : case studies in the media politics and problematization of neo-liberalism /". *McMaster only, 2003.
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Durso, Rachel M. "“Shackles and Chains:” Three Essays on the Determinants and Consequences of U.S. Mass Imprisonment in the Twenty-First Century". The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1405703457.
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Djokotoe-Gliguie, Edem K. "Media and parliament in the Third Republic: a study of newspaper coverage of parliament by the Times of Zambia and the Post from January to November 2001". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007796.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The press is credited with playing a central role in the consolidation of democracy by informing citizens, engaging them in the process of public decision making and governance and stimulating wide and inclusive debate on public matters. In emergent democracies like Zambia, the extent of the media's role as a public sphere, not to mention its impact, is not known. The study set out to investigate the extent of the press' public sphere role, particularly how Zambian newspapers report Parliament and how such coverage informs public opinion. It found that though the press covers Parliament, the nature of coverage does not empower newspaper readers with the kind of context, background and interpretation they would otherwise need to engage in public discourses on matters that affect them from an informed perspective. In the main, the role of the press in informing citizens is not fully realised, not only because uninformative character of coverage, but partly because of low literacy levels and the limited reach of local newspapers. It was against this background that the study recommended ways in which the Zambian press could re-focus its approach to parliamentary news coverage to make it more informational and more inclined towards playing a public sphere role, at least to the newspaper-reading public. Making parliamentary coverage an integrated newsroom function was the main recommendation. It provided the basis for suggesting a practical editorial option for the coverage of the legislature that accommodates the integration of context, background and interpretation into parliamentary news.
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Ostrowski, Marius Sebastian Jacek. "Twilight of the pollsters : a social theory of mass opinion in late modernity". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8e7a203a-1ca6-4b26-a882-2e490e2d52b0.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines how the occupations people hold, and the social classes in which they are situated, affect the way in which they form and express opinions. At a theoretical level, it unites the 'deep-structure' macroanalysis of social theory with the individualised microanalysis of how subjects form and express opinions in opinion research, reviving an approach that has not been pursued since early-20th-century social research. At a practical level, it responds to several recent and prominent failures of prediction by the opinion polling industry, and asks whether a broader understanding of 'mass opinion' can help avert such failures in future. The thesis argues that opinions are subjects' judgments about their social conditions, based on mental pictures they have of these conditions that combine the values and attitudes they hold with the information they have about their environment. Subjects form opinions based on these pictures via three 'means of thinking'-personality-traits, emotions, and reason-and express them using two kinds of 'means of articulation'-bodily organs and media. The thesis shows how the variety of occupations subjects hold, and the extremity of class differentials between them, introduce substantial plurality into their values and attitudes, the way they acquire information, how they think, and how they articulate themselves. In particular, it highlights the considerable asymmetries between higher- and lower-class subjects regarding: which parts of their social conditions they are experts about, and how far they are influenced by others; whether they think about their conditions more emotionally or with reasoning; and how great a range and quality of opportunities they have to articulate their views. The thesis closes by suggesting that these findings offer opinion researchers and social theorists clear directions for measuring 'mass opinion' in new ways, and potentially emancipating the voices of subjects whose opinions are suppressed in late-modern society.
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Simons, Peter. "Isolationism on the Road to Damascus: Mass Media and Political Conversion in Rural Western Michigan". Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2004. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/SimonsP2004.pdf.
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Lahiri, Indrani. "Unlikely bedfellows? : the media and government relations in West Bengal (1977-2011)". Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/20410.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front Government and the media in the provincial state of West Bengal, India, during the thirty four years (1977-2011) period when the party was in government. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the relation between the CPI (M) led Left Front Government and the media in West Bengal (1977-2011), the role of the media in stabilising or destabilising the Left Front Government, the impact of neoliberalism on the Left Front Government and their relation with the media, the role of the media in communicating developmental policies of the LFG to the public and finally the role which the mainstream and the party controlled media played in the public sphere. These questions are addressed through document research of CPI (M)’s congress and conference reports, manifestos, press releases, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets; and interviews with the CPI (M) leadership and the Editors and Bureau Chiefs of the key newspapers and television channels in West Bengal. The findings are contextualised within a broader discussion of the political and historical transitions India and West Bengal have gone through in this period (chapter 4). This is the first study looking at the relationship between the media and the CPI (M) led Left Front Government over a period of thirty four years (1977-2011). The thesis finds that neoliberalism in India had considerable effects on the CPI (M), the media and their relationship. The research finds a continuous effort from the mainstream and the party-controlled media to dominate the public sphere leading debates in order to seek some form of political consensus in order to govern. The media in West Bengal were politically divided between the left and the opposition. The research finds that this generated a market for political advertisements and political news contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal that assisted in generating revenue for the media. The findings also suggest that the media contributed to rather than played a determining role in destabilising the Left Front Government. Finally the research finds that the CPI (M) had an arduous relation with the media since 1977 when the party decided to participate in the parliamentary democracy. The LFG and the mainstream media entered into an antagonistic relationship post 1991 contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal.
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Maršić, Tomislav. "Controlling the party or controlling the media? : how intra-party dynamics moderated, and reinforced, particularism in Croatia, 2000-2014". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:834082e1-abef-420f-9842-e8185626e9f5.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis explores the shape, the dynamics, and the main reasons for media capture and collusion in Croatia since the second transition in 2000. Using principal-agent theory to refer to the basic relation-ship between politicians, media and citizens, I intend to explain why politicians make use of particularism - behaviour aiming at the limitation of horizontal accountability - to force the media into cooperation with politicians (media capture) or to engage in an illicit, mutually agreed deal (collusion). Located in the literatures on democratization, party research and media studies, I aim to connect these fields in arguing that intra-party dynamics such as party leaders' rootedness, contestation and the institutionalization of rules play an important role in incentivizing executive politicians to capture or collude with media outlets. The empirical outcome of the study showing drastic failures of horizontal accountability contradicts dominant narratives of Croatia's high level of democratic consolidation between 2000 and 2014 and therefore challenges the suitability of indicators primarily designed to capture the institutionalization of institutions rather than the institutionalization of particularism. Croatia is a particularly appropriate case to study in this context since none of the traditional incentives such as Europeanization, inter-party competition, a strong civil society or economic modernization can fully explain shifts in the way politicians limit or reinforce horizontal accountability of the media. In order to address this puzzle I adopt a two-pronged research strategy based on both qualitative and quantitative elements in order to reliably and validly measure the shape and development of media capture and collusion.
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Tomic, Aleksandra. "The media in Bosnia and Herzegovina : a case study of international intervention in media democratization". Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33937.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The thesis examines the work of the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the post-war period and efforts to restructure its institutions and change journalistic practices. The main focus is placed the effort of the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe to facilitate "free and fair elections" in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the creation of the Media Experts Commission, which was to regulate the work of the media during this period. The difficulty that this Commission met during its work pointed to inadequacy of its mandate, as well as complexity of the issue of media transformation.The case of restructuring the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina is compared to Poland, which was successful in success in creating more democratic media system, more adequate for a new political environment.
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Baird, Julia Woodlands. "Housewife superstars : female politicians and the Australian print media, 1970-1990". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18048.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis focuses on the relationship between female politicians and the press in Australia - how they were interviewed and reported on, and how their public image was shaped, between 1970 and 1990. Making use of frame analysis, it examines the way the media framed women elected to parliament, and reveals a pattern of coverage which consistently portrayed women as outsiders in a male political realm. However, it also reveals that the coverage changed over time. There were four major frames through which female politicians were viewed. The ‘iron lady’ frame involved a search for Australia’s first woman Prime Minister, and compared femininity to the exercise of power or authority. The ‘housewife’ frame focused on women politician’s domestic responsibilities, and sprang from an anxiety about the impact of women’s participation in the public sphere on the private sphere. The ‘body’ frame drew attention to women’s weight, appearance and sex lives, often to either explain or query their political success. Finally, the ‘feminist’ frame centered on questions which asked women MPs to define themselves as feminists, and sought their opinions only on narrowly defined women’s issues. Frames were determined by the hook, the headline, and the choice of photograph as well as the narrative of newspaper articles, and repetition of descriptive words. Each frame evolved over time, and each has been shaped by female politician’s criticisms of their treatment at the hands of the press. This thesis shows the previously unexamined relationship between female politicians and the Australian print media is not static or unilateral, but symbiotic, dialogic and constantly changing. As a forum for a broader societal debate about the role of women, the major metropolitan newspapers sustained and shaped, but also undermined a separate spheres ideology. The print media was not monolithic, and competing viewpoints were aired in editorials, articles, comment and opinion pieces. Female journalists in particular played a critical role in introducing and sustaining a debate about a gender bias in political reporting, in the press. I argue analyses must incorporate the agency of women politicians in order to understand the complexities of the women’s responses and resistance to their portrayal as ‘housewife superstars’ in the press, as well as the possibilities for change.
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Ndawana, Duduzile. "The role of the judiciary in protecting the right to freedom of expression in difficult political environments: a case study of Zimbabwe". Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/99.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The right to freedom of expression is with no doubt one of the most important rights in all democratic societies. The southern African sub-region is however lacking when it comes to the protection of this right. There are either highly repressive laws which result in the right being practiced but to a limited extent. In other cases the media is owned by the elite in society which results in the majority not being represented in the independent media and at the same time, the public media is often abused by the governing elite. The scene is therefore that both the public media and private media are representative of the elite. The research seeks to explore the protection of human rights, particularly the right to freedom of expression in politically volatile environments. The research focuses on Zimbabwe but comparative analysis has also been drawn with other jurisdictions moreso South Africa. It is important to note that Zimbabwe has ratified both the International Covenant on Civil Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ rights both of which protect the right to freedom of expression. It is however not enough that states ratify international and regional instruments without domesticating the instruments at the national level. The domestication of the international and regional instruments is meant to ensure that individuals enjoy these rights. Freedom of expression is highly volatile in Zimbabwe. The legislature has been accused of taking away the right which has been granted to citizens by the Constitution through its highly repressive laws. The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), and the Official Secrets Act are some of the laws which have been put under spotlight in Zimbabwe. There is therefore a conflict between the legislature, the press and individuals in Zimbabwe. In Zimbabwe like many democratic states, there is separation of powers between the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary. The legislature is the decision making structure that enacts policies in their capacity as representatives of the people; the judiciary is the mediating body that adjudicates decisions between the organs of state as well as between those organs and individuals and the executive enforces decisions. The findings of the research are that despite the ratification of international and regional instruments dealing with the right to freedom of expression and the protection of the right to freedom of expression in the constitution, there still exist repressive laws in Zimbabwe which to a great extent limit the right to freedom of expression. These laws in light of the prevailing environment in Zimbabwe are often used to deprive citizens and journalists of information and their right to freedom of expression. The judiciary finds itself in a difficult position as the executive does not comply with its rulings. The independence of the judiciary, in light of the environment is also compromised by the threats to the judges, the appointment process and ‘gifts’ given to the judges for example, farms. The research analyses the history and theories of freedom of freedom of expression in Zimbabwe, the laws regulating the right and the case law dealing with this right. Finally there is a comparison between Zimbabwe and South Africa and conclusions and recommendations are made based on the discussion in the dissertation. Among the recommendations is that civil society should be involved in educating individuals especially journalists about the right to freedom of expression. Further, the judiciary should also take a more proactive approach in the protection of the right.
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Matsilele, Trust. "The political role of the diaspora media in the mediation of the Zimbabwean crisis : a case study of The Zimbabwean - 2008 to 2010". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85723.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After a decade long multi-faceted political crisis, political parties in Zimbabwe signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 2008 following the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) mediated talks culminating in the formation of an inclusive government. This study sought to investigate the political role, if any, played by the diasporic media in mediating the Zimbabwean crisis. This research focused on diasporic media using as a case study The Zimbabwean newspaper considering that during the research period it was circulating both in the country and diaspora communities in Western Europe, the USA and SADC countries. Diasporic media in Zimbabwe is a phenomenon associated with the rise of robust political opposition to the former ruling ZANU PF regime. Accordingly, such media operated outside the purview of the contemporary legislative and legal regime although the newspaper circulated in Zimbabwe. A number of anti establishment news media sprouted to challenge and offer resistance in the cyberspace and on shortwave and in print media. The Social Responsibility Theory was employed with the aim of establishing whether or not The Zimbabwean observed the journalistic ethics of reporting with truthfulness, accuracy, balance and objectivity. The Social Responsibility Theory’s thrust is on de-sensationalising reportage, promotion of media ethics and self regulation. This study employed both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The research established that The Zimbabwean newspaper played, to a larger extent, an active role in challenging the ZANU PF-led government and gave a platform to the oppositional Movement for Democratic Change. The conclusion arrived at in this study was that just like the state media, which promoted the government’s propaganda, The Zimbabwean did the same for the opposition parties in Zimbabwe.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke partye in Zimbabwe het ná ’n lang politieke krisis met vele fasette die Global Political Agreement (GPA) van 2008 geteken. Dit het gevolg op die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) se mediëring wat gelei het tot die vorm van ’n inklusiewe regering. Hierdie studie het probeer om die politieke rol, indien enigsins, van die diaspora-media in die mediëring van die Zimbabwiese krisis te ondersoek. Die navorsing het op diaspora-media gefokus deur ’n gevallestudie van die koerant The Zimbabwean te doen. Dié blad is gedurende die navorsingstyd in die land sowel as onder die Zimbabwiese diaspora in Europa, die VSA en SAOG-lande versprei. Diaspora-media in Zimbabwe is ’n fenomeen wat geassosieer word met die opkoms van ’n robuuste politieke opposisie teen die ZANU (PF)-regime. Dié media opereer dus buite die grense van die juridiese en wetgewende gesag van die land. ’n Verskeidenheid antiestablishment media het in die kuberruim, kortgolfradio en drukmedia ontwikkel wat beide uitgedaag en weerstand gebied het. Die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie is gebruik om vas te stel of The Zimbabwean joernalistieke etiek nagekom het deur waarheidsgetrou en akkuraat, sowel as met balans en objektiwiteit, te rapporteer. Die teorie fokus om reportage te desensasionaliseer en om media-etiek en selfregulering te bevorder. Die studie het kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes gebruik. Die navorsing het vasgestel dat The Zimbabwean tot ’n groot mate ’n aktiewe rol gespeel het om die ZANU (PF)-regering uit te daag en ’n platform te bied aan die Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)-groepering. Die slotsom is dat, net soos die staatsmedia regering-propaganda bevorder het, The Zimbabwean dit vir die opposisiepartye in Zimbabwe gedoen het.
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Gould, Davina Yetter. "A Qualitative Analysis of Trust Issues in the Journalist/Government Communicator Relationship: An Exploratory Study". [Tampa, Fla. : s.n.], 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000102.
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Dlamini, Tula. "Whither state, private or public service broadcasting? : an analysis of the construction of news on ZBC TV during the 2002 presidential election campaign in Zimbabwe". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008257.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The study sets out to examine the television coverage of the 2002 presidential campaign in Zimbabwe by examining the extent to which the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation fulfilled the mandate of public service broadcasting. The primary objective of this study is to assess how ZBC television newscasts mediated pluralistic politics in the coverage of the country's presidential election campaign, in line with the normative public sphere principles. The thesis comprises seven chapters organized, first, with an introductory chapter, which provides the general background of the study. The chapter offers the rationale for the focus on TV rather than other media fomls . There are two theoretical and contextual chapters in which the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods is explained and findings are presented. Finally, the conclusion offers recommendations about the form broadcasting might take to fulfil a public service mandate and these include the strengthening of the public service broadcasting model along normative public sphere principles. The findings of the analysed election newscasts confirm that ZBC television election news was constructed in favour of ZANU PF at the expense of voices from other social and political constituencies.KMBT_363
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Mwale, Edna. "An investigation into the impact of the gender policy on journalistic practices at the Times of Zambia newspaper". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008303.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study investigates the impact of the Times of Zambia gender policy on journalistic practices. The policy was formulated to address issues of representation of women both in news coverage and at an institutional level. In spite of the implementation of the editorial gender policy, no change in gendered representation is evident. As a media practitioner and a Zambian woman concerned with social justice, I set out to investigate the impact of this policy on journalistic practices. The study is informed by a Cultural Studies approach to media studies, specifically drawing on the 'circuit of culture' (du Guy et ai, 1997) and focused on two specific 'moments', namely representation and production. Data was collected using two qualitative methods, namely document analysis and semi-structured in-depth interviews. The document analysis established that this policy is informed by a liberal feminist approach to media and identified the weaknesses in its formulation. The subsequent semi-structured in-depth interviews probed the practices and perceptions of male and female journalists and editors in relation to the degree of change in gendered representation in the news. This study finds that the editorial gender policy at the Times of Zambia has not had any significant impact on the journalistic practices and it probed the reason for this lack of effectiveness. It argues that this can be partially attributed to the orientation of the policy within a liberal feminist paradigm which neglects the internal and external factors that influence the representation of women and men in news production. Further, this position ignores the societal structures and power relations which impact, albeit unintentional, on the treatment of news. Inter-organisational factors such as profit maximisation, political interference, the use of news values and news beats are identified as leading to the exclusion of representations of women in hard news. At an intra-organisational level, lack of importance attached to the policy by senior staff and their attitudes to news production in general have meant that the policy was not enacted or ensured in any meaningful way. The study also established that the patriarchal values that characterise Zambian society influence journalists ' and editors' treatment of news, thus making the implementation of the policy ineffective.KMBT_363
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23
Yang, Karen J. "Media coverage of establishment and non-establishment candidates in Argentina's 2003 presidential election". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1142292637.
Testo completo
24
Mushohwe, Knowledge. "An analysis of selected cartoons published during Zimbabwe's 2008 elections". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1609.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
During Zimbabwe’s 2008 harmonised elections the country’s media laws had a direct impact on the way editorial cartoonists expressed themselves. Although the online newspapers were unregulated and the print media published under Zimbabwe’s media laws, Public Order and Security Act and Access to Information and Protection of Privacy act - the editorial cartoons from both sources show deliberate bias towards one candidate and contempt towards the main rival. The study contextualises the understanding of the editorial cartoon, as practised in an environment of freedom of speech and defined by the four categories identified by Press (1981) and Manning and Phiddian (2004), and delineates the effect of media laws on the newspaper industry in Zimbabwe. The four categories of editorial cartoons identified are descriptive editorial cartoons, laughing satirical editorial cartoons, destructive satirical editorial cartoons, and savage indignation editorial cartoons. The study reviews eight editorial cartoons, read using a semiotic framework investigating non-verbal communication, as defined and suggested by Du Plooy (1996), and a text and language grid, as suggested by Leech (1974), according to the criteria of symbols/metaphors, exaggeration/distortion, stereotypes, caricature, irony, captions, and background knowledge, as developed by Fetsko (2001). A comparative analysis of the cartoons reveals that objectives and functions of the unregulated zimonline.co.za and the regulated the Herald newspapers are the same. They constitute propagandistic representations of Zimbabwean politics that are more an extension of political ideology than they are a reflection of the country’s sociopolitical landscape.
25
Katembo, Tina Kabunda. "The representation of South African women politicians in the Sunday Times during the 2004 presidential and general elections". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002899.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study analysed the representation of South African women politicians in the Sunday Times’ election news during the 2004 Presidential and general elections, by drawing on perspectives from cultural studies, the constructionist approach to representation and the sociology of news production. Using content analysis and critical discourse analysis, the study found that very few women politicians were used as news actors/sources in the Sunday Times, and that when women politicians were figured, the paper tended to present them in ways that serve to sustain women’s subordinate status in society. Using content analysis, the study analysed 106 news items published between January 1, 2004 and April 30, 2004, and found that of all the 588 identifiable news actors/sources counted, 135 were women and 453 were men. Of these, only 7.67% (or 26) were women politicians and 92.33% (or 313) were men politicians. On average however, the amount of words allocated to a woman politician was more than that allocated to a man politician. The discourse analysis also revealed how the Sunday Times managed to reproduce textually the hegemonic power relations between women and men, by constructing different subject positions for women politicians and men politicians, which generally tended to be negative and positive respectively. In the representation of women politicians, the study revealed patterns that tended to ascribe them negative personality traits, accentuate their passivity and dependency on men, and construct them as incompetent political leaders. This study’s conclusions pose a challenge to the role of the national newspaper in the transformation of gender relations and the promotion of equal access to political and decision-making positions, and to the news media. News discourse, as a social practice, both determines and is determined by the social structure in which it is produced. By systematically reproducing subordinate subject positions for women in the news, the Sunday Times helps to further women’s subordinate status in society. Particularly, as part of the broader social cultural context that is embedded in patriarchal and gender ideologies, the Sunday Times does not merely reflect but actively and effectively constructs the reality it claims to be representing.
26
Egglestone, Tia Ashleigh. "A critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the contesting discourses articulated by the ANC and the news media in the City Press coverage of The Spear". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012975.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research focuses on the controversy surrounding the exhibition and media publication of Brett Murray’s painting, The Spear of the Nation (May 2012). It takes the form of a qualitative Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), underpinned by Fairclough’s (1995) three-dimensional approach, to investigate how the contesting discourses articulated by the ruling political party (the ANC) and the news media have been negotiated in the City Press coverage in response to the painting. While the contestation was fought ostensibly on constitutional grounds, it arguably serves as an illustrative moment of the deeply ideological debate occurring in South Africa between the government and the national media industry regarding media diversity, transformation and democracy. It points to the lines of fracture in the broader political and social space. Informed by Foucault’s conceptualisation of discourse and the role of power in the production of knowledge and ‘truth’, this study aims to expose the discourses articulated and contested in order to make inferences about the various ‘truths’ the ANC and the media make of the democratic role of the press in a contemporary South Africa. The sample consists of five reports intended to represent the media’s responses and four articles that prominently articulate the ANC’s responses. The analysis, which draws on strategies from within critical linguists and media studies, is confined to these nine purposively sampled from the City Press online newspaper texts published between 13 May 2012 and 13 June 2012. Findings suggest the ANC legitimise expectations for the media to engage in a collaborative role in order to serve the ‘national interest’. Conversely, the media advocate for a monitorial press to justify serving the ‘public interest’. This research is envisioned to be valuable for both sets of stakeholders in developing richer understandings relevant to issues of any regulation to be debated. It forms part of a larger project on Media Policy and Democracy which seeks to contribute to media diversity and transformation, and to develop the quality of democracy in South Africa.
27
Baard, Marissa. "Die standpunt van Die Burger teenoor die Suid-Afrikaanse Waarheids- en Versoeningskommissie, 1990-2003". Thesis, Link to the online version, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/333.
Testo completo
28
Bradfield, Sarah-Jane. "A critical discourse analysis of the Daily Nation and the Standard’s news coverage of the 2007/2008 Kenyan elections". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63437.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study investigates the Daily Nation and Standard’s news coverage of Kenya’s 2007/2008 general election and the unprecedented eruptions of violence which followed. This research responds to the question which came about as Kenyan print journalists and editors considered their role in possibly contributing to the violence, which took on an ethnic dimension. Vernacular radio has been fingered for having escalated longstanding ethnic tensions, but the role of the press has not been fully understood. In the aftermath of the violence, print journalists and editors met over a series of Round Table events in Nairobi to consider whether their conduct during the election could have encouraged violence. Although ten years have passed since this incidence, much of what happened within the Kenyan print media during and after the 2007/2008 general election remains unexplored and, largely, unexplained today. Although the pre- and post-election phases spanned months, my research is confined to purposive samples from a four-week period from 3 December 2007 to 4 January 2008. These four weeks were selected as they are roughly representative of the three phases of the national election which are considered significant to this study, namely the pre-election phase, the election, and the post-election violence. The research is concerned with analysing and understanding the coverage in the two dailies, the Daily Nation and Standard, and comparing the discursive work of the two, particularly in relation to identity and ethnicity. This study draws on cultural studies, critical discourse analysis and normative theories of the media to inform the research project. The critical discourse analysis explores the discourses articulated during and after the election, with a particular focus on issues of identity, ethnicity and incitement. Through this process the study found that both publications avoided references to ethnicity, despite this being an important factor in Kenyan politics and voter behaviour. In analysing these issues the study found that while the publications might claim to attempt to avoid fuelling tensions by not reporting on ethnicity, the disavowal comprised a silence which positioned the press in a collaborative role, in which it colluded with a powerful Kenyan state. Although a significant amount of time has gone by since the 2007/2008 elections, this study still considers the event significant in understanding the conduct of journalists during times of violence, and specifically for the future of journalism in Kenya.
29
Santos, Phillip. "Representing conflict: an analysis of The Chronicle's coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002936.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the roles, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. This is done using insights from the theoretical position of peace journalism and its critique of professional or mainstream journalism as promoting war/violence journalism. Using the case of The Chronicle's reportage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe, it is concluded that, in performing the collaborative role, state owned/controlled media assume characteristics of war/violence journalism. On the other hand, it is concluded that The Chronicle developed practices consistent with peace journalism when it both espoused the facilitative role and journalistic objectivity. These findings undermine the conventional view among proponents of peace journalism that in times of conflict, the news media should be interventionist in favour of peace and that they should abandon the journalistic norm of objectivity which they argue, promotes war/violence journalism.
30
Steenveld, Lynette Noreen. "Race against democracy: a case study of the Mail & Guardian during the early years of the Mbeki presidency, 1999-2002". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015572.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the 1998 complaint of racism against the Mail & Guardian, a leading exponent of South Africa's alternative press in the 1980s, and important contemporary producer of investigative journalism. The study is framed within a cultural studies approach, analysing the Mail & Guardian as constituted by a 'circuit of production': its social context, production, texts, and audiences. The thesis makes three main arguments. First, that the claim of racism cannot be understood outside of a consideration of both the changing political milieu, and subtle changes within the Mail & Guardian itself. Significant social changes relate to the reconfiguration of racial and class identities wrought by the 'Mbeki state'. Within the Mail & Guardian, the thesis argues for the importance of the power and subjectivity of the editor as a key 'factor' shaping the identity of the paper, evidenced in its production practices and textual outputs. In this regard, the thesis departs from a functionalist analysis of particular 'roles' within the newsroom, drawing instead on a post-structuralist approach to organisational studies. Based on this production and social context, the thesis examines key texts which deal with aspects of South Africa's social transformation, and which exemplify aspects of the Mail & Guardian's reporting which led to the complaint of racism by the Black Lawyers Association (BLA) and the Association of Black Accountants (ABASA). Their complaint was that the Mail & Guardian's reporting impugned the dignity of black people, and in so doing was a violation of their rights to dignity and equality which are constitutionally guaranteed. However, as freedom of the press is also guaranteed by the South African constitution, their complaint to the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) resulted in public debate about these contending rights. My second argument relates to the jurisprudential approach to racism, and the related issue of affirmative action, which informed the complaint against the paper. Contrary to the 'normative', liberal approach to these issues, this thesis highlights Critical Race Theory as the jurisprudential basis for both the claimants' accusation of racism against the Mail & Guardian, and aspects of its implicit use in South African human rights adjudication. The thesis argues that in failing to recognise these different philosophical and political bases of legal reasoning, the media, including the Mail & Guardian, in reporting on these matters failed in their purported role of serving the public interest. The thesis concludes by applying Fraser's critique of Habermas's notion of a single, bourgeois public sphere to journalism, thereby suggesting ways in which the critiques of some of the Mail & Guardian's own journalists could be employed to enlarge its approach to journalism - giving voice to constituencies seldom heard in mainstream media.
31
Wakabi, Wairagala. "A critical analysis of the coverage of Uganda's 2000 referendum by The New Vision and The Monitor newspapers". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002947.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
On July 29 2000, Uganda held a referendum to decide whether to continue with the ruling Noparty Movement system or to revert to the Multi-party platform. This research entails a qualitative content analysis of the role the media played in driving debate and understanding of the referendum and its role in the country’s democratisation process. The research is informed by Jurgen Habermas’s public sphere paradigm as well as the sociological theory of news production. The research covers Uganda’s two English dailies – The New Vision and The Monitor, examining whether they provided a public sphere accessible to all citizens and devoid of ideological hegemony. It concludes that the newspapers were incapable of providing such a sphere because of the structural nature of Ugandan society and the papers’ own capitalistic backgrounds and ownership interests. The research concludes that such English language newspapers published in a country with a low literacy rate and low income levels, can only provide a public sphere to elite and privileged sections of society. A case is then made that multiple public spheres would be better suited to represent the views of diverse interest groups.
32
Ault, Michael E. "Presidential Support and the Political Use of Presidential Capital". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277874/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research incorporates a decision-making theory which defines the linkage between the public, the media, the president and the Congress. Specifically, I argue that the public holds widely shared domestic and international goals and responds to a number of external cues provided by the president and the media in its evaluation of presidential policies. Although most studies examine overall presidential popularity, there are important differences in the public's evaluations of the president's handling of foreign and domestic policies. Additionally, I am concerned with how the Congress responds to these specific policy evaluations, the president's public activities, and the electoral policy
goals of its members when determining whether or not to support the president. Finally, I link together the theoretical assumptions, to examine the influence of varying levels of support among the Congress and the public, and the president's own personal power goals on the type, quantity, and the quality of activities the president will choose. Ultimately, the primary focus of this dissertation is on the sources and consequences of presidential support and the influence of such support on presidential decision-making.
33
Nodoba, Todani. "The political role of black women journalists in post-apartheid South Africa : Sowetan (1994-1999)". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/18112.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Black journalists in South Africa have played a crucial role in exposing the political oppression of black South Africans during the Apartheid era. In this regard the Sowetan newspaper made a great contribution. However, the political role that black women journalists played at the Sowetan has been ignored, before and after 1994. After 1994, political black women journalists at the Sowetan continued to make strides despite the hostile environment that these women journalists worked in. The limitation of beats and assignments, lack of promotions and many other challenges that black women journalists faced during this period made their work environment unfriendly and hostile towards their performance. This study examines the political role made by black women journalists at the Sowetan newspaper from 1994 to 1999. The study shows how the black women journalists brought different perspectives in news at the Sowetan through their manner of reporting and also how they viewed matters within the context of a new democracy in South Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Swart joernaliste in Suid-Afrika het ’n onontbeerlike rol gespeel in die onthulling van die politieke onderdrukking van swart Suid-Afrikaners tydens die apartheidsjare. In hierdie verband het die Sowetan-koerant ’n groot bydrae gelewer. Die politieke rol van swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan is egter geïgnoreer, voor en ná 1994. Ná 1994 het politieke swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan steeds opgang gemaak, ten spyte van die vyandige omgewing waarin hierdie vroue gewerk het. Beperkte opdragte en spesialisonderwerpe om te dek, ’n gebrek aan bevordering en die talle ander uitdagings wat swart vrouejoernaliste in hierdie tydperk moes trotseer, het hul werksomgewing onvriendelik en vyandig gemaak met betrekking tot hul werksverrigting. Hierdie studie ondersoek die politieke rol wat vanaf 1994 tot 1999 deur swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan gespeel is. Die studie toon aan hoe die swart vrouejoernaliste ander nuusperspektiewe na die Sowetan gebring het, met die wyse waarop hulle verslag gedoen het en ook waarop hulle aangeleenthede in die breë verband van ’n nuwe demokratiese bestel in Suid-Afrika beskou het.
34
Mudzamiri, Wonder Tariro. "Framing economic news : an examination of coverage of the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategy in Business Day /". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/1707/.
Testo completo
35
Bargagliotti, Vicki Marie. "Content analysis of visual manipulation" and metaphors used in national news magazines during the 1996 presidential elections". Scholarly Commons, 1998. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/2342.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This investigation is based upon the old, but popular Chinese Proverb- "one picture is worth more than a thousand words" (Bartlett, 1980, p. 132). This researcher examined presidential campaign photographs in hopes of finding a possible media bias toward political candidates. This study confirmed two previous studies (Moriarty and Popovich, 1991 and Moriarty and Garramone, 1986), which reported that the media does, in fact, attempt to balance the visual coverage of political candidates during a presidential election.
All visuals, including photographs and illustrations from Time, Newsweek and U.S. News & World Report of candidates Bill Clinton and Bob Dole were used for this study. Data from these national news magazines were collected from September 2 (the kick-off after the Labor Day) to November 4 (the weekly edition just prior to the election on November 5).
Moriarty and Garramone ( 1986) developed coding definitions to identify 15 visual attributes of presidential campaign photographs. These attributes include: activity, posture, arms, bands, eyes, expression, interaction, camera angle, portrayal, position, size, props, setting, dress and family association. All visuals were coded as more favorable, less favorable or neutral.
A total of 282 visuals were used in this study. The results concluded that Bill Clinton was in 183 visuals, while Dole was in 99 visuals. If one looks at the sheer number or quantity of the visuals, they would assume that Clinton did out photograph Dole. This assumption would lead one to believe that the media was biased, but in fact, most of the visuals that were coded were "more favorable" to both of the candidates.
36
Rhidenour, Kayla. "Ideographs, Fragments, and Strategic Absences: An Ideographic Analysis of ". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9742/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study examined the ideograph of
37
Ntamack, Serge. "Rebellion as a lifestyle : representations of youth revolts in Cameroon". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5456.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research has used a critical discourse analysis approach encompassing postcolonial theory and theory of media effects in order to investigate the influence of political discourse in the media upon youth’s violence in Cameroon. As a result it has been found that the use of private violence by young people in urban cities has become ordinary. Such an attitude reflects among other some aspects of youth’s lifestyle designed to cope with the hardship of their social status and to resist the elite’s dominance. While no counter-narrative has been found in the independent publications about the portrayal of youth’s violence as criminal by the state-owned press, the young people nevertheless have produced through a street culture a narrative deconstructing the political discourse in the media and highlighting their grievances in a more or less violent tone. Thus the use of private violence during the riot in February 2008, is far from an isolated (re)action of angry young people , it obeys the very practicality of their existence and the political turmoil it might cause is incidental to the way of life in which it is embedded.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die navorsing het ‘n kritiese diskoers analise-benadering gebruik wat ‘n postkoloniale teorie en ‘n teorie van media-effekte insluit om sodoende die invloed van politieke diskoers in die media op jeuggeweld in Kameroen, te ondersoek. Daar is gevolglik gevind dat die gebruik van private geweld deur jongmense in stedelike gebiede normaal geword het. So ‘n houding reflekteer onder andere sommige aspekte van die jeug se leefstyl wat ontwerp is om die ontbering van hul sosiale status te hanteer en ook die elite se dominasie te weerstaan. Ofskoon geen teen-narratief sover gevind is in die onafhanklike publikasies oor die uitbeelding van jeuggeweld as krimineel en die publikasies van die staatsbeheerde pers wat die jeug uitbeeld met min agentskap nie, het jongmense wel ‘n teen-narratief geskep deur ‘n straat-kultuur. Hierdie teen-narratief dekonstruktueer die politieke diskoers in die media en onderstreep hul griewe in ‘n geweldadige toon. Dus die gebruik van private geweld gedurende die onluste in Februarie 2008, wat nie as ‘n geïsoleerde (re)aksie van woedende jongmense gesien kan word nie, is getrou aan die wese van hulle bestaan en die politieke onrus wat dit moontlik mag veroorsaak, is bykomstig tot die leefstyl waarin dit vasgelê is.”
38
Ponono, Mvuzo. "Centralising a counter public: an ethnographic study of the interpretation of mainstream news media by young adults in Joza". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65033.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The 2014 national general elections were characterised by a cloud of scandal hanging over the ANC, and the ANC president Jacob Zuma. The biggest and darkest cloud was the Nkandla scandal. Owing to a reported R246 million spent by the state to refurbish his private home, the president stood accused of wasteful expenditure and financial irregularity. In a country reeling from the continued effects of apartheid, which include high unemployment and poverty, the scandal was a bombshell. According to a vocal and often adversarial mainstream media sphere, the ANC went into those elections with an albatross around its neck. The dominant thought was that the ruling party would suffer a heavy loss of votes. This outcome did not materialise. The ANC lost a marginal share of its previous vote. Mainstream media and civil society were confounded. What had happened? Why had poor black South Africans continued to vote for a party that was obviously in breach of the constitutional order? Against the mismatch between what was predicted or purported and the outcome, this study investigates how young people in the township of Joza, Grahamstown, interpreted one of the biggest political scandals in South Africa’s fledgling democracy. Using a combination of subaltern studies, counter public sphere and audience study, the research looks into the interpretation of a mainstream media scandal that was supposed to diminish the chances of the ANC retaining power, but, instead, barely dented its majority. Through a combination of interviews and participant observation, the study found that young people in the township of Joza demonstrated that they chose to ignore the messages about the corruption of the ANC. The data suggests that they did so, not because of overt racial solidarity, but due to the fact that in a context of high inequality, and continued limitations on economic emancipation, the party shone brightly as a vehicle for economic development. Overall, the study argues that the seemingly dubious undertaking to continue with the ANC is a calculated decision that makes sense when viewed within a given socio-economic context.
39
Barratt, Elizabeth. "Choosing to be part of the story : the participation of the South African National Editors' Forum in the democratising process /". Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/29.
Testo completo
40
OANCEA, Constantin Claudiu. "Mass culture forged on the party's assembly line : political festivals in socialist Romania, 1948–1989". Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/37640.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Defence date: 11 September 2015Examining Board : Professor Philipp Ther (University of Vienna/EUI) – Supervisor; Professor Maria Todorova (University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign) – Co- Supervisor; Professor Pavel Kolár (EUI); Professor Bogdan Murgescu (University of Bucharest).
The thesis examines the structure and functions of political festivals in socialist Romania, between 1948 and 1989, focusing especially on their roles in mirroring the official communist ideology and its shifts between the Marxist-Leninist doctrine and nationalism, as well as in shaping a new type of culture for members of the working-class and peasantry. This analysis illustrates political festivals as instruments of institutional and mass control, and as means of self-representation for the communist regime, with the purpose of providing political legitimization. The research has focused on a comparative perspective, developed at two levels: a chronological one – between youth and workers festivals in Romania, during the 1950s and 1960s, and the so-called National Festival of Socialist Education "Song of Romania", during the 1970s and 1980s – and a structural comparison – between the official image of festivals in propaganda, at a general level, and that of festivals as perceived by ordinary people, at a case-study level. Political festivals constituted an important means of institutional and mass control, as well as of creating a new type of culture, in socialist Romania. Youth and workers festivals characterized the official cultural atmosphere of the 1950s and 1960s. Later on, in the aftermath of Nicolae Ceausescu's policy of integrating nationalism in the Marxist-Leninist ideology, in order to legitimize his personality cult, political festivals became the main instrument of forging the new man of the communist regime. Benefiting from a wide and diverse array of primary sources and material, the thesis addressed the following questions, among others: What was the development and evolution of political festivals in socialist Romania? What material and discursive contexts determined the selection or replacement of political symbols in the framework of political festivals? What were the effects of political festivals on everyday life for ordinary people? How did political festivals deal with the issue of leisure, free time and continuous education?
41
"From masses to audience: changing media ideologies and practices in reform China". 2000. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5890370.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Zhang Yong.Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 121-130).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Abstract --- p.i
Acknowledgements --- p.iii
Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: The Problem of Ideational Change --- p.1
The Articulation of Ideas and Practices --- p.2
Thesis Organization --- p.9
Methodology --- p.10
Chapter Chapter 2 --- Audience and Masses: Articulating with Different Media Institutions and Practices --- p.13
Social Construction of Audience --- p.14
The Reification of Masses and the Birth of Media Ideology --- p.22
The Institutionalization of Masses --- p.30
Legitimacy Crisis --- p.40
Chapter Chapter 3 --- "The Introduction of ""Audience"": Localization and Transformation.……" --- p.42
Localization --- p.43
Transformation --- p.57
Hybridization: Mixing of Masses and Audience --- p.65
Chapter Chapter 4 --- Audience Survey: The Legitimation of Audience --- p.69
Capitalist Democracy: Three Types of Surveys in the US --- p.71
Rescuing the Political Authority: Three Types of Surveys in China --- p.76
Appropriation --- p.80
Incorporation --- p.88
Institutionalization --- p.98
Chapter Chapter 5 --- Conclusion and Discussion --- p.109
Appendix --- p.117
References --- p.121
42
Mun, Sang-sŏk. "Mechanism of mass mobilization and creating state citizens during the economic development period". 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/17885.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research deals with the discordance between the national state and the nation state in the formation of the Republic of Korea (ROK). Charles Tilly (1992) distinguishes between the concept of the national state and that of the nation state, even though many scholars use the nation state. According to Charles Tilly (1975;1985;1992), a national state is simply state that rules demarcated territories, has a differentiated administration, and centralized autonomous structures, while the nation state is a state that comprises one single nation, in other words, a nation is the basis of the nation state. Tilly defines the nation as one community in which people share a strong linguistic, ethnic, religious1and symbolic, historical identity. Based on this national state theory, national subject and identity of the new Korean nation are keys to understand this research. The ROK has been a very strong state in terms of despotic power, which means physical violent means of the state. The ROK has reemerged as a strong state after the Korean War. The regime based on this characteristic tries to mobilize people and their resources. People should answer the state’s call and participate in national development projects. But even the strongest regime cannot rely on its superiority or monopolized means of physical violence to mobilize people and their resources. Therefore, as in fascist states, the regime created a variety of Administered Mass Organization (AMOs). There are two big purposes in mobilizing people of the ROK: one is de-politicization; the other is enforced cooperation in the name of nationalism, which means “state-formed nationalism.” The Saemaul Undong (New Village Movement), the Hankooknochong (Federation of Korea Trade Unions), and the Hakdohokookdan (Student National Defense Corps) were the main AMOs under Park’s rule. De-politicization played a role in making Koreans participants in the AMOs by avoiding being labeled as Uhyong, meaning collaborator with the dictator. Under surf of various ideologies to encourage South Koreans’ participation in development projects or AMOs, South Koreans began to identify themselves with a new ideology as state citizens of the ROK. A new Korean nation emerged through the experiences that Koreans had participated in. This thesis investigates the process of the creation of the new Korean nation during the economic development period. The salvation of a struggle between the nation state vs the national state in Korea emerged as an economic development and the creation a new Korean nation within the boundary of demilitarized zone the ROK. National subject discourse becomes a key factor of the process of emergence of a new Korean nation.text
43
"The United Democratic Front as exponent of mass-based resistance and protest, 1983-1990". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/5608.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
D.Litt. et Phil.Non-violent mass-based protest and resistance by liberation groups have a long history in the South African context. Prior to the 1980s, they had achieved only minor and isolated successes. The formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983 and its successful mass protest action against the state to 1990, changed the equation, however. The UDF's origin could indirectly be traced back to attempts from the 1950s to launch mass-based protest and resistance against the apartheid state. Calls for the formation of a united front against the South African State were made by various persons and organisations since the 1950s, but it was only by the 1980s that circumstances allowed the formation of a united front. Demographic realities, urbanisation, the legalisation of black trade unions, an educated leadership, the growth of a grassroots-based civil society among blacks, all contributed to make the formation of the UDF a reality. Protest against the government's tricameral system, initially provided the direct stimulus for the formation of the UDF during 1983 to 1984. By the end of 1984, the UDF had built up a wide support base to directly threaten the government's position. The result was several states of emergency through which the state endeavoured to crush the UDF-led opposition. The UDF's unique structure, which consisted of affiliates from all sectors of civil society, including black trade unions as an alliance partner, managed to survive the state's repressive measures, continued to pressurise the state so that by 1989, under a new head-of-state, the National Party "capitulated" and opened the door to real elections for a democratic South Africa. The UDF's strategies were aimed to mobilise the masses and through its mass-based action, bring maximum pressure to bear on the government. This strategic approach was executed by employing various tactics, which related to the classic methods of mass-based non-violent action. In the end, the state's security apparatus proved unable to cope with the UDF's relentless actions, offset by its inability to act effectively against the UDF as an entity, mainly because of its amorphous structure. Although other factors, such as economic recession, foreign sanctions, the ANC campaign to isolate South Africa, among other played a role, the UDF provided the crucial domestic impetus to illustrate to the South African government, that black resistance couldn't be suppressed and that the situation would continue to worsen. Seen against this background, it is unlikely that CODESA would have occurred as soon as it did without the activities of the UDF throughout the 1980s.
44
Mkhize, Sibongiseni Mthokozisi. "Contexts, resistance crowds and mass mobilisation : a comparative analysis of anti-apartheid politics in Pietermaritzburg during the 1950s and the 1980s". Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/5739.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines crowds and resistance politics in Pietermaritzburg, focusing particularly on the 1950s and the 1980s. These two decades were characterised by heightened anti-apartheid political activity in South Africa. It is against that background that this thesis explores mass mobilisation and resistance in Pietermaritzburg. The 1960s and the 1970s have not been ignored, however, in this comparative analysis. It appears that there was not so much overt mass mobilisation that was taking place in South Africa during this period, on the same scale as that of the 1950s and the 1980s. This thesis analyses selected case studies of events such as protest
marches, popular riots and stayaways. It examines the similarities and differences in the socioeconomic and political contexts in which such events occurred. The key aspect is that of resistance crowds. This thesis examines how, when and why resistance crowds formed in Pietermaritzburg during the two periods. It begins with a literature survey, which sets out the framework for comparison. Aspects such as the kinds of constituencies, the
roles of political organisations, trade unions, church groups, youth organisations, government policies and the nature of the campaigns are raised in the literature. Drawing from that framework this study explores the socio-economic contexts in which the selected case studies took place. The way in which the changes in the socio-economic and political contexts influenced mass mobilisation forms a central theme of this dissertation. The four case studies explore crowd events in anti-apartheid politics in Pietermaritzburg. The thesis concludes with a comparative evaluation of the case studies of resistance crowds in their differing contexts.Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1998.
45
"How is nationalism framed in mainland China media with different levels of government control: case study of Sino-Japanese relationship". 2006. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5892939.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Chiu Yuen Ming Vivian.Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 82-87).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Chapter Chapter 1 - --- Introduction --- p.1
Chapter 1.1 --- Overview --- p.1
Chapter 1.2 --- Significance --- p.7
Chapter Chapter 2 - --- Literature review --- p.8
Chapter 2.1 --- Definition of nation --- p.8
Chapter 2.2 --- History of Chinese nationalism --- p.8
Chapter 2.3 --- From state nationalism to popular nationalism --- p.16
Chapter 2.4 --- Three levels of Chinese nationalism --- p.17
Chapter 2.5 --- Media and nationalism --- p.17
Chapter 2.5.1 --- Media in China- newspapers --- p.20
Chapter Chapter 3 - --- Framing --- p.22
Chapter 3.1 --- Overview --- p.22
Chapter 3.2 --- Four different frames --- p.24
Chapter 3.2.1 --- National self respect --- p.27
Chapter 3.2.2 --- National self strengthening --- p.28
Chapter 3.2.3 --- Co-operation with Japan --- p.30
Chapter 3.2.4 --- National humiliation --- p.31
Chapter 3.3 --- Framing Sino-Japanese relationship --- p.33
Chapter Chapter 4 - --- Methodology --- p.35
Chapter 4.1 --- Theoretical concern --- p.35
Chapter 4.2 --- Case study --- p.35
Chapter 4.2.1 --- First case study: the Mukden incident --- p.36
Chapter 4.2.2 --- Second case study: Junichiro Koizumi's visit to Yasukuni Shrine --- p.37
Chapter 4.3 --- Media text --- p.39
Chapter 4.3.1 --- People's Daily --- p.40
Chapter 4.3.2 --- Global Times --- p.42
Chapter 4.3.4 --- Southern Metropolis News --- p.45
Chapter 4.4 --- Data and sampling --- p.47
Chapter 4.5 --- Content analysis --- p.49
Chapter 4.6 --- Hypothesis --- p.50
Chapter 4.7 --- Coding categories and schemes --- p.54
Chapter 4.8 --- Coding training --- p.55
Chapter Chapter 5 - --- Results --- p.57
Chapter 5.1 --- Overview --- p.57
Chapter 5.2 --- Quantitative results --- p.59
Chapter Chapter 6 - --- Discussion --- p.67
Chapter 6.1 --- Analysis --- p.67
Chapter 6.1.1 --- National self respect --- p.68
Chapter 6.1.2 --- National self strengthening --- p.70
Chapter 6.1.3 --- Co-operation with Japan --- p.72
Chapter 6.1.4 --- National humiliation --- p.74
Chapter 6.2 --- Implications --- p.76
Chapter 6.3 --- Limitations and further study --- p.78
Chapter 6.4 --- Conclusion --- p.80
Bibliography --- p.82
46
"State, market and media: the changing Chinese nationalistic discourse since the 1980s". Thesis, 2011. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6075166.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Besides, it finds that China's social structure indeed transformed as the unintended consequence of the agents' hegemonic struggles. Though both China's mass media and the burgeoning Internet society have not yet developed as a civil society, and the rational-critical discourse has not acquired consensus among the society, this study adopts an optimistic attitude towards them, yet, of course, the final answers indeed lie in the agents' own hands.By examining Chinese nationalistic discourse from discursive relations and the structural perspective, this study tries to combine "structure-agency", stressing both the deeper structural reasons in shaping nationalistic discourse and power relations amongst the four agents, as well as the active role of agents in promoting the transformation of social structures through such hegemonic struggles. Besides, considering China's social structure as a dynamic transitional process, and examining in which respect the four agents' hegemonic struggles contribute to the transformation of social structure, this study also goes beyond the dominant paradigm that regards the "state-society" as a static structure, especially in the field of communication study. Moreover, putting mass media into a broader social context, this thesis hopes to make a contribution to the study of the "publicness" of China's mass media and the role of the mass media and the Internet society in promoting democratic discourse and the formation of a civil society. This study finds that in the past thirty years, Chinese nationalistic discourse experienced significant change from intellectual-led to the CCP-led, and then, to netizen-led. Such change reflected the fierce hegemonic. struggles among the four agents and the transitional power relations amongst them. Yet, fundamentally, it is the changing economic-political-cultural (media) structure in China's thirty years that shaped the power relations amongst the four agents and the features of hegemonic nationalistic discourse. Especially, it finds that market economy, combined with the authoritarian political structure, tends to promote radical nationalistic discourse, rather than a democratic and rational discourse as the consensus among the society. Then, China's media commercialization, operating under the dual logic of the state and market, further radicalized such radical anti-western discourse. The Internet society that emerged in the 2000s sharply decentralized China's authoritarian political structure. Yet, under the marketized authoritarian structure, the rational-critical discourse still cannot acquire the hegemonic status.
Considering nationalism as an important political issue, China's Party-state has always paid considerable attention towards acquiring the leading status for its official patriotic discourse. Yet, the mass media, intellectuals and the ordinary citizens all strived to influence the nationalistic discourse, and as a result, the fierce power struggles unfolded amongst the four agents. Such power struggles were dynamic with the rise of the Chinese nationalistic sentiment during the past thirty years. Accordingly, Chinese nationalism becomes an ideal approach to study contemporary China's power relations and its transitions.
The main aim of this thesis is to examine power relations among the Party-state, intellectuals, mass media and the ordinary citizens, the four agents that are involved in the hegemonic struggle for the leading position of nationalistic discourse in the thirty years' "reform and opening" era, and explain the features and transitions of China's nationalistic discourse and the power relations behind it from the political-economic-cultural (media) structure perspectives.
Three nationalistic cases - TV-documentary Heshang ( River Elegy) in 1988, the anti-NATO bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the anti-Tibet Independence movement in 2008 - will be analyzed in detail in this thesis. They were selected because these are unique cases that could clearly illustrate the relationships of the four agents and the political context during that historical period. Then, the critical realism-based hegemony approach will be suggested as a new theoretical framework in this study. From this approach, on the one hand, Chinese nationalism will be considered as a hegemonic field in which all four agents struggled in for the hegemonic status of nationalistic discourse. Accordingly, we can examine the nationalistic discourses/projects promoted by the four agents, their discursive struggles and the dynamic process of how one's nationalistic discourse acquires hegemonic status in each case. In this process, the power relations among the four agents can also be explored clearly. On the other hand, since the critical realism perspective pays attention to the dialectical relations between structure and agency, this approach can help us explore how China's transitional structures in the past thirty years - from totalitarian state to authoritarian state, from planned commodity economy to socialist market economy, and from a media market to the Internet society - shaped the power relations amongst the four agents and the hegemonic nationalistic discourse, as well as how their hegemonic power struggles contribute to the transformation of China's social structure. Moreover, the critical discourse analysis can help us clarify such issues from three levels: text/discourse, power relationships/ discursive struggles, and social structure.
Zhao, Jing.
Adviser: Anthony Yin Him Fung.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: .
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-270).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstract also in Chinese.
47
Kang, Wha In. "The media-government relations comparative analysis of the United States, South Korea and North Korea's media coverage of foreign policy". 2007. http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.2/rucore10001600001.ETD.17108.
Testo completo
48
Yu, Haiqing. "Chinese media spectacles in the new millennium: counternarratives of modernity in China". 2006. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/3306.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis investigates the centrality of media spectacles in contemporary Chinese media culture, as sites of contestation over identity, citizenship and ethics. It examines four media spectacles - the media event of the new millennium celebrations, the news event of SARS reportage, the media stories about AIDS and SARS by new media users, and the media campaign war between Falun Gong and the Chinese state - to show how such contestation occurs in the interplay between the state and the non-state. It argues that the praxis to define identity, citizenship and ethics is not only in contestation (featuring resistance and opposition), but also in conjunction (characterized by mutual accommodation and appropriation) between the state and the non-state. Chinese modernity is produced in such interplay.This thesis is an interdisciplinary study of Chinese media culture, which combines theories from media studies and critical theory with those from China studies, particularly cultural studies in and about China. Chapter One examines trajectories of studies on Chinese media and culture within the context of China's structural transformations in the post-Mao era. It also offers conceptual discussions of counter narratives of modernity as a tripartite concept and Chinese media spectacles in relation to the thematic structure of the thesis. Chapter Two examines the interplay of the state and the non-state through a case study of the new millennium celebrations. It argues that the interplay produces a rejuvenation millennialism that harbingers China's second coming in the third millennium. This rejuvenation millennialism is a hybrid discourse of nostalgia, nationalism, and utopianism, all of which require a post as their signifier. Chapter Three uses SARS reportage as a case study to examine the intellectual politics of Chinese journalists in their interplay with the state and the society. It shows how journalists use strategies of double-time narration to mediate the different logics that are imposed upon them. It argues that mediation journalism defines and confines contemporary Chinese journalism.
Chapter Four studies media stories about AIDS (the case of Li Jiaming) and SARS (the cases of Sun Zhigang and SMS rhymes about SARS) that are produced, circulated and consumed by Internet and mobile phone users in urban China. It shows how new media users are able to re-configure their subjectivities through the interplay with the state and intellectual/journalist communities. It argues that by allowing the reformation of political subjectivities, talking, linking and clicking has become an important means of exercising citizenship for the subjects of postsocialist China. Chapter Five examines Falun Gong's media campaign war with the state, with the focus on their representations of the body, in order to argue that the contestation between the state and the non-state constitutes a crisis not only for body politics but also for ethics. Falun Gong represents an historical force to split the ethics of the self and the nation from the politics of the state. Representing four aspects of counter narratives of modernity in China, these four media spectacles will inform Chinese politics, culture, society and everyday life in the 21st century.
49
Louw, Paul Eric. "Communication and counter hegemony in contemporary South Africa : considerations on a leftist media theory and practice". Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/6175.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In South Africa the left-wing is currently in an ascendant mode. Yet it is not an unproblematic ascendancy. For one thing, because Marxism has been interwoven with so much of the South African struggle, the South African Left are now unable to disentangle themselves from the contemporary 'collapse of the Marxist dream'. And this translates into a South African socio-political issue because as the Left accumulates influence and power in South Africa so the problems and limitations of historical materialism acquire a wider social significance. This thesis will argue that a key problem with the historical materialist paradigm has been its limitations when dealing with communication and the media. However, there have been historical materialists (usually those who consciously stepped outside 'mainstream Marxist' discourse) who made considerable advances in attempting to develop historical materialism's capacity for dealing with
communication, the media and the subjective. This thesis will examine
some of the work which has attempted to 'reconstruct' historical materialism away from a narrow materialism. The aim will be to give some direction to the development of a New Left approach to communication. Such a reconstruction is seen as a precondition if the Left-wing is to find a formula for dealing with Information Age relations of production. A New Left communicology able to deal with the 'superstructuralism' of the Information Age offers a specific perspective on how to construct a development strategy for South Africa. This will be discussed, and the thesis will attempt to tie together the notions of communication, development and democracy. The relationship between communication and democracy will be especially important for the New Left approach that will be favoured in this thesis. So an important theme in the thesis will be the question of developing a left-hegemony based upon a democratic-pluralism. This will entail examining the role that media and an institutionalised social-dialogue can play in building a left-wing democracy. The extent to which the left-wing media in South Africa have contributed to a democratic dialogue is discussed. This will then be extended into a discussion of how media can contribute to the reconstruction, development and democratization of a leftist post-apartheid South Africa.Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1991.
50
Emmanuel, Mark. "Print as pulpit : an epistemic community and the formation of a new Malay economic discourse in Malay newspapers and magazines in Malaya during the Great Depession, 1930-1935". Phd thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151062.
Testo completo