Articoli di riviste sul tema "Society for the Protection of New Hampshire Forests"

The article considers the issues of legislative regulation in the ancient monument of law – Ruska Pravda, issues of forest protection in the territory of Kievan Rus, in order to form a general comprehensive concept of forest protection in Ukraine in different periods of state formation. The relevance of the study is justified by the change of economic, political, social and legal development of Ukraine, which influenced the transition from the monistic paradigm of legal reality research methodology to the pluralism of research paradigms and allows a new assessment of development of forest protection norms on the territory of Ukraine. The most important factors that led to the formation of forest protection legislation of Kievan Rus are highlighted. A comparative legal analysis of the Short and Spatial editions of Russkaya Pravda was carried out. It is established that the Spatial edition differs from the Short edition by a larger number of articles on the protection of forestry, which is due to the process of formation of feudal society and the need for more detailed regulation of property rights. The features of this monument of law, which distinguished it from the legal acts created in subsequent periods, are indicated. Attention is drawn to the enshrinement in Russkaya Pravda of the norms of customary law, according to which «what is given by nature belongs to the whole society». Therefore, deforestation was not prohibited, but liability for theft of firewood was imposed by imposing a fine of 9 kunas, and for each cart with firewood – 2 kunas separately, while the law regulated fishing related to forests. The system of fines provided by Ruska Pravda for offenses related to forestry is described. Organizational principles of forest protection in Kievan Rus are considered. It is established that in this period there were no special organizational structures in this area and that law and order in the forests was provided by princely warriors with the participation of hunters. Key words: «Russian Law», Kievan Rus, forest protection, forestry, liability for violation of forest protection norms, theft, fine.

The forest cover in Poland reaches almost 30% of the country’s area. Polish forests are characterized by high biodiversity. Unfortunately, in recent years, the forests of Central Europe have been affected by climate change problems, in particular meteorological drought. In Poland, even those stands which consist of species that were widely recognized as drought tolerant and easily adaptable to environmental changes are beginning to die. The article presents engineering methods applicable to forest environment protection, largely developed at the University of Life Sciences in Poznań and implemented by the State Forests—National Forest Holding in Poland, to minimize the effects of drought. Among the issues raised are ways to protect forests against fires, modern technologies for fire road surface construction and small-scale water retention in forests. A comprehensive solution to problems related to progressive drought is a must. Scientists and foresters are observing the dying of large areas of stands and, at the same time, intensification of wildlife migration due to the search for new habitats as a consequence of the drought. Therefore, the issue of building animal crossings during the current dynamic expansion of the road network in Poland has also been presented in the paper. Another subject pointed to in the text is forest tourism. Forests provide opportunities for recreation and rest to society. However, the increasing tourist pressure in some regions may cause adverse environmental effects. Finally, the paper shows some examples of supporting forest environment protection using remote sensing techniques. Generally, the aim of the paper is to present experiences and comprehensive solutions implemented in Poland.

Sustainable use of soils requires a long-term equilibrium between the demand of society for ecological goods and services of soils and their actual capacity, also in forest areas. In general, the way soils are treated at present is too much influenced by reasoning along sectorial lines. Protection of this resource is very complex and involves a number of specialist departments. This requires a high degree of coordination. The presented resource protection concept intends to make pedological knowledge of the systemic behavior of soils available for spatial planning. Soil protection is not only a concern of forestry itself, safeguarding the sustainability of forest soil capacities is also relevant to the whole society. Therefore, social demands and activities inside and outside forests have to be adjusted to the capacities of forest soils. There is a wide range of methods to deduce the potential and sensitivities of soils. The bases for the implementation of the resource protection concept are, however, rather inhomogeneous, thus reducing the applicability of the deduction methods. Despite the insufficient data and some knowledge gaps it should nevertheless be possible to improve the basis for decision-making aiming to assure a sustainable development of the soil resource.

Abstract Forests cover more than one third of the area of Czechia and provide many environmental, economic, social and cultural benefits. Only a small part of the country´s forested area is left to nature. Most Czech forests are managed, with Norway spruce as the main tree species. The ongoing climate change progressively creates new conditions for the functioning of forests as important components of the landscape and providers of ecosystem services for society. Until recently, Czech forestry policy makers had not paid enough attention to climate change. As a result, Czech forests grapple with increasing instability caused by repeated windstorms, droughts and insect plagues. Traditionally applied management methods and rigid business models are not suitable for resolving the situation. Czech forestry thus takes an exceptional position within Europe. The responsibility for the development of the adaptation strategy and sustainable management policy lies in the hands of forestry policy makers. In order to restore stability and to ensure multifunctionality of forests under new climatic conditions, it will be necessary to introduce a new model of forest management. Compared to the traditional forestry model based on age classes, the new management model must be more flexible and better adapted to the new environmental situation. The principles of the new forestry policy should stem from agreement and cooperation of the forestry sector with scientific and nature protection institutions, as well as from an active discussion within society. The starting point of the change are the documents Strategy of Adaptation to Climate Change under the Conditions of the Czech Republic and National Action Plan, elaborated in 2016 and 2017 by the Ministry of the Environment, and the Strategic Framework Czech Republic, approved by the Czech government. The chosen adaptation strategy and its implementation must not only restore the stability of forests, but also improve the future position of the Czech forestry sector among European countries.

After over 50000 years of interaction between Aboriginal people and changing climates, south-western Australia’s tall forests were first logged less than 200 years ago, initiating persistent conflict. Recent conservation advocacy has resulted in the protection of 49% of these tall forests in statutory reserves, providing an opportunity to implement and benefit from a growing moral consensus on the valuing of these globally significant, tall forest ecosystems. We analysed a cross-section of literature (63 papers, 118 statements) published on these forests over 187 years to identify values framing advocacy. We differentiated four resource-oriented discourses and three discourses giving primacy to social and environmental values over seven eras. Invasion sparked initial uncontrolled exploitation, with the Forests Act 1918 managing competing agricultural and timber advocacy. Following the Colonial and Country Life eras, industrial-scale exploitation of the karri forest region resulted in reaction by increasingly broad sectors of society. Warming and drying in the 21st Century emphasises the importance of intact tall forest and the Indigenous Renaissance discourse. Vesting for a more comprehensive set of values would acknowledge a new moral consensus.

Illegal logging is a global problem that cannot be addressed unambiguously and in all cases. Given that criminal acts about wood are not a new type of violation, but, having appeared long before the current century, remain one of the most common negative social phenomena, the author analyzed the process of formation and development of forest protection in Russia. The first conservation certificates, «green» forests, as well as the restrictions on forest management introduced by Peter I, caused by the need to form a new model of state defense, were the basis for the formation of legal protection of forests. At the same time, the author notes that the established regimes were interconnected and interdependent from a number of legal factors, the key of which was the form of ownership of the territory in which the trees grew. The study contains an analysis of the transformation of the institution of «forest guardians,» the rights, obligations and requirements for employees, the number of units, as well as their social security. The content of the article is divided into several blocks, which is due to the political system that prevailed at a certain time in the development of society: feudal grand-ducal power, the Russian state, the Russian Empire, the RSFSR, the Russian Federation. A brief analysis of law enforcement and judicial practice, a study of regulatory documents, coupled with reporting and archival documents based on the results of the activities of forest protection units, made it possible to conclude that it was impossible to exercise control over forest resources without the formation of specialized units, the functioning of which may be temporary.

The impact of climate change on forest ecosystem services will differ depending on the regional situation. Based on findings of natural sciences the impact on society can be assessed by applying economic valuation methods. We distinguish between cost- and benefit-oriented approaches, both of which necessary to provide a comprehensive basis for decision-making. Aspects of uncertainty that are especially related to protection services are considered by extended approaches, such as Bayesian networks combined with geographic information systems. Following an adaptive management approach these new findings can be integrated in the decision process and thus contribute to a sustainable resource use, while taking climate change as well as society's diverse demands for forest ecosystem services into account.

The environmental service provided by the great biodiversity of Amazonian forests is one of several factors leading to the conclusion that much greater efforts are warranted to reduce the destruction of these forests. Risks to biodiversity in Amazonian forests include deforestation, logging, fires, fragmentation, depletion of fauna, invasion by exotic species, and climate change. Financial values assigned to biodiversity depend strongly on the purposes of valuation. Utilitarian benefits include the values of presently-marketed and presently-unexploited forest products, and the monetary value of environmental benefits. Non-monetary values of Amazonian forests are also essential components of decision-making on conservation. Measures of ‘willingness to pay’ and ‘willingness to accept’ can be useful as indicators of potential financial flows, but should not be confused with the true values of the forests to society. Valuation for the purpose of setting penalties for destruction of biodiversity is an important legal question in Brazil and must take into consideration additional factors.Conservation of biodiversity in Brazil includes creation of various types of protected areas. The status of these areas varies greatly, with practice frequently deviating from official requirements. Creating reserves that include human occupants has a variety of pros and cons. Although the effect of humans is not always benign, much larger areas can be brought under protection regimes if human occupants are included. Additional considerations apply to buffer zones around protected areas. The choice and design of reserves depends on the financial costs and biodiversity benefits of different strategies. In Brazil, rapid creation of lightly-protected ‘paper parks’ has been a means of keeping ahead of the advance of barriers to establishment of new conservation units, but emphasis must eventually shift to better protection of existing reserves. Indigenous peoples have the best record of maintaining forest, but negotiation with these peoples is essential in order to ensure maintenance of the large areas of forest they inhabit. The benefits of environmental services provided by the forest must accrue to those who maintain these forests. Development of mechanisms to capture the value of these services will be a key factor affecting the long-term prospects of Amazonian forests. However, many effective measures to discourage deforestation could be taken immediately through government action, including levying and collecting taxes that discourage land speculation, changing land tenure establishment procedures so as not to reward deforestation, revoking remaining incentives, restricting road building and improvement, strengthening requirements for environmental impact statements (RIMAs) for proposed development projects, and creating employment alternatives.

The article analyzes the essence of the human right to a safe environment. For this purpose, the domestic legal acts defining it and aimed at its implementation were studied. Next, nature protection relations are characterized, and their subject composition is determined. The importance of legal regulation of nature protection relations, the priority of solving nature protection problems, which guarantees the quality of life of every person and the safety of society, is substantiated. The peculiarities of agricultural production as an activity related to the use of natural resources protected by the state have been clarified. A list of means of protecting the rights and legitimate interests of the participants in nature protection relations is provided, and their types are distinguished. Particular attention is paid to those problems of nature protection related to the conduct of military operations on the territory of Ukraine. The impact of the law of international communities and European integration on environmental protection relations is also mentioned, but this aspect requires a separate thorough study planned in the next work. It is obvious that it is currently impossible to determine the real damage and probable consequences of the pollution of the nature of Ukraine in the temporarily occupied territories, as well as the deterioration of atmospheric air quality due to numerous fires (caused by the fall of rockets in forests and fires of industrial facilities). Therefore, it is important to monitor the revision of existing bills and the development of new ones in the field of environmental protection in general and the restoration of the objects of the nature reserve fund in particular. In general, this work is based on the statement about the importance of the established in Art. 50 of the Constitution of Ukraine the right to an environment safe for life and health and to compensation for damage caused by the violation of this right. It is the specified right that determines the essence of the analyzed right, the content and direction of the legal norms that form it and are aimed at its implementation.

Soil erosion is one of the major processes degrading the natural environment but also agricultural production areas. Soil erosion may lead to soil organic carbon (SOC) loss, especially from sloping agricultural terrain units. The use of phytomelioration in environmental management, particularly long-term, permanent forest vegetation, is widely recognized as a possible measure for soil erosion protection and mitigation of climate change through carbon sequestration. The aim of this study was to compare of the topsoil organic carbon stocks on the slopes under soil-protecting forests in relation to the adjacent agricultural slopes. The research was conducted in the young glacial landscape of North-Central Poland. The study indicated the significant role of forest management on the increase of soil organic matter content and SOC stock. The results show that land use and slope gradients are important factors controlling soil organic carbon pools in topsoil in young glacial areas. This topic is extremely important particularly as the effects of climate change become more and more visible, and society faces new challenges in preventing these changes.

The article examines the legal framework for environmental security in the context of globalization. Attention is focused on interstate cooperation in the field of health security. Particular attention is paid to the relationship and correlation of international and national legal acts. The task to unite the efforts in the international community for ensuring the safety of the human environment is being actualized. In modern conditions, the depletion of natural resources and the adverse effects of environmental degradation are an obstacle to sustainable development. Negative trends are recognized land degradation, loss of biodiversity, lack of drinking water, droughts, desertification, aggravating new problems. It is concluded that it is necessary to carry out a set of measures to preserve the environment. Issues related to the rational use of natural resources, seas, oceans, freshwater resources, mountains and forests and protection of wild flora and fauna require solutions within the international community. The importance of international cooperation and consolidation of resources to combat desertification, drought and land degradation is increasing. The international community in the field of environmental protection should be focused on the prevention and limitation of harmful effects on the environment, the rational use of international natural resources and the protection of unique natural objects through conservation from human economic influence. Changes are required in the environmental policies and legal frameworks of states. Consolidation is required by the resources of both government agencies and civil society, including youth, trade unions, the media, academia, the private sector and others.

This paper analyzes how deforestation and investments are influenced by the legalization of cannabis products for medical/industrial and recreational purposes, as well as their possible protection with Designation of Origin, and Geographical Indication. The long history of illegal cannabis-related activity and the consequences of such activity in the economy, society, and ecosystem during the last decades, the considerations of this paper are of high interest for new business opportunities, expanding or changing existing business objectives, and revitalizing affected forests. A questionnaire via electronic means was spread to gather the data while the logit model and its marginal effect were applied to obtain the results and analyze this influence. Investments in the field of cannabis for medical/industrial and/or recreational purposes appear to be more sensitive to this change, whether the preservation of the ecosystem seems not to be positively influenced. The actual legislative change and a potential future one do show significance, contrary to the industrial property rights, showing the need for further awareness of the benefits of these instruments for the economy. The findings interest economists, pharma and other relevant business fields, policymakers, and scientists in Albania, the region, and worldwide.

In the last decade, the problem of fires in the natural landscapes of Ukraine has aggravated due to climate change, changes in society and land use. Catastrophic wildfires in 2014, 2015 and 2020 indicate that Ukraine is now in the new climate conditions in terms of the level of fire danger. It is clear that in such conditions departmental forest and landscapes fire protection system is incapable of control over the situation. Such situation requires an analysis of the effectiveness of the existing forest and landscapes fire protection system and its improvement in accordance with new risks and challenges. Based on the methods of RS with the help of modern software products, it was established that in Ukraine over the past 19 years wildfires have damaged 38.4 million hectares of natural areas, an average of 2.0 million hectares annually. The most severe problem of wildfires is observed in the southern and eastern parts of Ukraine, where forest cover is low, part of agricultural lands is large (over 70%), which indicates, first of all, a problem of agricultural fires. In comparison to fires (burnings) on agricultural lands, the problem of forest fires does not seem very significant. Yet, taking into the account especially large forest fires in Ukraine during 2007 – 2020 that have led to human deaths, destruction of residential buildings, manufacture and social infrastructure, which has resulted in enormous ecological and economical losses, it is clear that forest fire protection system requires deep analysis and appropriate decisions for its improvement. The article is devoted to the study of fires in the natural landscapes of Ukraine, analysis of the current forest and landscapes fire protection system and ways to improve it. The first step towards establishing a modern fire management system in Ukraine should aim at establishing a reliable national fire statistics system, which would highlight the real problem and include all type of landscape fires - in open lands and in forests. The scientific article represents analyzes the landscape fires for the period 2001-2019 according to the global products of the MODIS system. Also in the article, performed the analysis of the components of the current fire management system and the main shortcomings and key recommendations for its improvement are formulated.

Sustainable development is socioeconomic growth that integrates political, economic, and social measures alongside environmental protection to meet the needs of communities and citizens without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs. The sustainable development concept was initially based on three main pillars: environment, economy, and society. In successive years, this concept has been expanded to include new pillars. The awareness of these changes has influenced our research interests. The main research objective of this study was to evaluate the applicability of geographic information system (GIS) tools (data, tools, and multidimensional analyses) to the implementation of sustainable development principles in rural areas. The study covered rural and nonurbanized areas in Poland, especially farmland, forests, fisheries, and farms. The study presents the results of our research into environmental, economic, and social determinants of growth in the spatial dimension. GIS tools continue to evolve, which improves access to information and increases database managers’ awareness that highly accurate data are needed for spatial analyses. GIS systems allow us to formulate, in a structured and formal way, models that reflect both the current state and forecast changes that will occur in space. It is a very useful tool in the sustainable development of rural areas.

Deforestation is thought of as a huge threat to carbon neutrality and the development of contemporary society and it has brought wide interest and attention in the science community to develop new methods to identify and quantify the occurrence and extent of forest loss. Understanding the forest-loss patterns is essential for forest management and protection. With the help of a high-spatial-resolution remote-sensing dataset on forest loss, the spatial and temporal dynamics of deforestation patterns in forests of Southwest China (SWC) have been investigated. The major findings of this study indicated that small-scale (<5 ha) deforestation raised pervasively in the region from 2001 to 2019, and the number of large patches of forest loss (>5 ha) has decreased significantly during the same period. Moreover, the mean size of forest-loss patches showed an increase from 0.34 ha to 0.61 ha over time. With the alarming trend of increasing deforestation in the southern region of our study area, the growth of emerging forest-loss hotspots was clearly observed in Chongqing and Sichuan Province. The results promoted an indepth understanding of forest-loss patterns in SWC and can help provide more coherent guidance for further forest monitoring and conservation.

Structure and impact of support for forestry under NFE in the canton of Bern (essay) Support for forestry in Switzerland under the new system of fiscal equalization and division of tasks between the Confederation and the cantons (NFE) has now entered its third phase. Program agreements between Confederation and cantons have improved implementation. The operational scope of action of the cantons should be used in such a way as to achieve an optimal and sustainable impact. Regarding this, improvements are necessary in the canton of Bern: the three programs on forestry – protection forests, biodiversity and forest economy – have a complex structure because of the great diversity of ownership and site conditions. The effort needed to provide advice and implement measures is great. For the next phase of the program, the effectiveness and efficiency of support should be improved. In general, support programs should be designed in such a way as to encourage cooperation, innovation and professionalism in the forest economy. At the centre of the program should be an innovative forest economy, as laid down in forest legislation as the basic principle of forest policy in the canton of Bern. It aims at ensuring both the sustainability of the forest ecosystem and the satisfaction of the needs of society for forest services according to demand and in an economically viable way.

The forest area of the Moravian-Silesian Beskids is on the slopes of the most westerly range of mountains of the Carpathian System in the Czech Republic, the only site with specific growth conditions for the forest. The exceptional significance of the area consists on its role in ensuring the range of requirements for the functions of the forest for a large industrial agglomeration. In this area, the forests form a vitally important environment. The region has the natural appearance of a mountain landscape and a long and eventful history of forest use. The forest culture changed its original composition to the benefit of species highly valued in past centuries. Particularly dramatic were the changes which occurred in the course of the last 60 years. They occurred because of strong anthropic pressure and within a very short period of time as far as the life of a forest is concerned. The demands of the society concerning other benefits of the forest, especially the protection of water resources for a new industrial agglomeration with extensive housing areas in the Ostrava region in the northern foothills, were gradually increasing with the growing problem of air pollution. Since the 1950s, local forestry has been facing new and unusual problems related to forest policy and the multifunctional use of the forest. In order to ensure forest functions, new solutions must be sought in terms of forest management and particularly in terms of silvicultural methods,which have to be sufficiently flexible to efficiently respond to environmental changes and to a possible shift in the demands placed on the forest. The present forest management systems are based on the principles of sustainable forestry, i.e.,on the principles of ecologically justified silviculture.

This paper explores the influence of higher forestry education and forestry science at the Faculty of Forestry of the University of Zagreb on the formation and preservation of forest wealth in the Republic of Croatia during the past 120 years as the basic, authentic, self-renewable, biologically diverse and distinctly natural element. In order to do so, we shall provide a survey of some significant achievements of the faculty and its distinguished professors by citing examples of important textbooks and scientific papers. In the year 2018, the Faculty of Forestry in Zagreb marked the 120th anniversary of its establishment. It was on October 20th, 1898, that the Academy of Forestry was founded within the University of Zagreb as the first higher forestry institution in Croatia and in the south-east of Europe. The continuity of higher forestry education at the University of Zagreb has been retained to date through the periods of activity of the Academy of Forestry (1898 - 1919), the Faculty of Agriculture and Forestry (1919-1946), the Agricultural-Forestry Faculty (1946 - 1960) and the Faculty of Forestry (1960 - to date). Three characteristic periods can be singled out in the development of forestry education and science at the Faculty of Forestry in Zagreb in the course of 120 years: the first half of the 20th century, the second half of the 20th century and the first half of the 21st century. The first half of the 20th century witnessed a surge in the Croatian forestry, which can primarily be attributed to the development of higher forestry education and science at the Academy of Forestry and the Faculty of Agriculture and Forestry of the University of Zagreb. Among the most important contributions of university forestry education and science in Croatia are the establishment of the Zagreb School of Silviculture and the beginnings of organized and systematic scientific research in forestry. The second half of the 20th century is characterized by the blossoming of higher forestry education and science in Croatia, which had a direct impact on the condition of forests and the development of practical forestry. During this period, the Croatian forestry, science and practice became an outstanding example of mutual cooperation and powerful development, which brought about an improvement in the condition of forests in Croatia as a whole. The forestry practice firmly adhered to the principles of the Zagreb School of Silviculture, an orientation towards natural regeneration, natural stand structure, and natural, diverse and stable forests. This trend has continued in the 21st century. The new age has given rise to vast changes and challenges in higher forestry education and science. The crisis of forestry, which has gradually been evolving over the past fifteen years, has had its repercussions on the basic activity of the Faculty: higher education and science. Today, the Faculty of Forestry is confronted with two serious challenges: lesser interest of young people in studying and a reduced intensity and scope of scientific research in forest ecosystems. There are no objective reasons for either of the above, however. Forests are the most widespread and the most important natural wealth in the continental part of the Republic of Croatia. There are currently a large number of job openings in forestry and urban forestry, as well as in nature and environment protection, and this trend will continue to rise in the future. The Croatian forest ecosystems are facing growing numbers of challenges and problems. On the other hand, there are fewer and fewer workers in forestry. In view of this, there is no reason for crisis in one of the most natural and oldest studies at the University of Zagreb. On the contrary, forestry experts have splendid prospects in today’s ecological, economic and social conditions. The task of the Faculty is to adjust itself and its basic products, experts in the management of forest ecosystems of the Republic of Croatia, to new challenges. Forestry practice and forestry science must work together, just as they have done throughout the long forestry history. Only be doing so will their development be ensured in accordance with the definition: forestry is a science, profession and art of managing and preserving forest ecosystems for the permanent benefit of man, society, environment and economy.

The Conference was organized by the Northern Flora and Vegetation Department of the Institute of Biology Komi SC RAS with support of the Ministry of Industry, Natural Resources and Transport of the Komi Republic, The Federal Supervisory Natural Resources Management Service in the Komi Republic, Komi Branch of Russian botanical society and Russian Foundation for Basic Researches (project No17-04-20591). The aims of the Conference were to discuss and generalize the results of study of plant and animal world and soils of the Far North, to expand scientific contacts between specialists and to outline a program for further researches within the Arctic sector of Russia. The Conference was attended by 256 participants from 65 scientific and environmental organizations and educational institutions from 27 cities of the Russian Federation. 74 oral lectures (including 13 plenary ones) and 10 poster presentations were made at the Conference. Their main topics were the various characteristics of the biota and ecosystems of the Far North: the diversity, structure and dynamics of vegetation, its classification and cartography; cryptogam and vascular plant floras, lichen- and mycobiota, animal populations; rare species and communities; national protected areas; soils and their role in the functioning of the terrestrial ecosystems. Three panel discussions were held at the Conference: the overview and analysis of available information on the vegetation of Russian Arctic and the prospects for the realization of a collective monograph on its classification; the relevance of a full-scale assessment of changes in Arctic ecosystems under different scenarios of global climate change; the issues of environmental education in the northern regions of Russia. The Conference recommend to: 1) start preparation and publication of the book about the classification of Russian Arctic vegetation; 2) organize work on the standardization and archivation of relevés of the Russian Arctic vegetation in form of web-archive open for wide range of users; 3) develop international cooperation on the inventory of biological diversity, monitoring and protection of Arctic ecosystems; 4) intensify the work on creating new protected areas in the subtundra forests area at the Northeast European Russia; 5) The Government of the Republic of Komi to develop and approve an interdepartmental plan for the implementation of the Concept of Environmental Education and Public Education in the Komi Republic for the period up to 2025, approved by the Decree of the Government of the Republic of Komi of December 29, 2016 No. 570-r; 6) The Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Protection of the Komi Republic should a) initiate the development of the Development Plan for the Komi Republic’s protected areas in 2018–2022; b) together with FSC Komi SC, UrB RAS, develop a draft monitoring system for protected areas at the regional level and include relevant measures in the State Program of the Republic of Komi «Reproduction and use of natural resources and environmental protection»; 7) Institute of biology Komi SC UrB RAS up to the end of 2017 should publish the Conference Proceedings Book with a circulation of 200 copies; 8) organize the IV Russian scientific Conference «Biodiversity of the Far North ecosystems: inventory, monitoring, protection» in 2021. The participants noted the high level of the researches carried out by the scientists of the Institute of Biology Komi SC UrB RAS and expressed gratitude to administration of the Institute and to Organizing Committee for the high level of the Conference organization.

The article describes that peat has been used for energy and agricultural needs for a long time in several countries of the world. According to statistics from the International Peat Society (IPS), world peat reserves are over 400 million ha, of which more than 305 million ha are under development. In Ukraine, more than 2,500 peat deposits with an average depth of 1.4 m have been identified. Of these, about 81% of producing peat is used as fuel, and 19% is for agricultural purposes. However, every year hundreds of thousands cubic meters of peat deposits suffered from fires. Statistics of peat fires remains disappointing in the world in recent years. A similar situation is observed in Ukraine. Peat fires most often occur in places of peat extraction, as a rule, due to improper handling, from lightning discharges or spontaneous combustion. Peat fires often cover large areas and are difficult to extinguish, especially when a peat layer of considerable thickness burns. Peat can burn in all directions, regardless of the direction and strength of the wind, and under the soil it burns even with moderate rain and snowfall. The existing methods for preventing fires in peat-forest ecosystems are analyzed and, on this basis, methods for improving and developing new ones are proposed. One of the most effective means of preventing peat fires is to limit the spread of fire due to dug ditches and wide ditches along forests. Another way of protection is the flooding of drained peatlands. The most effective method of extinguishing is to ditch the territory with enclosing ditches. It is necessary to dig up to mineral soil or groundwater. The fire is extinguished by digging the burning peat and pouring it with plenty of water. Modeling the enclosing ditches, taking into account the moisture content of the litter and peat bogs, wind, and ambient temperature, makes it possible to determine their optimal sizes and location to increase the efficiency of the quenching process. Increasing the efficiency of extinguishing peat fires by improving the design of the fire barrel allows improving the supply of fire extinguishing substances to the combustible layer when extinguishing fires at a depth of 2 to 7 meters. Extinguishing is carried out throughout the deployment depth and ensures safe working conditions for firefighters during the elimination of deep fires. Improvement of existing fire extinguishing wetting solutions and the development of new ones allows achieving fire extinguishing and penetrating properties and increasing the extinguishing efficiency at depths of up to 7 meters

Abstract One of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) adopted at the UN Summit in September 2015 includes the greening movement, in which ordinary citizens can actively participate. Goals 3, 11, 13, and 15 of SDGs contribute to health and well-being, sustainable cities and communities, measures against climate change, and protection of life on land, respectively. In this context, studies of urban green spaces have been conducted on greening movements. Most studies have focused on formally recognized green spaces such as parks, gardens, and forests. “Informal green spaces” refer to small plots of land covered with greenery such as grassy areas on roadsides, vacant lots, and vegetation beside railroad tracks and waterways; however, they are considered separate from formal green spaces. A previous survey of informal green space usage in Ichikawa City, Chiba Prefecture, showed that residents were aware of informal green spaces in their neighborhoods and viewed them as potential auxiliary green spaces. However, the study mainly focused on the elderly, and no studies have focused on youth from junior high or high school as the primary research target. Therefore, this study aimed to clarify whether the results from previous studies were relevant to younger generations and a broader range of cities. This study focuses on the cities near Ichikawa, located in the metropolitan area of Japan, urbanized with residential condominiums and other buildings. There are several formal green spaces, and interest in greenery is relatively high. We first surveyed the actual conditions of various informal green spaces in Chiba and recorded their location information and types. Based on the data obtained, a questionnaire on the use and evaluation of informal green spaces was designed, and the responses were collected using “Classi,” an ICT platform for students and teachers, from Ichikawa Gakuen’s students (junior high school to senior high school) and teachers. Green spaces can help to build a sustainable society by improving physical and mental health through exposure to nature, developing cities where people can continue to live, and reducing heat islands. The importance of formal and informal green spaces in cities has been highlighted in this study, which indicated that informal green spaces not only enrich people’s lives but also have the potential for new usage. This study emphasizes that in urban areas with many restrictions, informal green spaces play a complementary role to formal green spaces.

Satellites with synthetic aperture radars are a promising technology. It can raise society to a new level of work with information about the environment. SAR satellites can receive detailed information about large areas of territory for a long time. Due to the decrease in the cost of launching and maintaining satellites, the development of information technology and methods, the policies of space agencies to provide satellite data for the free use of SAR satellite applications and their research are becoming more and more relevant. As part of the Russian-Ukrainian war, Ukraine actively and effectively uses satellite images for intelligence and defense purposes. Such experience can become a favorable precedent for the wider use of this technology in the future. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to study the prospects and possible directions of using SAR images in Ukraine for its post-war economic development. The article investigates the use cases of satellite SAR images in different countries (in particular, India, Guatemala, China, and France). Considers the trends of the SAR imaging market in the world and Ukraine. Based on this information, the authors have outlined promising areas for SAR satellite application and the general development of the use of this technology in Ukraine. The research used such research methods as analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, abstraction, and generalization. According to the results of our research, the main areas of SAR application in the world are scientific, environmental protection, infrastructural and military. The military sphere is becoming more and more relevant given the aggravation of the political situation in the world and the successful use of SAR images by Ukraine for intelligence and defense purposes in the Russian-Ukrainian war. Another revealed consequence of the use of SAR in Ukraine is the creation of prerequisites for the future development of the use of SAR images in this region. Research has singled out promising areas of application of SAR technology, namely: military intelligence, insurance, energy and mining industry, agricultural and public sectors, hydrological research, soil condition monitoring, and urban and infrastructure development. In our opinion, SAR imaging will not gain widespread use in the short term, but its market will grow significantly in the coming years. Shortly, SAR may become a tool for Ukraine to assess the destruction caused by military operations, monitor the state of the territory, rebuild cities and infrastructure, etc. Since the SAR imaging market is actively developing now, Ukraine's unique experience can help it establish itself as one of the main players in the market, which will contribute to the intensive post-war economic development of Ukraine. However, the successful experience of using SAR is not enough for a successful position of Ukraine in this market. Ukraine's success in this area will require a more specialized study of the opportunities and challenges of using SAR imagery. The main topics of further research are the improvement of satellite SAR data processing methods, SAR image time series processing, and analysis, and experiments on the practical application of SAR at the regional level in the areas of infrastructure and environmental monitoring. The practical significance of SAR image research is obvious since the use of SAR satellite data has already shown its effectiveness as a means of detecting concentrations of enemy equipment and fortifications during military operations. Therefore, the further development of Ukraine in this area will allow state institutions and big businesses to collect large data sets about objects and processes on the territory of Ukraine. This will make it possible to objectively assess the amount of destruction caused as a result of the war and optimize the approach to the reconstruction of the de-occupied territories. Later, the development of SAR technologies can help Ukraine effectively monitor the state and dynamics of agriculture, soils, forests, and water resources, warn and respond to natural disasters, monitor the development of cities and the state of infrastructure, etc.

As the forestry approaches have been formed according to the demands and aspirations of the society, the forest sector implies different concerns such as social, economic, and environmental. Harvesting and extraction of wood at low-cost, protection of stands against degradation and changes in land use, proper implementation of afforestation and forest extension, conservation of endemic species, preservation of soil, providing jobs, and supporting national and domestic development were the cases that, depending on the time and area conditions, have a different priority for foresters. Of course, all this has always been discussed by the shareholders in the forest sector with the main attention to forest sustainability. But the question is: are forestry approaches compatible with the changes in the world today? Today, with increasing environmental concerns, as discussed at the Glasgow 2021 Conference, the importance of forests and their protection has doubled, and it seems that forestry practices in the world need a new approach. In addition to climate change, increasing human population and regional and global economic changes affect the use of forests and the form of forest management and utilization. This paper aimed to take an analytical look at this issue and examine the current situation in five countries. It was also targeted with the help of the DPSIR Framework to elaborate the social consequences of the situation and analysis was presented about what to do or not. The emphasis of this paper is that forest managers and policymakers need to modify and adapt the plans and methods in a way that is appropriate to the progress of time and its changes, while protecting forests and ensuring their sustainability, limiting non-professionals from involving directly in the decision-making process.

Tropical marine ecosystems provide a wide range of provisioning, regulating, supporting and cultural services to millions of people. They also largely contribute to blue carbon sequestration. Mangroves, seaweeds, and seagrass habitats are important because they store large amounts of organic carbon while fish play a fundamental role in the carbon transport to deep waters. Protecting and restoring tropical marine ecosystems is of great value to society because their decline impairs the vital services they provide, such as coastal protection and seafood supplies. In this marine policy paper, we present options for enhancing blue carbon sequestration in tropical coastal areas. In addition, we outline the economic value of four components of coastal ecosystems (mangroves, seagrass beds, seaweed forests and fish) and discuss the economic levers society can apply to ensure the end of the current gross mismanagement of tropical blue carbon ecosystems. Market-based solutions, such as carbon taxes or fines for violations that use the ‘polluter pays' principle, can be very effective in achieving national or international climate agreements. Private investment can also finance the preservation of blue carbon ecosystems. One widely known financing method for blue carbon conservation, particularly of mangroves, is the use of municipal bonds, which can be issued like traditional bonds to finance the day-to-day obligations of cities, states and counties. Non-philanthropic investments can also be used in order to protect these ecosystems, such as debt-for-nature swaps and the improved application of regulatory frameworks. Overall, the protection of tropical marine ecosystems is an ecological imperative and should also be seen as an opportunity for new revenue streams and debt reduction for countries worldwide.

Globally, the demand for wood as a raw material, but also for non-wood forest products, is growing year by year. Therefore, the question arises how to sustainably use forest resources, taking into account on the one hand the constant needs of society, and on the other the existence of a sustainable ecosystem. There are many practical steps that forest management companies need to take to protect forests, while at the same time making adequate profits from the production and sale of both wood and non-wood forest products. So, theoretically, sustainable use of forests means such felling of trees to meet the needs of the market without endangering ecosystems. In order to achieve this goal, it is necessary to adhere to certain principles, such as: development of a detailed implementation plan with special emphasis on identifying and marking those areas that may be endangered by erosion or fire, restoration and preservation of natural ecosystems, then application of "reduced impact" cuts "in order to reduce the damage to the remaining trees and stands to the minimum, training and protection of employees at work, etc. In addition to the application of appropriate methods and techniques in cutting trees and making wood assortments, in the phase of their transport, an appropriate network of forest roads is necessary, because without them this potential could not be properly used. The most remote forest complexes are opened on forest roads, which ensures their connection with public roads and centers for processing and consumption of forest products. The special importance of forest roads is reflected in the preventive and reactive protection of forests from fire and other destructive phenomena. In addition, forest roads are extremely important for rural development and retention of the population in the countryside, development of tourism, sports and recreation, construction and maintenance of other infrastructure facilities (underground and overhead power and telecommunications lines, repeaters, relays, water supply facilities, observation posts, fire-fighting railways, etc). When choosing the appropriate work technology, in addition to technical and economic, other aspects are increasingly taken into account, such as environmental, ergonomic and energy. The biggest focus today is primarily on the ecological aspect, ie the attempt to reduce the impact of felling trees, but also the transport of wood assortments on the environment to a minimum. In general, the use of forests with poor planning of works, inadequate work technology and insufficient control during the execution of works results in negative consequences for the young, ie the natural regeneration of forest stands. Damage that occurs in the stand during felling and transport also depends on the felling method, the density of forest roads, the condition of the terrain, etc. However, damage to the stand can be reduced by adopting and applying certain guidelines such as: targeted felling of trees to reduce damage to land, saplings and remaining trees, the establishment of buffer zones and protected areas around the basins, using new technological solutions to reduce damage to the land caused by the attraction of logs, careful opening of forests with the primary and secondary network of roads, limiting the transverse and longitudinal slope of roads to prevent erosion. These simple steps can reduce damage to the remaining trees and offspring in the stand after felling, reduce erosion, enable faster "recovery" of the forest and reduce the risk of fire. Apart from the fact that it is possible to adhere to certain guidelines in order to take into account other aspects (primarily environmental and ergonomic), the other direction is the procurement of new funds. The sophisticated machines in use in forestry today now have surprising capabilities - a number of performances that have been developed or improved in the last two decades. Today's mechanization in relation to the one that was in use 20 or more years ago has primarily improved the safety of workers, increased production performance that directly affected the performance that these machines can potentially achieve, but also improved the characteristics to impact on life the middle was as small as possible. It should be noted that in our region, the degree of mechanization is still relatively small due to relatively difficult field conditions, and in addition, the selective way of management does not allow space for highpower machines.Forestry has a rich tradition of developing decision support tools using a combination of simulation and optimization techniques. Information and communication technologies have a wide range of impacts on the forest sector, which will be even greater in the future. Thus, today there is a principle called precision forestry, which promotes the use of modern tools and technologies to obtain as much quality information as possible, in order to improve the decision-making process and ensure the achievement of current and future forest management goals. Precision forestry is equally related to meeting current and future forest management goals from an economic, social and environmental perspective, and uses a variety of tools and techniques. In addition to innovations in the field of information and communication technologies, in the last twenty years, work has intensified in the field of application of innovations in the field of mechanization. Today, there are also so-called ecological vehicles because their use has a small impact on the environment and contributes to reducing the presence of harmful gases in the atmosphere. In addition to innovations in the field of transport, there are new, improved technologies in the phase of cutting trees and making wood assortments. Here we will refer primarily to manual felling. These are battery-powered saws, which have a battery charger instead of a petrol one. They represent the latest technological solution in the field of cutting trees with chainsaws. Some of the advantages of these saws over classic saws are the following: reduced noise, reduced vibrations, no exhaust gases, reduced workload of workers. However, these saws also have their drawbacks, such as: relatively low power, adapted only for trees of smaller diameters (eg pruning branches) and relatively short battery life. In the phase of planning and designing forest roads, the period from the end of the 20th century is also important, ie the period of intensive development of information technologies, especially with the introduction of software based on GIS and CAD technology. Planning the development of the forest road network is a process that begins with an inventory and analysis of the current state of the forest road network, and ends with the development of a long-term plan for the construction of forest roads in a particular area. Forest road inventory is performed by various terrestrial methods based on the application of the Global Navigation Satellite System (GNSS). In recent years, laser scanning of the terrain (LiDAR technology) from the ground and from the air has become increasingly important for the purpose of mass collection of geoinformation from which objects such as forest roads are extracted by software. Given the large number of influencing factors, it is considered that planning the network of forest roads is one of the most complex tasks set before forestry engineers. Due to the strong impact on the forest ecosystem, high construction costs and numerous users, forest roads will always be the subject of interest of a large number of stakeholders, which opens space for conflicts between them, especially in protected areas and near urban areas. In order to reduce the occurrence of conflicts to a minimum, modern planning of the forest road network is moving in the direction of involving stakeholders in the decision-making process, with different methods of multicriteria decision-making reaching a compromise solution. The introduction of these work technologies into the production process is a way to reduce the harmful effects of mechanized means. The application of new work technologies includes trained operators, as well as engineering staff for operational planning. The work of forestry workers, especially those workers who are engaged in cutting trees and making wood assortments, is one of the most difficult and dangerous jobs. In addition, workers employed in forest use have a risk of injury at work almost every day. With the introduction of mechanized means, this problem is partially solved, because new technological solutions have, as already mentioned, a number of advantages (reduced impact of noise, vibration, exhaust gases, comfort, etc.), but also disadvantages such as monotony and great mental strain. When building forest roads, it is necessary to follow on the one hand a series of regulations and recommendations that ensure the durability and usability of the forest road, and on the other hand to anticipate possible environmental impacts, as well as measures to prevent or reduce them. In order to keep pace with developed countries, in the coming period it is necessary to work on educating not only workers but also forestry engineers, but also those who make decisions about the importance of investing in new funds, because a large part of not only funds for work, but also the approach to the use of forests, is unfortunately quite outdated. Prospects for the development of the forest road network are moving towards the creation of a multifunctional network of forest roads built in accordance with environmental, economic, social and technical criteria, which will meet all the needs of integrated forest management, but also the needs of other forest users.

It was determined that forestry enterprises not only meet the needs of society and the economy in wood and other valuable products, but also preserve and improve the protective properties of forests, increase their quality and productivity, protect, protect, multiply and grow new forests. It was found that one of the most important conditions for the successful functioning of forestry enterprises is the formation of reporting, which takes into account the legislation, the specifics of forestry and, accordingly, the specifics of forestry activities. The specificity of the activity of forestry enterprises affects the composition of reporting and the process of forming its indicators. Form No. 5 «Notes to the Annual Financial Statements» was analyzed and it was noted that it does not satisfy the information needs of users of financial statements regarding forest management operations, as Section XIV «Biological Assets» presents information on biological assets of animal and plant origin, i.e. this section does not adapted to the specifics of the activities of enterprises of the forest complex. It is substantiated that the Notes to the annual financial statements contain an incorrect presentation of information about forest products. In our opinion, it is not economically appropriate to combine harvested forest products and products of their processing, since they are completely different products. It was determined that the information resources of specialized forms of statistical reporting of forestry enterprises are provided in the Report on the reproduction and protection of forests (form No. 3-lg) and the Report on registration, extraction and breeding of hunting animals (form No. 2-tp (hunting)). Internal reporting forms are proposed for use at forestry enterprises, which are recommended to be prepared monthly, and materially responsible persons (foresters) are responsible for their content. The proposed forms of internal management reporting will allow the management of the enterprise to be quickly and accurately provided with information on the volumes of forest products harvested by their types.

Problem setting. The article analyzes the status of the main normative legal acts in force, both domestic and international legislation. Some aspects of the legal regulation of forest fire protection are revealed. It is noted that Improvement of the forestry regulatory framework is a key and essential aspect for the development of an advanced state. Analysis of recent researches and publications. Commitment to reforestation after logging, sanitary felling after forest fires, diseases or as a result of winds and sailboats is a sustainable practice in European societies and an important aspect in the relationship between forest owners and society. At one time, this issue was paid attention to scientists: E.M. Gulid, O.V. Gulak, V.V. Deca, D.S. Chris, O.I. Lozynsky and so on. Target of research. The purpose of the article is to analyze the aspects of legal regulation of forest protection against fires. Special attention will be paid to comparative legal research on forest protection in Ukraine and European countries. Article’s main body. According to Art. 13 of the Constitution of Ukraine forest, like other natural resources of Ukraine (land, water, subsoil), is a national property that is the object of property rights of the Ukrainian people. Currently, the total land area of the forest fund of Ukraine is 10.8 million hectares, of which 9.5 million hectares is covered with forest vegetation, that is 15.7% of the territory of our country. According to V.P. Pechulyuk, legal regulation in the field of forestry in Ukraine cannot be called optimal and in line with international standards. In this context, scientists should agree that the important step in ensuring the fire safety of domestic forests is the full functioning of such monitoring system at the central, regional, local and local levels, its appropriate informational implementation, taking into account the specific features of individual regions regarding the level of fire safety. Forests at one time or another and the coordination and interaction of joint efforts by designated authorities, local governments and the public to minimize fire safety or mitigation. In view of the above, international instruments covering aspects of cooperation in the field of forest fires are few international agreements and acts of the European Community. Such as: 1. Ghana / Province of British Columbia (Canada). Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Republic of Ghana and the Government of British Columbia, 1999 (On fire fighting training and advice). 2. Finland / Burkina Faso. Agreement between the Government of the Republic of Finland and the Government of Burkina Faso on Finland’s support in the fight against landscape fires, 1998 3. Indonesia and Malaysia. Standard Procedures for a Memorandum of Understanding on Disasters between Indonesia and Malaysia. This is the document that sets out the procedure for implementing the Memorandum of Understanding and so on. Conclusions and prospects for the development. Therefore, based on the above, on the basis of international regulations, the FAO’s recommendations regarding future actions on the legal aspects of forest fires management in Ukraine should be taken into account: regularly update information on international agreements and national legislation; further develop a plan for the development of international agreements and develop new contours of relevant operational guidelines and operational plans; including fire logistics; further review and evaluation of national forest fire legislation; to develop guidelines for the formulation of national legislation on forest fires.

About half way through Yann Arthus-Bertrand’s film Home (2009) the narrator describes the fall of the Rapa Nui, the indigenous people of the Easter Islands. The narrator posits that the Rapa Nui culture collapsed due to extensive environmental degradation brought about by large-scale deforestation. The Rapa Nui cut down their massive native forests to clear spaces for agriculture, to heat their dwellings, to build canoes and, most importantly, to move their enormous rock sculptures—the Moai. The disappearance of their forests led to island-wide soil erosion and the gradual disappearance of arable land. Caught in the vice of overpopulation but with rapidly dwindling basic resources and no trees to build canoes, they were trapped on the island and watched helplessly as their society fell into disarray. The sequence ends with the narrator’s biting remark: “The real mystery of the Easter Islands is not how its strange statues got there, we know now; it's why the Rapa Nui didn't react in time.” In their unrelenting desire for development, the Rapa Nui appear to have overlooked the role the environment plays in maintaining a society. The island’s Moai accompanying the sequence appear as memento mori, a lesson in the mortality of human cultures brought about by their own misguided and short-sighted practices. Arthus-Bertrand’s Home, a film composed almost entirely of aerial photographs, bears witness to present-day environmental degradation and climate change, constructing society as a fragile structure built upon and sustained by the environment. Home is a call to recognise how contemporary practices of post-industrial societies have come to shape the environment and how they may impact the habitability of Earth in the near future. Through reflexivity and a ritualised structure the text invites spectators to look at themselves in a new light and remake their self-image in the wake of global environmental risk by embracing new, alternative core practices based on balance and interconnectedness. Arthus-Bertrand frames climate change not as a burden, but as a moment of profound realisation of the potential for change and humans ability to create a desirable future through hope and our innate capacity for renewal. This article examines how Arthus-Bertrand’s ritualised construction of climate change aims to remake viewers’ perception of present-day environmental degradation and investigates Home’s place in contemporary climate change communication discourse. Climate change, in its capacity to affect us globally, is considered a world risk. The most recent peer-reviewed Synthesis Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change suggests that the concentration of atmospheric greenhouse gases has increased markedly since human industrialisation in the 18th century. Moreover, human activities, such as fossil fuel burning and agricultural practices, are “very likely” responsible for the resulting increase in temperature rise (IPPC 37). The increased global temperatures and the subsequent changing weather patterns have a direct and profound impact on the physical and biological systems of our planet, including shrinking glaciers, melting permafrost, coastal erosion, and changes in species distribution and reproduction patterns (Rosenzweig et al. 353). Studies of global security assert that these physiological changes are expected to increase the likelihood of humanitarian disasters, food and water supply shortages, and competition for resources thus resulting in a destabilisation of global safety (Boston et al. 1–2). Human behaviour and dominant practices of modernity are now on a path to materially impact the future habitability of our home, Earth. In contemporary post-industrial societies, however, climate change remains an elusive, intangible threat. Here, the Arctic-bound species forced to adapt to milder climates or the inhabitants of low-lying Pacific islands seeking refuge in mainland cities are removed from the everyday experience of the controlled and regulated environments of homes, offices, and shopping malls. Diverse research into the mediated and mediatised nature of the environment suggests that rather than from first-hand experiences and observations, the majority of our knowledge concerning the environment now comes from its representation in the mass media (Hamilton 4; Stamm et al. 220; Cox 2). Consequently the threat of climate change is communicated and constructed through the news media, entertainment and lifestyle programming, and various documentaries and fiction films. It is therefore the construction (the representation of the risk in various discourses) that shapes people’s perception and experience of the phenomenon, and ultimately influences behaviour and instigates social response (Beck 213). By drawing on and negotiating society’s dominant discourses, environmental mediation defines spectators’ perceptions of the human-nature relationship and subsequently their roles and responsibilities in the face of environmental risks. Maxwell Boykoff asserts that contemporary modern society’s mediatised representations of environmental degradation and climate change depict the phenomena as external to society’s primary social and economic concerns (449). Julia Corbett argues that this is partly because environmental protection and sustainable behaviour are often at odds with the dominant social paradigms of consumerism, economic growth, and materialism (175). Similarly, Rowan Howard-Williams suggests that most media texts, especially news, do not emphasise the link between social practices, such as consumerist behaviour, and their environmental consequences because they contradict dominant social paradigms (41). The demands contemporary post-industrial societies make on the environment to sustain economic growth, consumer culture, and citizens’ comfortable lives in air-conditioned homes and offices are often left unarticulated. While the media coverage of environmental risks may indeed have contributed to “critical misperceptions, misleading debates, and divergent understandings” (Boykoff 450) climate change possesses innate characteristics that amplify its perception in present-day post-industrial societies as a distant and impersonal threat. Climate change is characterised by temporal and spatial de-localisation. The gradual increase in global temperature and its physical and biological consequences are much less prominent than seasonal changes and hence difficult to observe on human time-scales. Moreover, while research points to the increased probability of extreme climatic events such as droughts, wild fires, and changes in weather patterns (IPCC 48), they take place over a wide range of geographical locations and no single event can be ultimately said to be the result of climate change (Maibach and Roser-Renouf 145). In addition to these observational obstacles, political partisanship, vested interests in the current status quo, and general resistance to profound change all play a part in keeping us one step removed from the phenomenon of climate change. The distant and impersonal nature of climate change coupled with the “uncertainty over consequences, diverse and multiple engaged interests, conflicting knowledge claims, and high stakes” (Lorenzoni et al. 65) often result in repression, rejection, and denial, removing the individual’s responsibility to act. Research suggests that, due to its unique observational obstacles in contemporary post-industrial societies, climate change is considered a psychologically distant event (Pawlik 559), one that is not personally salient due to the “perceived distance and remoteness [...] from one’s everyday experience” (O’Neill and Nicholson-Cole 370). In an examination of the barriers to behaviour change in the face of psychologically distant events, Robert Gifford argues that changing individuals’ perceptions of the issue-domain is one of the challenges of countering environmental inertia—the lack of initiative for environmentally sustainable social action (5). To challenge the status quo a radically different construction of the environment and the human-nature relationship is required to transform our perception of global environmental risks and ultimately result in environmentally consequential social action. Yann Arthus-Bertrand’s Home is a ritualised construction of contemporary environmental degradation and climate change which takes spectators on a rite of passage to a newfound understanding of the human-nature relationship. Transformation through re-imagining individuals’ roles, responsibilities, and practices is an intrinsic quality of rituals. A ritual charts a subjects path from one state of consciousness to the next, resulting in a meaningful change of attitudes (Deflem 8). Through a lifelong study of African rituals British cultural ethnographer Victor Turner refined his concept of rituals in a modern social context. Turner observed that rituals conform to a three-phased processural form (The Ritual Process 13–14). First, in the separation stage, the subjects are selected and removed from their fixed position in the social structure. Second, they enter an in-between and ambiguous liminal stage, characterised by a “partial or complete separation of the subject from everyday existence” (Deflem 8). Finally, imbued with a new perspective of the outside world borne out of the experience of reflexivity, liminality, and a cathartic cleansing, subjects are reintegrated into the social reality in a new, stable state. The three distinct stages make the ritual an emotionally charged, highly personal experience that “demarcates the passage from one phase to another in the individual’s life-cycle” (Turner, “Symbols” 488) and actively shapes human attitudes and behaviour. Adhering to the three-staged processural form of the ritual, Arthus-Bertrand guides spectators towards a newfound understanding of their roles and responsibilities in creating a desirable future. In the first stage—the separation—aerial photography of Home alienates viewers from their anthropocentric perspectives of the outside world. This establishes Earth as a body, and unearths spectators’ guilt and shame in relation to contemporary world risks. Aerial photography strips landscapes of their conventional qualities of horizon, scale, and human reference. As fine art photographer Emmet Gowin observes, “when one really sees an awesome, vast place, our sense of wholeness is reorganised [...] and the body seems always to diminish” (qtd. in Reynolds 4). Confronted with a seemingly infinite sublime landscape from above, the spectator’s “body diminishes” as they witness Earth’s body gradually taking shape. Home’s rushing rivers of Indonesia are akin to blood flowing through the veins and the Siberian permafrost seems like the texture of skin in extreme close-up. Arthus-Bertrand establishes a geocentric embodiment to force spectators to perceive and experience the environmental degradation brought about by the dominant social practices of contemporary post-industrial modernity. The film-maker visualises the maltreatment of the environment through suggested abuse of the Earth’s body. Images of industrial agricultural practices in the United States appear to leave scratches and scars on the landscape, and as a ship crosses the Arctic ice sheets of the Northwest Passage the boat glides like the surgeon’s knife cutting through the uppermost layer of the skin. But the deep blue water that’s revealed in the wake of the craft suggests a flesh and body now devoid of life, a suffering Earth in the wake of global climatic change. Arthus-Bertrand’s images become the sublime evidence of human intervention in the environment and the reflection of present-day industrialisation materially altering the face of Earth. The film-maker exploits spectators’ geocentric perspective and sensibility to prompt reflexivity, provide revelations about the self, and unearth the forgotten shame and guilt in having inadvertently caused excessive environmental degradation. Following the sequences establishing Earth as the body of the text Arthus-Bertrand returns spectators to their everyday “natural” environment—the city. Having witnessed and endured the pain and suffering of Earth, spectators now gaze at the skyscrapers standing bold and tall in the cityscape with disillusionment. The pinnacles of modern urban development become symbols of arrogance and exploitation: structures forced upon the landscape. Moreover, the images of contemporary cityscapes in Home serve as triggers for ritual reflexivity, allowing the spectator to “perceive the self [...] as a distanced ‘other’ and hence achieve a partial ‘self-transcendence’” (Beck, Comments 491). Arthus-Bertrand’s aerial photographs of Los Angeles, New York, and Tokyo fold these distinct urban environments into one uniform fusion of glass, metal, and concrete devoid of life. The uniformity of these cultural landscapes prompts spectators to add the missing element: the human. Suddenly, the homes and offices of desolate cityscapes are populated by none other than us, looking at ourselves from a unique vantage point. The geocentric sensibility the film-maker invoked with the images of the suffering Earth now prompt a revelation about the self as spectators see their everyday urban environments in a new light. Their homes and offices become blemishes on the face of the Earth: its inhabitants, including the spectators themselves, complicit in the excessive mistreatment of the planet. The second stage of the ritual allows Arthus-Bertrand to challenge dominant social paradigms of present day post-industrial societies and introduce new, alternative moral directives to govern our habits and attitudes. Following the separation, ritual subjects enter an in-between, threshold stage, one unencumbered by the spatial, temporal, and social boundaries of everyday existence. Turner posits that a subjects passage through this liminal stage is necessary to attain psychic maturation and successful transition to a new, stable state at the end of the ritual (The Ritual Process 97). While this “betwixt and between” (Turner, The Ritual Process 95) state may be a fleeting moment of transition, it makes for a “lived experience [that] transforms human beings cognitively, emotionally, and morally.” (Horvath et al. 3) Through a change of perceptions liminality paves the way toward meaningful social action. Home places spectators in a state of liminality to contrast geocentric and anthropocentric views. Arthus-Bertrand contrasts natural and human-made environments in terms of diversity. The narrator’s description of the “miracle of life” is followed by images of trees seemingly defying gravity, snow-covered summits among mountain ranges, and a whale in the ocean. Grandeur and variety appear to be inherent qualities of biodiversity on Earth, qualities contrasted with images of the endless, uniform rectangular greenhouses of Almeria, Spain. This contrast emphasises the loss of variety in human achievements and the monotony mass-production brings to the landscape. With the image of a fire burning atop a factory chimney, Arthus-Bertrand critiques the change of pace and distortion of time inherent in anthropocentric views, and specifically in contemporary modernity. Here, the flames appear to instantly eat away at resources that have taken millions of years to form, bringing anthropocentric and geocentric temporality into sharp contrast. A sequence showing a night time metropolis underscores this distinction. The glittering cityscape is lit by hundreds of lights in skyscrapers in an effort, it appears, to mimic and surpass daylight and thus upturn the natural rhythm of life. As the narrator remarks, in our present-day environments, “days are now the pale reflections of nights.” Arthus-Bertrand also uses ritual liminality to mark the present as a transitory, threshold moment in human civilisation. The film-maker contrasts the spectre of our past with possible visions of the future to mark the moment of now as a time when humanity is on the threshold of two distinct states of mind. The narrator’s descriptions of contemporary post-industrial society’s reliance on non-renewable resources and lack of environmentally sustainable agricultural practices condemn the past and warn viewers of the consequences of continuing such practices into the future. Exploring the liminal present Arthus-Bertrand proposes distinctive futurescapes for humankind. On the one hand, the narrator’s description of California’s “concentration camp style cattle farming” suggests that humankind will live in a future that feeds from the past, falling back on frames of horrors and past mistakes. On the other hand, the example of Costa Rica, a nation that abolished its military and dedicated the budget to environmental conservation, is recognition of our ability to re-imagine our future in the face of global risk. Home introduces myths to imbue liminality with the alternative dominant social paradigm of ecology. By calling upon deep-seated structures myths “touch the heart of society’s emotional, spiritual and intellectual consciousness” (Killingsworth and Palmer 176) and help us understand and come to terms with complex social, economic, and scientific phenomena. With the capacity to “pattern thought, beliefs and practices,” (Maier 166) myths are ideal tools in communicating ritual liminality and challenging contemporary post-industrial society’s dominant social paradigms. The opening sequence of Home, where the crescent Earth is slowly revealed in the darkness of space, is an allusion to creation: the genesis myth. Accompanied only by a gentle hum our home emerges in brilliant blue, white, and green-brown encompassing most of the screen. It is as if darkness and chaos disintegrated and order, life, and the elements were created right before our eyes. Akin to the Earthrise image taken by the astronauts of Apollo 8, Home’s opening sequence underscores the notion that our home is a unique spot in the blackness of space and is defined and circumscribed by the elements. With the opening sequence Arthus-Bertrand wishes to impart the message of interdependence and reliance on elements—core concepts of ecology. Balance, another key theme in ecology, is introduced with an allusion to the Icarus myth in a sequence depicting Dubai. The story of Icarus’s fall from the sky after flying too close to the sun is a symbolic retelling of hubris—a violent pride and arrogance punishable by nemesis—destruction, which ultimately restores balance by forcing the individual back within the limits transgressed (Littleton 712). In Arthus-Bertrand’s portrayal of Dubai, the camera slowly tilts upwards on the Burj Khalifa tower, the tallest human-made structure ever built. The construction works on the tower explicitly frame humans against the bright blue sky in their attempt to reach ever further, transgressing their limitations much like the ill-fated Icarus. Arthus-Bertrand warns that contemporary modernity does not strive for balance or moderation, and with climate change we may have brought our nemesis upon ourselves. By suggesting new dominant paradigms and providing a critique of current maxims, Home’s retelling of myths ultimately sees spectators through to the final stage of the ritual. The last phase in the rite of passage “celebrates and commemorates transcendent powers,” (Deflem 8) marking subjects’ rebirth to a new status and distinctive perception of the outside world. It is at this stage that Arthus-Bertrand resolves the emotional distress uncovered in the separation phase. The film-maker uses humanity’s innate capacity for creation and renewal as a cathartic cleansing aimed at reconciling spectators’ guilt and shame in having inadvertently exacerbated global environmental degradation. Arthus-Bertrand identifies renewable resources as the key to redeeming technology, human intervention in the landscape, and finally humanity itself. Until now, the film-maker pictured modernity and technology, evidenced in his portrayal of Dubai, as synonymous with excess and disrespect for the interconnectedness and balance of elements on Earth. The final sequence shows a very different face of technology. Here, we see a mechanical sea-snake generating electricity by riding the waves off the coast of Scotland and solar panels turning towards the sun in the Sahara desert. Technology’s redemption is evidenced in its ability to imitate nature—a move towards geocentric consciousness (a lesson learned from the ritual’s liminal stage). Moreover, these human-made structures, unlike the skyscrapers earlier in the film, appear a lot less invasive in the landscape and speak of moderation and union with nature. With the above examples Arthus-Bertrand suggests that humanity can shed the greed that drove it to dig deeper and deeper into the Earth to acquire non-renewable resources such as oil and coal, what the narrator describes as “treasures buried deep.” The incorporation of principles of ecology, such as balance and interconnectedness, into humanity’s behaviour ushers in reconciliation and ritual cleansing in Home. Following the description of the move toward renewable resources, the narrator reveals that “worldwide four children out of five attend school, never has learning been given to so many human beings” marking education, innovation, and creativity as the true inexhaustible resources on Earth. Lastly, the description of Antarctica in Home is the essence of Arthus-Bertrand’s argument for our innate capacity to create, not simply exploit and destroy. Here, the narrator describes the continent as possessing “immense natural resources that no country can claim for itself, a natural reserve devoted to peace and science, a treaty signed by 49 nations has made it a treasure shared by all humanity.” Innovation appears to fuel humankind’s transcendence to a state where it is capable of compassion, unification, sharing, and finally creating treasures. With these examples Arthus-Bertrand suggests that humanity has an innate capacity for creative energy that awaits authentic expression and can turn humankind from destroyer to creator. In recent years various risk communication texts have explicitly addressed climate change, endeavouring to instigate environmentally consequential social action. Home breaks discursive ground among them through its ritualistic construction which seeks to transform spectators’ perception, and in turn roles and responsibilities, in the face of global environmental risks. Unlike recent climate change media texts such as An Inconvenient Truth (2006), The 11th Hour (2007), The Age of Stupid (2009), Carbon Nation (2010) and Earth: The Operator’s Manual (2011), Home eludes simple genre classification. On the threshold of photography and film, documentary and fiction, Arthus-Bertrand’s work is best classified as an advocacy film promoting public debate and engagement with a universal concern—the state of the environment. The film’s website, available in multiple languages, contains educational material, resources to organise public screenings, and a link to GoodPlanet.info: a website dedicated to environmentalism, including legal tools and initiatives to take action. The film-maker’s approach to using Home as a basis for education and raising awareness corresponds to Antonio Lopez’s critique of contemporary mass-media communications of global risks. Lopez rebukes traditional forms of mediatised communication that place emphasis on the imparting of knowledge and instead calls for a participatory, discussion-driven, organic media approach, akin to a communion or a ritual (106). Moreover, while texts often place a great emphasis on the messenger, for instance Al Gore in An Inconvenient Truth, Leonardo DiCaprio in The 11th Hour, or geologist Dr. Richard Alley in Earth: The Operator’s Manual, Home’s messenger remains unseen—the narrator is only identified at the very end of the film among the credits. The film-maker’s decision to forego a central human character helps dissociate the message from the personality of the messenger which aids in establishing and maintaining the geocentric sensibility of the text. Finally, the ritual’s invocation and cathartic cleansing of emotional distress enables Home to at once acknowledge our environmentally destructive past habits and point to a hopeful, environmentally sustainable future. While The Age of Stupid mostly focuses on humanity’s present and past failures to respond to an imminent environmental catastrophe, Carbon Nation, with the tagline “A climate change solutions movie that doesn’t even care if you believe in climate change,” only explores the potential future business opportunities in turning towards renewable resources and environmentally sustainable practices. The three-phased processural form of the ritual allows for a balance of backward and forward-looking, establishing the possibility of change and renewal in the face of world risk. The ritual is a transformative experience. As Turner states, rituals “interrupt the flow of social life and force a group to take cognizance of its behaviour in relation to its own values, and even question at times the value of those values” (“Dramatic Ritual” 82). Home, a ritualised media text, is an invitation to look at our world, its dominant social paradigms, and the key element within that world—ourselves—with new eyes. It makes explicit contemporary post-industrial society’s dependence on the environment, highlights our impact on Earth, and reveals our complicity in bringing about a contemporary world risk. The ritual structure and the self-reflexivity allow Arthus-Bertrand to transform climate change into a personally salient issue. This bestows upon the spectator the responsibility to act and to reconcile the spectre of the past with the vision of the future.Acknowledgments The author would like to thank Dr. Angi Buettner whose support, guidance, and supervision has been invaluable in preparing this article. References Beck, Brenda E. “Comments on the Distancing of Emotion in Ritual by Thomas J. Scheff.” Current Anthropology 18.3 (1977): 490. Beck, Ulrich. “Risk Society Revisited: Theory, Politics and Research Programmes.” The Risk Society and Beyond: Critical Issues for Social Theory. Ed. Barbara Adam, Ulrich Beck, and Joost Van Loon. London: Sage, 2005. 211–28. Boston, Jonathan., Philip Nel, and Marjolein Righarts. “Introduction.” Climate Change and Security: Planning for the Future. Wellington: Victoria U of Wellington Institute of Policy Studies, 2009. Boykoff, Maxwell T. “We Speak for the Trees: Media Reporting on the Environment.” Annual Review of Environment and Resources 34 (2009): 431–57. Corbett, Julia B. Communicating Nature: How we Create and Understand Environmental Messages. Washington, DC: Island P, 2006. Cox, Robert. Environmental Communication and the Public Sphere. London: Sage, 2010. Deflem, Mathieu. “Ritual, Anti-Structure and Religion: A Discussion of Victor Turner’s Processural Symbolic Analysis.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 30.1 (1991): 1–25. Gifford, Robert. “Psychology’s Essential Role in Alleviating the Impacts of Climate Change.” Canadian Psychology 49.4 (2008): 273–80. Hamilton, Maxwell John. “Introduction.” Media and the Environment. Eds. Craig L. LaMay, Everette E. Dennis. Washington: Island P, 1991. 3–16. Horvath, Agnes., Bjørn Thomassen, and Harald Wydra. “Introduction: Liminality and Cultures of Change.” International Political Anthropology 2.1 (2009): 3–4. Howard-Williams, Rowan. “Consumers, Crazies and Killer Whales: The Environment on New Zealand Television.” International Communications Gazette 73.1–2 (2011): 27–43. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Climate Change Synthesis Report. (2007). 23 March 2012 ‹http://www.ipcc.ch/pdf/assessment-report/ar4/syr/ar4_syr.pdf› Killingsworth, M. J., and Jacqueliene S. Palmer. “Silent Spring and Science Fiction: An Essay in the History and Rhetoric of Narrative.” And No Birds Sing: Rhetorical Analyses of Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring. Ed. Craig Waddell. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois UP, 2000. 174–204. Littleton, C. Scott. Gods, Goddesses and Mythology. New York: Marshall Cavendish, 2005. Lorenzoni, Irene, Mavis Jones, and John R. Turnpenny. “Climate Change, Human Genetics, and Post-normality in the UK.” Futures 39.1 (2007): 65–82. Lopez, Antonio. “Defusing the Cannon/Canon: An Organic Media Approach to Environmental Communication.” Environmental Communication 4.1 (2010): 99–108. Maier, Daniela Carmen. “Communicating Business Greening and Greenwashing in Global Media: A Multimodal Discourse Analysis of CNN's Greenwashing Video.” International Communications Gazette 73.1–2 (2011): 165–77. 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“Live free or die!” (New Hampshire State motto) Should individuals be free to make lifestyle decisions (such as what, when and how much to eat and how much physical activity to take), without undue interference from the state, even when their decisions may lead to negative consequences (obesity, heart disease, diabetes)? The UN Declaration of Human Rights enshrines the belief that “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights”. The philosophy of Libertarianism (Locke) proposes that rights can be negative (e.g. the freedom to be free from outside interference) as well as positive (e.g. the right to certain benefits supplied by others). Robert Nozick, a proponent of Libertarianism, has argued that we have the right to make informed decisions about our lives without unnecessary interference. This entitlement requires that we exercise our rights only as far as they do not infringe the rights of others. The popular notion of the “Nanny State” (often used derogatively) is discussed, and the metaphor is extended to draw on the Super Nanny phenomenon, a reality television series that has been shown in numerous countries including the UK, the US, and Australia. It is argued in this paper that social marketing, when done well, can help create a “Super Nanny State” (implying positive connotations). In the “Nanny State” people are told what to do; in the “Super Nanny State” people are empowered to make healthier decisions. Social marketing applies commercial marketing principles to “sell” ideas (rather than goods or services) with the aim of improving the welfare of individuals and/or society. Where the common good may not be easily discerned, Donovan and Henley recommended using the UN Declaration of Human Rights as the baseline reference point. Social marketing is frequently used to persuade individuals to make healthier lifestyle decisions such as “eat less [saturated] fat”, “eat two fruits and five veg a day”, “find thirty minutes of physical activity a day”. Recent medical gains in immunisation, sanitation and treating infectious diseases mean that the health of a population can now be more improved by influencing lifestyle decisions than by treating illness (Rothschild). Social marketing activities worldwide are directed at influencing lifestyle decisions to prevent or minimise lifestyle diseases. “Globesity” is the new epidemic (Kline). Approximately one billion people globally are overweight or obese (compared to 850 million who are underweight); most worryingly, about 10% of children worldwide are now overweight or obese with rising incidence of type 2 diabetes in this population (Yach, Stuckler, and Brownwell). “Nanny state” is a term people often use derogatively to refer to government intervention (see Henley and Jackson). Knag (405) made a distinction between old-style, authoritarian “paternalism”, which chastised the individual using laws and sanctions, and a newer “maternalism” or “nanny state” which smothers the individual with “education and therapy (or rather, propaganda and regulation)”. Knag’s use of the term “Nanny State” still has pejorative connotations. In the “Nanny State”, governments are seen as using the tool of social marketing to tell people what they should and shouldn’t do, as if they were children being supervised by a nanny. At the extreme, people may be afraid that social marketing could be used by the State as a way to control the thoughts of the vulnerable, a view expressed some years ago by participants in a survey of attitudes towards social marketing (Laczniak, Lusch, and Murphy). More recently, the debate is more likely to focus on why social marketing often appears to be ineffective, rather than frighteningly effective (Hastings, Stead, and Macintosh). Another concern is the high level of fear being generated by much of the social marketing effort (Hastings and MacFadyen; Henley). It is as if nanny thinks she must scream at her children all the time to warn them that they will die if they don’t listen to her. However, by extension, I am suggesting that the “Super Nanny State” metaphor could have positive associations, with an authoritative (rather than authoritarian) parenting figure, one who explains appropriate sanctions (laws and regulations) but who is also capable of informing, inspiring and empowering. Still, the Libertarian ethical viewpoint would question whether governments, through social marketers, have the right to try to influence people’s lifestyle decisions such as what and how much to eat, how much to exercise, etc. In the rise of the “Nanny State”, Holt argued that governments are extending the range of their regulatory powers, restricting free markets and intruding into areas of personal responsibility, all under the guise of acting for the public’s good. A number of arguments, discussed below, can be proposed to justify interference by the State in the lifestyle decisions of individuals. The Economic Argument One argument that is often quoted to justify interference by the State is that the economic costs of allowing unsafe/unhealthy behaviours have to be borne by the community. It has been estimated in the US that medical costs relating to diabetes (which is associated directly with obesity) increased from $44 billion to $92 billion in five years (Yach, et al). The economic argument can be useful for persuading governments to invest in prevention but is not sufficient as a fundamental justification for interference. If we say that we want people to eat more healthily because their health costs will be burdensome to the community, we imply that we would not ask them to do so if their health costs were not burdensome, even if they were dying prematurely as a result. The studies relating to the economic costs of obesity have not been as extensive as those relating to the economic costs of tobacco (Yach, et al), where some have argued that prematurely dying of smoking-related diseases is less costly to the State than the costs incurred in living to old age (Barendregt, et al). This conclusion has been disputed (Rasmussen et al), but even if true, would not provide sufficient justification to cease tobacco control efforts. Similarly, I think people would expect social marketing efforts relating to nutrition and physical activity to continue even if an economic analysis showed that people dying prematurely from obesity-related illnesses were costing the State less overall in health care costs than people living an additional twenty years. The Consumer Protection Argument Some degree of interference by the State is desirable and often necessary because people are not entirely self-reliant in every circumstance (Mead). The social determinants of health (Marmot and Wilkinson) are sufficiently well-understood to justify government regulation to reduce inequalities in housing, education, access to health services, etc. Implicit in the criticism that the “Nanny State” treats people like children is the assumption that children are treated without dignity and respect. The positive parent or “Super Nanny” treats children with respect but recognises their vulnerability in unfamiliar or dangerous contexts. A survey of opinion in the UK in 2004 by the King’s Fund, an independent think tank, found that the public generally supported government initiatives to encourage healthier school meals; ensure cheaper fruit and vegetables; pass laws to limit salt, fat and sugar in foods; stop advertising junk foods for children and regulate for nutrition labels on food (UK public wants a “Nanny State”). The UK’s recently established National Social Marketing Centre has made recommendations for social marketing strategies to improve public health and Prime Minister Tony Blair has responded by making public health, especially the growing obesity problem, a central issue for government initiatives, offering a “helping hand” approach (Triggle). The Better Alternative Argument Wikler considered the case for more punitive government intervention in the obesity debate by weighing the pros and cons of an interesting strategy: the introduction of a “fat tax” that would require citizens to be weighed and, if found to be overweight, require them to pay a surcharge. He concluded that this level of state interference would not be justified because there are other ways to appeal to the risk-taker’s autonomy, through education and therapeutic efforts. Governments can use social marketing as one of these better alternatives to punitive sanctions. The Level Playing Field Argument Social marketers argue that many lifestyle behaviours are not entirely voluntary (O’Connell and Price). For example, it is argued that an individual’s choices about eating fast food, consuming sweetened soft drinks, and living sedentary lives have already been partially determined by commercial efforts. Thus, they argue that social marketing efforts are intended to level the playing field – educate, inform, and restore true personal autonomy to people, enabling them to make rational choices (Smith). For example, Kline’s media education program in Canada, with a component of “media risk reduction”, successfully educated young consumers (elementary school children) with strategies for “tuning out” by asking them to come up with a plan for what they would do if they “turned off TV, video games and PCs for a whole week?” (p. 249). The “tune out challenge” resulted in a reduction of media exposure (80%) displaced into active leisure pursuits. A critical aspect of this intervention was the contract drawn up in advance, with the children setting their own goals and strategies (Kline). In this view, the state is justified in trying to level the playing field, by using social marketing to offer information as well as alternative, healthier choices that can be freely accepted or rejected (Rothschild). Conclusion A real concern is that when people are treated like children, they become like children, retaining their desires and appetites but abdicating responsibility for their individual choices to the state (Knag). Some smokers, for example, declare that they will continue to smoke until the government bans smoking (Brown). Governments and social marketers have a responsibility to fund/design campaigns so that the audience views the message as informative rather than proscriptive. Joffe and Mindell (967) advocated the notion of a “canny state” with “less reliance on telling people what to do and more emphasis on making healthy choices easier”. Finally, one of the central tenets of marketing is the concept of “exchange” – the marketer must identify the benefits to be gained from buying a product. In social marketing terms, interference in an individual’s right to act freely can be effective and justified when the benefits are clearly identifiable and credible. Rothschild described marketing’s role as providing a middle point between libertarianism and paternalism, offering free choice and incentives to behave in ways that benefit the common good. Rather than shaking a finger at the individual (along the lines of earlier “Don’t Do Drugs” campaigns), the “Super Nanny” state, via social marketing, can inform and engage individuals in ways that make healthier choices more appealing and the individual feel more empowered to choose them. 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1909–22: Turkey exterminated over 1.5 million of its ethnically Armenian, and hundreds of thousands of its ethnically Greek and Assyrian, citizens. Most died in 1915. This period of decimation in now widely called the Armenian Genocide (Balakian 179-80).1910: Siamanto first published his poem, The Dance: “The corpses were piled as trees, / and from the springs, from the streams and the road, / the blood was a stubborn murmur.” When springs run red, when the dead are stacked tree-high, when “everything that could happen has already happened,” then time is nothing: “there is no future [and] the language of civilised humanity is not our language” (Nichanian 142).2007: In my novel The Edge of the World a ceramic bowl, luminous blue, recurs as motif. Imagine you are tiny: the bowl is broken but you don’t remember breaking it. You’re awash with tears. You sit on the floor, gather shards but, no matter how you try, you can’t fix it. Imagine, now, that the bowl is the sky, huge and upturned above your head. You have always known, through every wash of your blood, that life is shockingly precarious. Silence—between heartbeats, between the words your parents speak—tells you: something inside you is terribly wrong; home is not home but there is no other home; you “can never be fully grounded in a community which does not share or empathise with the experience of persecution” (Wajnryb 130). This is the stubborn murmur of your body.Because time is nothing, this essay is fragmented, non-linear. Its main characters: my mother, grandmother (Hovsanna), grandfather (Benyamin), some of my mother’s older siblings (Krikor, Maree, Hovsep, Arusiak), and Mustafa Kemal Ataturk (Ottoman military officer, Young Turk leader, first president of Turkey). 1915–2013: Turkey invests much energy in genocide denial, minimisation and deflection of responsibility. 24 April 2012: Barack Obama refers to the Medz Yeghern (Great Calamity). The use of this term is decried as appeasement, privileging political alliance with Turkey over human rights. 2003: Between Genocide and Catastrophe, letters between Armenian-American theorist David Kazanjian and Armenian-French theorist Marc Nichanian, contest the naming of the “event” (126). Nichanian says those who call it the Genocide are:repeating every day, everywhere, in all places, the original denial of the Catastrophe. But this is part of the catastrophic structure of the survivor. By using the word “Genocide”, we survivors are only repeating […] the denial of the loss. We probably cannot help it. We are doing what the executioner wanted us to do […] we claim all over the world that we have been “genocided;” we relentlessly need to prove our own death. We are still in the claws of the executioner. We still belong to the logic of the executioner. (127)1992: In Revolution and Genocide, historian Robert Melson identifies the Armenian Genocide as “total” because it was public policy intended to exterminate a large fraction of Armenian society, “including the families of its members, and the destruction of its social and cultural identity in most or all aspects” (26).1986: Boyajian and Grigorian assert that the Genocide “is still operative” because, without full acknowledgement, “the ghosts won’t go away” (qtd. in Hovannisian 183). They rise up from earth, silence, water, dreams: Armenian literature, Armenian homes haunted by them. 2013: My heart pounds: Medz Yeghern, Aksor (Exile), Anashmaneli (Indefinable), Darakrutiun (Deportation), Chart (Massacre), Brnagaght (Forced migration), Aghed (Catastrophe), Genocide. I am awash. Time is nothing.1909–15: Mustafa Kemal Ataturk was both a serving Ottoman officer and a leader of the revolutionary Young Turks. He led Ottoman troops in the repulsion of the Allied invasion before dawn on 25 April at Gallipoli and other sites. Many troops died in a series of battles that eventually saw the Ottomans triumph. Out of this was born one of Australia’s founding myths: Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (ANZACs), courageous in the face of certain defeat. They are commemorated yearly on 25 April, ANZAC Day. To question this myth is to risk being labelled traitor.1919–23: Ataturk began a nationalist revolution against the occupying Allies, the nascent neighbouring Republic of Armenia, and others. The Allies withdrew two years later. Ataturk was installed as unofficial leader, becoming President in 1923. 1920–1922: The last waves of the Genocide. 2007: Robert Manne published A Turkish Tale: Gallipoli and the Armenian Genocide, calling for a recontextualisation of the cultural view of the Gallipoli landings in light of the concurrence of the Armenian Genocide, which had taken place just over the rise, had been witnessed by many military personnel and widely reported by international media at the time. Armenian networks across Australia were abuzz. There were media discussions. I listened, stared out of my office window at the horizon, imagined Armenian communities in Sydney and Melbourne. Did they feel like me—like they were holding their breath?Then it all went quiet. Manne wrote: “It is a wonderful thing when, at the end of warfare, hatred dies. But I struggle to understand why Gallipoli and the Armenian Genocide continue to exist for Australians in parallel moral universes.” 1992: I bought an old house to make a home for me and my two small children. The rooms were large, the ceilings high, and behind it was a jacaranda with a sturdy tree house built high up in its fork. One of my mother’s Armenian friends kindly offered to help with repairs. He and my mother would spend Saturdays with us, working, looking after the kids. Mum would stay the night; her friend would go home. But one night he took a sleeping bag up the ladder to the tree house, saying it reminded him of growing up in Lebanon. The following morning he was subdued; I suspect there were not as many mosquitoes in Lebanon as we had in our garden. But at dinner the previous night he had been in high spirits. The conversation had turned, as always, to politics. He and my mother had argued about Turkey and Russia, Britain’s role in the development of the Middle East conflict, the USA’s roughshod foreign policy and its effect on the world—and, of course, the Armenian Genocide, and the killingof Turkish governmental representatives by Armenians, in Australia and across the world, during the 1980s. He had intimated he knew the attackers and had materially supported them. But surely it was the beer talking. Later, when I asked my mother, she looked at me with round eyes and shrugged, uncharacteristically silent. 2002: Greek-American diva Diamanda Galas performed Dexifiones: Will and Testament at the Perth Concert Hall, her operatic work for “the forgotten victims of the Armenian and Anatolian Greek Genocide” (Galas).Her voice is so powerful it alters me.1925: My grandmother, Hovsanna, and my grandfather, Benyamin, had twice been separated in the Genocide (1915 and 1922) and twice reunited. But in early 1925, she had buried him, once a prosperous businessman, in a swamp. Armenians were not permitted burial in cemeteries. Once they had lived together in a big house with their dozen children; now there were only three with her. Maree, half-mad and 18 years old, and quiet Hovsep, aged seven,walked. Then five-year-old aunt, Arusiak—small, hungry, tired—had been carried by Hovsanna for months. They were walking from Cilicia to Jerusalem and its Armenian Quarter. Someone had said they had seen Krikor, her eldest son, there. Hovsanna was pregnant for the last time. Together the four reached Aleppo in Syria, found a Christian orphanage for girls, and Hovsanna, her pregnancy near its end, could carry Arusiak no further. She left her, promising to return. Hovsanna’s pains began in Beirut’s busy streets. She found privacy in the only place she could, under a house, crawled in. Whenever my mother spoke of her birth she described it like this: I was born under a stranger’s house like a dog.1975: My friend and I travelled to Albany by bus. After six hours we were looking down York Street, between Mount Clarence and Mount Melville, and beyond to Princess Royal Harbour, sapphire blue, and against which the town’s prosperous life—its shopfronts, hotels, cars, tourists, historic buildings—played out. It took away my breath: the deep harbour, whaling history, fishing boats. Rain and sun and scudding cloud; cliffs and swells; rocky points and the white curves of bays. It was from Albany that young Western Australian men, volunteers for World War I, embarked on ships for the Middle East, Gallipoli, sailing out of Princess Royal Harbour.1985: The Australian Government announced that Turkey had agreed to have the site of the 1915 Gallipoli landings renamed Anzac Cove. Commentators and politicians acknowledged it as historic praised Turkey for her generosity, expressed satisfaction that, 70 years on, former foes were able to embrace the shared human experience of war. We were justifiably proud of ourselves.2005: Turkey made her own requests. The entrance to Albany’s Princess Royal Harbour was renamed Ataturk Channel. A large bronze statue of Ataturk was erected on the headland overlooking the Harbour entrance. 24 April 1915: In the town of Hasan Beyli, in Cilicia, southwest Turkey, my great grandfather, a successful and respected businessman in his 50s, was asleep in his bed beside his wife. He had been born in that house, as had his father, grandfather, and all his children. His brother, my great uncle, had bought the house next door as a young man, brought his bride home to it, lived there ever since; between the two households there had been one child after another. All the cousins grew up together. My great grandfather and great uncle had gone to work that morning, despite their wives’ concerns, but had returned home early. The women had been relieved to see them. They made coffee, talked. Everyone had heard the rumours. Enemy ships were massing off the coast. 1978: The second time in Albany was my honeymoon. We had driven into the Goldfields then headed south. Such distance, such beautiful strangeness: red earth, red rocks; scant forests of low trees, thin arms outstretched; the dry, pale, flat land of Norseman. Shimmering heat. Then the big, wild coast.On our second morning—a cool, overcast day—we took our handline to a jetty. The ocean was mercury; a line of cormorants settled and bobbed. Suddenly fish bit; we reeled them in. I leaned over the jetty’s side, looked down into the deep. The water was clear and undisturbed save the twirling of a pike that looked like it had reversed gravity and was shooting straight up to me. Its scales flashed silver as itbroke the surface.1982: How could I concentrate on splicing a film with this story in my head? Besides the desk, the only other furniture in the editing suite was a whiteboard. I took a marker and divided the board into three columns for the three generations: my grandparents, Hovsanna and Benyamin; my mother; someone like me. There was a lot in the first column, some in the second, nothing in the third. I stared at the blankness of my then-young life.A teacher came in to check my editing. I tried to explain what I had been doing. “I think,” he said, stony-faced, “that should be your third film, not your first.”When he had gone I stared at the reels of film, the white board blankness, the wall. It took 25 years to find the form, the words to say it: a novel not a film, prose not pictures.2007: Ten minutes before the launch of The Edge of the World, the venue was empty. I made myself busy, told myself: what do you expect? Your research has shown, over and over, this is a story about which few know or very much care, an inconvenient, unfashionable story; it is perfectly in keeping that no-one will come. When I stepped onto the rostrum to speak, there were so many people that they crowded the doorway, spilled onto the pavement. “I want to thank my mother,” I said, “who, pretending to do her homework, listened instead to the story her mother told other Armenian survivor-women, kept that story for 50 years, and then passed it on to me.” 2013: There is a section of The Edge of the World I needed to find because it had really happened and, when it happened, I knew, there in my living room, that Boyajian and Grigorian (183) were right about the Armenian Genocide being “still operative.” But I knew even more than that: I knew that the Diaspora triggered by genocide is both rescue and weapon, the new life in this host nation both sanctuary and betrayal. I picked up a copy, paced, flicked, followed my nose, found it:On 25 April, the day after Genocide memorial-day, I am watching television. The Prime Minister stands at the ANZAC memorial in western Turkey and delivers a poetic and moving speech. My eyes fill with tears, and I moan a little and cover them. In his speech he talks about the heroism of the Turkish soldiers in their defence of their homeland, about the extent of their losses – sixty thousand men. I glance at my son. He raises his eyebrows at me. I lose count of how many times Kemal Ataturk is mentioned as the Father of Modern Turkey. I think of my grandmother and grandfather, and all my baby aunts and uncles […] I curl over like a mollusc; the ache in my chest draws me in. I feel small and very tired; I feel like I need to wash.Is it true that if we repeat something often enough and loud enough it becomes the truth? The Prime Minister quotes Kemal Ataturk: the ANZACS who died and are buried on that western coast are deemed ‘sons of Turkey’. My son turns my grandfather’s, my mother’s, my eyes to me and says, It is amazing they can be so friendly after we attacked them.I draw up my knees to my chest, lay my head and arms down. My limbs feel weak and useless. My throat hurts. I look at my Australian son with his Armenian face (325-6).24 April 1915 cont: There had been trouble all my great grandfather’s life: pogrom here, massacre there. But this land was accustomed to colonisers: the Mongols, the Persians, latterly the Ottomans. They invade, conquer, rise, fall; Armenians stay. This had been Armenian homeland for thousands of years.No-one masses ships off a coast unless planning an invasion. So be it. These Europeans could not be worse than the Ottomans. That night, were my great grandfather and great uncle awoken by the pounding at each door, or by the horses and gendarmes’ boots? They were seized, each family herded at gunpoint into its garden, and made to watch. Hanging is slow. There could be no mistakes. The gendarmes used the stoutest branches, stayed until they were sure the men weredead. This happened to hundreds of prominent Armenian men all over Turkey that night.Before dawn, the Allies made landfall.Each year those lost in the Genocide are remembered on 24 April, the day before ANZAC Day.1969: I asked my mother if she had any brothers and sisters. She froze, her hands in the sink. I stared at her, then slipped from the room.1915: The Ottoman government decreed: all Armenians were to surrender their documents and report to authorities. Able-bodied men were taken away, my grandfather among them. Women and children, the elderly and disabled, were told to prepare to walk to a safe camp where they would stay for the duration of the war. They would be accompanied by armed soldiers for their protection. They were permitted to take with them what they could carry (Bryce 1916).It began immediately, pretty young women and children first. There are so many ways to kill. Months later, a few dazed, starved survivors stumbled into the Syrian desert, were driven into lakes, or herded into churches and set alight.Most husbands and fathers were never seen again. 2003: I arrived early at my son’s school, parked in the shade, opened The Silence: How Tragedy Shapes Talk, and began to read. Soon I was annotating furiously. Ruth Wajnryb writes of “growing up among innocent peers in an innocent landscape” and also that the notion of “freedom of speech” in Australia “seems often, to derive from that innocent landscape where reside people who have no personal scars or who have little relevant historical knowledge” (141).1984: I travelled to Vancouver, Canada, and knocked on Arusiak’s door. Afraid she would not agree to meet me, I hadn’t told her I was coming. She was welcoming and gracious. This was my first experience of extended family and I felt loved in a new and important way, a way I had read about, had observed in my friends, had longed for. One afternoon she said, “You know our mother left me in an orphanage…When I saw her again, it was too late. I didn’t know who they were, what a family was. I felt nothing.” “Yes, I know,” I replied, my heart full and hurting. The next morning, over breakfast, she quietly asked me to leave. 1926: When my mother was a baby, her 18 year-old sister, Maree, tried to drown her in the sea. My mother clearly recalled Maree’s face had been disfigured by a sword. Hovsanna, would ask my mother to forgive Maree’s constant abuse and bad behaviour, saying, “She is only half a person.”1930: Someone gave Hovsanna the money to travel to Aleppo and reclaim Arusiak, by then 10 years old. My mother was intrigued by the appearance of this sister but Arusiak was watchful and withdrawn. When she finally did speak to my then five-year-old mother, she hissed: “Why did she leave me behind and keep you?”Soon after Arusiak appeared, Maree, “only half a person,” disappeared. My mother was happy about that.1935: At 15, Arusiak found a live-in job and left. My mother was 10 years old; her brother Hovsep, who cared for her before and after school every day while their mother worked, and always had, was seventeen. She adored him. He had just finished high school and was going to study medicine. One day he fell ill. He died within a week.1980: My mother told me she never saw her mother laugh or, once Hovsep died, in anything other than black. Two or three times before Hovsep died, she saw her smile a little, and twice she heard her singing when she thought she was alone: “A very sad song,” my mother would say, “that made me cry.”1942: At seventeen, my mother had been working as a live-in nanny for three years. Every week on her only half-day off she had caught the bus home. But now Hovsanna was in hospital, so my mother had been visiting her there. One day her employer told her she must go to the hospital immediately. She ran. Hovsanna was lying alone and very still. Something wasn’t right. My mother searched the hospital corridors but found no-one. She picked up a phone. When someone answered she told them to send help. Then she ran all the way home, grabbed Arusiak’s photograph and ran all the way back. She laid it on her mother’s chest, said, “It’s all right, Mama, Arusiak’s here.”1976: My mother said she didn’t like my boyfriend; I was not to go out with him. She said she never disobeyed her own mother because she really loved her mother. I went out with my boyfriend. When I came home, my belongings were on the front porch. The door was bolted. I was seventeen.2003: I read Wajnryb who identifies violent eruptions of anger and frozen silences as some of the behaviours consistent in families with a genocidal history (126). 1970: My father had been dead over a year. My brothers and I were, all under 12, made too much noise. My mother picked up the phone: she can’t stand us, she screamed; she will call an orphanage to take us away. We begged.I fled to my room. I couldn’t sit down. I couldn’t keep still. I paced, pressed my face into a corner; shook and cried, knowing (because she had always told us so) that she didn’t make idle threats, knowing that this was what I had sometimes glimpsed on her face when she looked at us.2012: The Internet reveals images of Ataturk’s bronze statue overlooking Princess Royal Harbour. Of course, it’s outsized, imposing. The inscription on its plinth reads: "Peace at Home/ Peace in the World." He wears a suit, looks like a scholar, is moving towards us, a scroll in his hand. The look in his eyes is all intensity. Something distant has arrested him – a receding or re-emerging vision. Perhaps a murmur that builds, subsides, builds again. (Medz Yeghern, Aksor, Aghed, Genocide). And what is written on that scroll?2013: My partner suggested we go to Albany, escape Perth’s brutal summer. I tried to explain why it’s impossible. There is no memorial in Albany, or anywhere else in Western Australia, to the 1.5 million victims of the Armenian Genocide. ReferencesAkcam, Taner. “The Politics of Genocide.” Online Video Clip. YouTube. YouTube, 11 Dec. 2011. 6 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.youtube.com/watchv=OxAJaaw81eU&noredirect=1genocide›.Balakian, Peter. The Burning Tigress: The Armenian Genocide. London: William Heinemann, 2004.BBC. “Kemal Ataturk (1881–1938).” BBC History. 2013. 6 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/ataturk_kemal.shtml›.Boyajian, Levon, and Haigaz Grigorian. “Psychological Sequelae of the Armenian Genocide.”The Armenian Genocide in Perspective. Ed. Richard Hovannisian. New Brunswick: Transaction, 1987. 177–85.Bryce, Viscount. The Treatment of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1916.Galas, Diamanda. Program Notes. Dexifiones: Will and Testament. Perth Concert Hall, Perth, Australia. 2001.———.“Dexifiones: Will and Testament FULL Live Lisboa 2001 Part 1.” Online Video Clip. YouTube, 5 Nov. 2011. Web. 6 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mvVnYbxWArM›.Kazanjian, David, and Marc Nichanian. “Between Genocide and Catastrophe.” Loss. Eds. David Eng and David Kazanjian. Los Angeles: U of California P, 2003. 125–47.Manne, Robert. “A Turkish Tale: Gallipoli and the Armenian Genocide.” The Monthly Feb. 2007. 6 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.themonthly.com.au/turkish-tale-gallipoli-and-armenian-genocide-robert-manne-459›.Matiossian, Vartan. “When Dictionaries Are Left Unopened: How ‘Medz Yeghern’ Turned into a Terminology of Denial.” The Armenian Weekly 27 Nov. 2012. 6 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.armenianweekly.com/2012/11/27/when-dictionaries-are-left-unopened-how-medz-yeghern-turned-into-terminology-of-denial/›.Melson, Robert. Revolution and Genocide. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1996.Nicholson, Brendan. “ASIO Detected Bomb Plot by Armenian Terrorists.” The Australian 2 Jan. 2012. 6 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.theaustralian.com.au/in-depth/cabinet-papers/asio-detected-bomb-plot-by-armenian-terrorists/story-fnbkqb54-1226234411154›.“President Obama Issues Statement on Armenian Remembrance Day.” The Armenian Weekly 24 Apr. 2012. 5 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.armenianweekly.com/2012/04/24/president-obama-issues-statement-on-armenian-remembrance-day/›.Polain, Marcella. The Edge of the World. Fremantle: Fremantle Press, 2007.Siamanto. “The Dance.” Trans. Peter Balakian and Nervart Yaghlian. Adonias Dalgas Memorial Page 5 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.terezakis.com/dalgas.html›.Stockings, Craig. “Let’s Have a Truce in the Battle of the Anzac Myth.” The Australian 25 Apr. 2012. 6 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/opinion/lets-have-a-truce-in-the-battle-of-the-anzac-myth/story-e6frgd0x-1226337486382›.Wajnryb, Ruth. The Silence: How Tragedy Shapes Talk. Crows Nest: Allen and Unwin, 2001.

IntroductionRegional identity is a constant construction, in which landscape, human activity and cultural imaginary build a narrative of place. For the Tasmanian Midlands, the interactions between history, ecology and agriculture both define place and present problems in how to recognise, communicate and balance these interactions. In this sense, regionality is defined not so much as a relation of margin to centre, but as a specific accretion of environmental and cultural histories. According weight to more-than-human perspectives, a region can be seen as a constellation of plant, animal and human interactions and demands, where creative art and design can make space and give voice to the dynamics of exchange between the landscape and its inhabitants. Consideration of three recent art and design projects based in the Midlands reveal the potential for cross-disciplinary research, embedded in both environment and community, to create distinctive and specific forms of connectivity that articulate a regional identify.The Tasmanian Midlands have been identified as a biodiversity hotspot (Australian Government), with a long history of Aboriginal cultural management disrupted by colonial invasion. Recent archaeological work in the Midlands, including the Kerry Lodge Archaeology and Art Project, has focused on the use of convict labour during the nineteenth century in opening up the Midlands for settler agriculture and transport. Now, the Midlands are placed under increasing pressure by changing agricultural practices such as large-scale irrigation. At the same time as this intensification of agricultural activity, significant progress has been made in protecting, preserving and restoring endemic ecologies. This progress has come through non-government conservation organisations, especially Greening Australia and their program Tasmanian Island Ark, and private landowners placing land under conservation covenants. These pressures and conservation activities give rise to research opportunities in the biological sciences, but also pose challenges in communicating the value of conservation and research outcomes to a wider public. The Species Hotel project, beginning in 2016, engaged with the aims of restoration ecology through speculative design while The Marathon Project, a multi-year curatorial art project based on a single property that contains both conservation and commercially farmed zones.This article questions the role of regionality in these three interconnected projects—Kerry Lodge, Species Hotel, and Marathon—sited in the Tasmanian Midlands: the three projects share a concern with the specificities of the region through engagement with specifics sites and their histories and ecologies, while also acknowledging the forces that shape these sites as far more mobile and global in scope. It also considers the interdisciplinary nature of these projects, in the crossover of art and design with ecological, archaeological and agricultural practices of measuring and intervening in the land, where communication and interpretation may be in tension with functionality. These projects suggest ways of working that connect the ecological and the cultural spheres; importantly, they see rural locations as sites of knowledge production; they test the value of small-scale and ephemeral interventions to explore the place of art and design as intervention within colonised landscape.Regions are also defined by overlapping circles of control, interest, and authority. We test the claim that these projects, which operate through cross-disciplinary collaboration and network with a range of stakeholders and community groups, successfully benefit the region in which they are placed. We are particularly interested in the challenges of working across institutions which both claim and enact connections to the region without being centred there. These projects are initiatives resulting from, or in collaboration with, University of Tasmania, an institution that has taken a recent turn towards explicitly identifying as place-based yet the placement of the Midlands as the gap between campuses risks attenuating the institution’s claim to be of this place. Paul Carter, in his discussion of a regional, site-specific collaboration in Alice Springs, flags how processes of creative place-making—operating through mythopoetic and story-based strategies—requires a concrete rather than imagined community that actively engages a plurality of voices on the ground. We identify similar concerns in these art and design projects and argue that iterative and long-term creative projects enable a deeper grappling with the complexities of shared regional place-making. The Midlands is aptly named: as a region, it is defined by its geographical constraints and relationships to urban centres. Heading south from the northern city of Launceston, travellers on the Midland Highway see scores of farming properties networking continuously for around 175 kilometres south to the outskirts of Brighton, the last major township before the Tasmanian capital city of Hobart. The town of Ross straddles latitude 42 degrees south—a line that has historically divided Tasmania into the divisions of North and South. The region is characterised by extensive agricultural usage and small remnant patches of relatively open dry sclerophyll forest and lowland grassland enabled by its lower attitude and relatively flatter terrain. The Midlands sit between the mountainous central highlands of the Great Western Tiers and the Eastern Tiers, a continuous range of dolerite hills lying south of Ben Lomond that slope coastward to the Tasman Sea. This area stretches far beyond the view of the main highway, reaching east in the Deddington and Fingal valleys. Campbell Town is the primary stopping point for travellers, superseding the bypassed towns, which have faced problems with lowering population and resulting loss of facilities.Image 1: Southern Midland Landscape, Ross, Tasmania, 2018. Image Credit: Patrick Sutczak.Predominantly under private ownership, the Tasmanian Midlands are a contested and fractured landscape existing in a state of ecological tension that has occurred with the dominance of western agriculture. For over 200 years, farmers have continually shaped the land and carved it up into small fragments for different agricultural agendas, and this has resulted in significant endemic species decline (Mitchell et al.). The open vegetation was the product of cultural management of land by Tasmanian Aboriginal communities (Gammage), attractive to settlers during their distribution of land grants prior to the 1830s and a focus for settler violence. As documented cartographically in the Centre for 21st Century Humanities’ Colonial Frontier Massacres in Central and Eastern Australia 1788–1930, the period 1820–1835, and particularly during the Black War, saw the Midlands as central to the violent dispossession of Aboriginal landowners. Clements argues that the culture of violence during this period also reflected the brutalisation that the penal system imposed upon its subjects. The cultivation of agricultural land throughout the Midlands was enabled by the provision of unfree convict labour (Dillon). Many of the properties granted and established during the colonial period have been held in multi-generational family ownership through to the present.Within this patchwork of private ownership, the tension between visibility and privacy of the Midlands pastures and farmlands challenges the capacity for people to understand what role the Midlands plays in the greater Tasmanian ecology. Although half of Tasmania’s land areas are protected as national parks and reserves, the Midlands remains largely unprotected due to private ownership. When measured against Tasmania’s wilderness values and reputation, the dry pasturelands of the Midland region fail to capture an equivalent level of visual and experiential imagination. Jamie Kirkpatrick describes misconceptions of the Midlands when he writes of “[f]latness, dead and dying eucalypts, gorse, brown pastures, salt—environmental devastation […]—these are the common impression of those who first travel between Spring Hill and Launceston on the Midland Highway” (45). However, Kirkpatrick also emphasises the unique intimate and intricate qualities of this landscape, and its underlying resilience. In the face of the loss of paddock trees and remnants to irrigation, change in species due to pasture enrichment and introduction of new plant species, conservation initiatives that not only protect but also restore habitat are vital. The Tasmanian Midlands, then, are pastoral landscapes whose seeming monotonous continuity glosses over the radical changes experienced in the processes of colonisation and intensification of agriculture.Underlying the Present: Archaeology and Landscape in the Kerry Lodge ProjectThe major marker of the Midlands is the highway that bisects it. Running from Hobart to Launceston, the construction of a “great macadamised highway” (Department of Main Roads 10) between 1820–1850, and its ongoing maintenance, was a significant colonial project. The macadam technique, a nineteenth century innovation in road building which involved the laying of small pieces of stone to create a surface that was relatively water and frost resistant, required considerable but unskilled labour. The construction of the bridge at Kerry Lodge, in 1834–35, was simultaneous with significant bridge buildings at other major water crossings on the highway, (Department of Main Roads 16) and, as the first water crossing south of Launceston, was a pinch-point through which travel of prisoners could be monitored and controlled. Following the completion of the bridge, the site was used to house up to 60 male convicts in a road gang undergoing secondary punishment (1835–44) and then in a labour camp and hiring depot until 1847. At the time of the La Trobe report (1847), the buildings were noted as being in bad condition (Brand 142–43). After the station was disbanded, the use of the buildings reverted to the landowners for use in accommodation and agricultural storage.Archaeological research at Kerry Lodge, directed by Eleanor Casella, investigated the spatial and disciplinary structures of smaller probation and hiring depots and the living and working conditions of supervisory staff. Across three seasons (2015, 2016, 2018), the emerging themes of discipline and control and as well as labour were borne out by excavations across the site, focusing on remnants of buildings close to the bridge. This first season also piloted the co-presence of a curatorial art project, which grew across the season to include eleven practitioners in visual art, theatre and poetry, and three exhibition outcomes. As a crucial process for the curatorial art project, creative practitioners spent time on site as participants and observers, which enabled the development of responses that interrogated the research processes of archaeological fieldwork as well as making connections to the wider historical and cultural context of the site. Immersed in the mundane tasks of archaeological fieldwork, the practitioners involved became simultaneously focused on repetitive actions while contemplating the deep time contained within earth. This experience then informed the development of creative works interrogating embodied processes as a language of site.The outcome from the first fieldwork season was earthspoke, an exhibition shown at Sawtooth, an artist-run initiative in Launceston in 2015, and later re-installed in Franklin House, a National Trust property in the southern suburbs of Launceston.Images 2 and 3: earthspoke, 2015, Installation View at Sawtooth ARI (top) and Franklin House (bottom). Image Credits: Melanie de Ruyter.This recontextualisation of the work, from contemporary ARI (artist run initiative) gallery to National Trust property enabled the project to reach different audiences but also raised questions about the emphases that these exhibition contexts placed on the work. Within the white cube space of the contemporary gallery, connections to site became more abstracted while the educational and heritage functions of the National Trust property added further context and unintended connotations to the art works.Image 4: Strata, 2017, Installation View. Image Credit: Karen Hall.The two subsequent exhibitions, Lines of Site (2016) and Strata (2017), continued to test the relationship between site and gallery, through works that rematerialised the absences on site and connected embodied experiences of convict and archaeological labour. The most recent iteration of the project, Strata, part of the Ten Days on the Island art festival in 2017, involved installing works at the site, marking with their presence the traces, fragments and voids that had been reburied when the landscape returned to agricultural use following the excavations. Here, the interpretive function of the works directly addressed the layered histories of the landscape and underscored the scope of the human interventions and changes over time within the pastoral landscape. The interpretative role of the artworks formed part of a wider, multidisciplinary approach to research and communication within the project. University of Manchester archaeology staff and postgraduate students directed the excavations, using volunteers from the Launceston Historical Society. Staff from Launceston’s Queen Victorian Museum and Art Gallery brought their archival and collection-based expertise to the site rather than simply receiving stored finds as a repository, supporting immediate interpretation and contextualisation of objects. In 2018, participation from the University of Tasmania School of Education enabled a larger number of on-site educational activities than afforded by previous open days. These multi-disciplinary and multi-organisational networks, drawn together provisionally in a shared time and place, provided rich opportunities for dialogue. However, the challenges of sustaining these exchanges have meant ongoing collaborations have become more sporadic, reflecting different institutional priorities and competing demands on participants. Even within long-term projects, continued engagement with stakeholders can be a challenge: while enabling an emerging and concrete sense of community, the time span gives greater vulnerability to external pressures. Making Home: Ecological Restoration and Community Engagement in the Species Hotel ProjectImages 5 and 6: Selected Species Hotels, Ross, Tasmania, 2018. Image Credits: Patrick Sutczak. The Species Hotels stand sentinel over a river of saplings, providing shelter for animal communities within close range of a small town. At the township of Ross in the Southern Midlands, work was initiated by restoration ecologists to address the lack of substantial animal shelter belts on a number of major properties in the area. The Tasmania Island Ark is a major Greening Australia restoration ecology initiative, connecting 6000 hectares of habitat across the Midlands. Linking larger forest areas in the Eastern Tiers and Central Highlands as well as isolated patches of remnant native vegetation, the Ark project is vital to the ongoing survival of local plant and animal species under pressure from human interventions and climate change. With fragmentation of bush and native grasslands in the Midland landscape resulting in vast open plains, the ability for animals to adapt to pasturelands without shelter has resulted in significant decline as animals such as the critically endangered Eastern Barred Bandicoot struggle to feed, move, and avoid predators (Cranney). In 2014 mass plantings of native vegetation were undertaken along 16km of the serpentine Macquarie River as part of two habitat corridors designed to bring connectivity back to the region. While the plantings were being established a public art project was conceived that would merge design with practical application to assist animals in the area, and draw community and public attention to the work that was being done in re-establishing native forests. The Species Hotel project, which began in 2016, emerged from a collaboration between Greening Australia and the University of Tasmania’s School of Architecture and Design, the School of Land and Food, the Tasmanian College of the Arts and the ARC Centre for Forest Value, with funding from the Ian Potter Foundation. The initial focus of the project was the development of interventions in the landscape that could address the specific habitat needs of the insect, small mammal, and bird species that are under threat. First-year Architecture students were invited to design a series of structures with the brief that they would act as ‘Species Hotels’, and once created would be installed among the plantings as structures that could be inhabited or act as protection. After installation, the privately-owned land would be reconfigured so to allow public access and observation of the hotels, by residents and visitors alike. Early in the project’s development, a concern was raised during a Ross community communication and consultation event that the surrounding landscape and its vistas would be dramatically altered with the re-introduced forest. While momentary and resolved, a subtle yet obvious tension surfaced that questioned the re-writing of an established community’s visual landscape literacy by non-residents. Compact and picturesque, the architectural, historical and cultural qualities of Ross and its location were not only admired by residents, but established a regional identity. During the six-week intensive project, the community reach was expanded beyond the institution and involved over 100 people including landowners, artists, scientists and school children from the region (Wright), attempting to address and channel the concerns of residents about the changing landscape. The multiple timescales of this iterative project—from intensive moments of collaboration between stakeholders to the more-than-human time of tree growth—open spaces for regional identity to shift as both as place and community. Part of the design brief was the use of fully biodegradable materials: the Species Hotels are not expected to last forever. The actual installation of the Species Hotelson site took longer than planned due to weather conditions, but once on site they were weathering in, showing signs of insect and bird habitation. This animal activity created an opportunity for ongoing engagement. Further activities generated from the initial iteration of Species Hotel were the Species Hotel Day in 2017, held at the Ross Community Hall where presentations by scientists and designers provided feedback to the local community and presented opportunities for further design engagement in the production of ephemeral ‘species seed pies’ placed out in and around Ross. Architecture and Design students have gone on to develop more examples of ‘ecological furniture’ with a current focus on insect housing as well as extrapolating from the installation of the Species Hotels to generate a VR visualisation of the surrounding landscape, game design and participatory movement work that was presented as part of the Junction Arts Festival program in Launceston, 2017. The intersections of technologies and activities amplified the lived in and living qualities of the Species Hotels, not only adding to the connectivity of social and environmental actions on site and beyond, but also making a statement about the shared ownership this project enabled.Working Property: Collaboration and Dialogues in The Marathon Project The potential of iterative projects that engage with environmental concerns amid questions of access, stewardship and dialogue is also demonstrated in The Marathon Project, a collaborative art project that took place between 2015 and 2017. Situated in the Northern Midland region of Deddington alongside the banks of the Nile River the property of Marathon became the focal point for a small group of artists, ecologists and theorists to converge and engage with a pastoral landscape over time that was unfamiliar to many of them. Through a series of weekend camps and day trips, the participants were able to explore and follow their own creative and investigative agendas. The project was conceived by the landowners who share a passion for the history of the area, their land, and ideas of custodianship and ecological responsibility. The intentions of the project initially were to inspire creative work alongside access, engagement and dialogue about land, agriculture and Deddington itself. As a very small town on the Northern Midland fringe, Deddington is located toward the Eastern Tiers at the foothills of the Ben Lomond mountain ranges. Historically, Deddington is best known as the location of renowned 19th century landscape painter John Glover’s residence, Patterdale. After Glover’s death in 1849, the property steadily fell into disrepair and a recent private restoration effort of the home, studio and grounds has seen renewed interest in the cultural significance of the region. With that in mind, and with Marathon a neighbouring property, participants in the project were able to experience the area and research its past and present as a part of a network of working properties, but also encouraging conversation around the region as a contested and documented place of settlement and subsequent violence toward the Aboriginal people. Marathon is a working property, yet also a vital and fragile ecosystem. Marathon consists of 1430 hectares, of which around 300 lowland hectares are currently used for sheep grazing. The paddocks retain their productivity, function and potential to return to native grassland, while thickets of gorse are plentiful, an example of an invasive species difficult to control. The rest of the property comprises eucalypt woodlands and native grasslands that have been protected under a conservation covenant by the landowners since 2003. The Marathon creek and the Nile River mark the boundary between the functional paddocks and the uncultivated hills and are actively managed in the interface between native and introduced species of flora and fauna. This covenant aimed to preserve these landscapes, linking in with a wider pattern of organisations and landowners attempting to address significant ecological degradation and isolation of remnant bushland patches through restoration ecology. Measured against the visibility of Tasmania’s wilderness identity on the national and global stage, many of the ecological concerns affecting the Midlands go largely unnoticed. The Marathon Project was as much a project about visibility and communication as it was about art and landscape. Over the three years and with its 17 participants, The Marathon Project yielded three major exhibitions along with numerous public presentations and research outputs. The length of the project and the autonomy and perspectives of its participants allowed for connections to be formed, conversations initiated, and greater exposure to the productivity and sustainability complexities playing out on rural Midland properties. Like Kerry Lodge, the 2015 first year exhibition took place at Sawtooth ARI. The exhibition was a testing ground for artists, and a platform for audiences, to witness the cross-disciplinary outputs of work inspired by a single sheep grazing farm. The interest generated led to the rethinking of the 2016 exhibition and the need to broaden the scope of what the landowners and participants were trying to achieve. Image 7: Panel Discussion at Open Weekend, 2016. Image Credit: Ron Malor.In November 2016, The Marathon Project hosted an Open Weekend on the property encouraging audiences to visit, meet the artists, the landowners, and other invited guests from a number of restoration, conservation, and rehabilitation organisations. Titled Encounter, the event and accompanying exhibition displayed in the shearing shed, provided an opportunity for a rhizomatic effect with the public which was designed to inform and disseminate historical and contemporary perspectives of land and agriculture, access, ownership, visitation and interpretation. Concluding with a final exhibition in 2017 at the University of Tasmania’s Academy Gallery, The Marathon Project had built enough momentum to shape and inform the practice of its participants, the knowledge and imagination of the public who engaged with it, and make visible the precarity of the cultural and rural Midland identity.Image 8. Installation View of The Marathon Project Exhibition, 2017. Image Credit: Patrick Sutczak.ConclusionThe Marathon Project, Species Hotel and the Kerry Lodge Archaeology and Art Project all demonstrate the potential of site-based projects to articulate and address concerns that arise from the environmental and cultural conditions and histories of a region. Beyond the Midland fence line is a complex environment that needed to be experienced to be understood. Returning creative work to site, and opening up these intensified experiences of place to a public forms a key stage in all these projects. Beyond a commitment to site-specific practice and valuing the affective and didactic potential of on-site installation, these returns grapple with issues of access, visibility and absence that characterise the Midlands. Paul Carter describes his role in the convening of a “concretely self-realising creative community” in an initiative to construct a meeting-place in Alice Springs, a community defined and united in “its capacity to imagine change as a negotiation between past, present and future” (17). Within that regional context, storytelling, as an encounter between histories and cultures, became crucial in assembling a community that could in turn materialise story into place. In these Midlands projects, a looser assembly of participants with shared interests seek to engage with the intersections of plant, human and animal activities that constitute and negotiate the changing environment. The projects enabled moments of connection, of access, and of intervention: always informed by the complexities of belonging within regional locations.These projects also suggest the need to recognise the granularity of regionalism: the need to be attentive to the relations of site to bioregion, of private land to small town to regional centre. The numerous partnerships that allow such interconnect projects to flourish can be seen as a strength of regional areas, where proximity and scale can draw together sets of related institutions, organisations and individuals. However, the tensions and gaps within these projects reveal differing priorities, senses of ownership and even regional belonging. Questions of who will live with these project outcomes, who will access them, and on what terms, reveal inequalities of power. Negotiations of this uneven and uneasy terrain require a more nuanced account of projects that do not rely on the geographical labelling of regions to paper over the complexities and fractures within the social environment.These projects also share a commitment to the intersection of the social and natural environment. They recognise the inextricable entanglement of human and more than human agencies in shaping the landscape, and material consequences of colonialism and agricultural intensification. Through iteration and duration, the projects mobilise processes that are responsive and reflective while being anchored to the materiality of site. Warwick Mules suggests that “regions are a mixture of data and earth, historically made through the accumulation and condensation of material and informational configurations”. Cross-disciplinary exchanges enable all three projects to actively participate in data production, not interpretation or illustration afterwards. Mules’ call for ‘accumulation’ and ‘configuration’ as productive regional modes speaks directly to the practice-led methodologies employed by these projects. The Kerry Lodge and Marathon projects collect, arrange and transform material taken from each site to provisionally construct a regional material language, extended further in the dual presentation of the projects as off-site exhibitions and as interventions returning to site. The Species Hotel project shares that dual identity, where materials are chosen for their ability over time, habitation and decay to become incorporated into the site yet, through other iterations of the project, become digital presences that nonetheless invite an embodied engagement.These projects centre the Midlands as fertile ground for the production of knowledge and experiences that are distinctive and place-based, arising from the unique qualities of this place, its history and its ongoing challenges. Art and design practice enables connectivity to plant, animal and human communities, utilising cross-disciplinary collaborations to bring together further accumulations of the region’s intertwined cultural and ecological landscape.ReferencesAustralian Government Department of the Environment and Energy. Biodiversity Conservation. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia, 2018. 1 Apr. 2019 <http://www.environment.gov.au/biodiversity/conservation>.Brand, Ian. The Convict Probation System: Van Diemen’s Land 1839–1854. Sandy Bay: Blubber Head Press, 1990.Carter, Paul. “Common Patterns: Narratives of ‘Mere Coincidence’ and the Production of Regions.” Creative Communities: Regional Inclusion & the Arts. Eds. Janet McDonald and Robert Mason. Bristol: Intellect, 2015. 13–30.Centre for 21st Century Humanities. Colonial Frontier Massacres in Central and Eastern Australia 1788–1930. 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