Tesi sul tema "Social sciences -> political science -> public policy"

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1

Matti, Simon. "Exploring public policy legitimacy a study of belief-system correspondence in Swedish environmental policy /". Doctoral thesis, Luleå : Political Science Unit, Luleå University of Technology, 2009. http://pure.ltu.se/ws/fbspretrieve/3012491.

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2

Kaul, Sharika. "Sexual Violence Against Women in India: The Role of Public Policy and Social Media in the Persistence of Sexually Violent Crimes". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/739.

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Following the 2012 gang-rape of a 23-year-old paramedic student in New Delhi, India's rape culture received unprecedented global attention. The Central Government sought to reduce the incidence of sexually violent crimes against Indian women by implementing policy changes. However, crimes against women and reported rapes have continued to rise. This paper seeks to explain the persistence of sexually violent crimes in India by arguing that contemporary public policies and the dominating presence of men's rights organizations on social media platforms have reproduced rapability in unique and dangerous ways.
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3

Bal, Ravtosh. "Public participation in science and technology policy: consensus conferences and social inclusion". Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/44773.

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This study looks at the National Citizens' Technology Forum (NCTF), a modified version of the consensus conference, which took place in March, 2008 in six cities across the U.S. to understand how inclusive these methods of public participation are in practice. The research focused on two of these sites. Inclusion of participants was defined in terms of presence, voice and being heard. Transcripts of the audio-visual recordings of the proceedings were the main data of analysis. By focusing on the talk within these deliberative forums, the study looked at how the rules of engagement and status (ascribed and achieved) differences between participants can affect inclusion. The analysis did not reveal any substantial effects of ascribed characteristics on deliberation. Facilitation and the presence of expertise among the participants were found to influence inclusion and equality among participants. These findings suggest that organizers and facilitators of deliberative exercises have to be reflexive of their role as well as aware of the group dynamics. The results also address the larger questions within science and technology policy like the role of expertise and the public in decision making, the institutional design of participatory exercises, and their relation to the political culture and the policy process.
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4

Anderson, Stephen John. "The politics of the welfare state in Japan : political leadership in the policy processes for social services, health care and public pensions". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/14848.

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5

Johnson, Margaret Alice. "United States evaluation policy| A theoretical taxonomy". Thesis, Cornell University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3586275.

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Efforts are currently underway in the US federal context to improve and strengthen evaluation practice and increase the use of evaluation results to inform policies and programs. However, these efforts remain unrealized, due partly to the lack of a comprehensive theoretical framework that views evaluation and related organizational processes and institutions as part of a larger system. Early intuitive theoretical taxonomies of evaluation policy suffer from the lack of connection to specific examples and instances, and are missing clear classification criteria that would allow practical application. To generate a grounded taxonomy of evaluation policy, this study surveyed members of the American Evaluation Association in 2009, asking them to generate examples of evaluation policy, and then to sort and rate these suggested policies. Results are analyzed using the concept mapping method of Trochim (1989), which first translates aggregate sorting decisions into conceptual “distances” on a two-dimensional dot map, then uses hierarchical cluster analysis to generate groupings of ideas. These groupings become the foundation for categories in a theoretical taxonomy. Findings reveal several different dimensions by which participants grouped evaluation policies, including the dimensions of “value” and “policy mechanism.” A values-by-mechanisms taxonomy and instructions for its use in an evaluation policy inventory process are proposed.

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6

Glover, Elesia. "The Role of Social Media in Millennial Voting and Voter Registration". ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/5339.

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The millennial generation has become the largest generation in the United States. Yet as more members of this generation reach voting age, their propensity to vote remains stagnant. For instance, in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, less than 50% of eligible millennials voted, in comparison to the 69% of baby boomers and 63% of Generation X. Voting is a civic duty essential to a successful democracy; therefore, it is imperative to find solutions to increase millennial political engagement. As millennials represent the largest proportion of users of social media, the purpose of this quantitative study was to examine the relationships between voter registration and voting rates and social media usage. To provide clarification on the issue of millennial voting and voter registration, a conceptual framework was used to explore whether a connection exists between millennial political participation and social media because existing theory was insufficient to address this issue. Using secondary data from the 2016 Millennial Impact Report, 1,050 millennial survey responses were gathered on millennial social media usage, intent to vote, and voter registration. A 2 proportions z-test was used to conclude that there was no difference in voter registration and voting rates between millennials who posted 1 to 3 times per week and those who posted 4 to 7 times per week on social media. This study may promote social change by informing those who seek solutions to increase millennial voting and voter registration rates for the continuation of the American democratic system.
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Blanes, Ramona. "Smart policy for public value : strategic management in public sector reform". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2017. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8311/.

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This thesis explored the public value (PV) concept as strategic management to (re)introduce the concept of social responsibility and ethics within the public sector. Public sector governance relied on the assumption that the specific attributes of the various public sector governance approaches influenced public managers’ actions and decisions. The attributes of the management approach became more aligned with the PV concept as it moved along a public sector reform (PSR) continuum. To compare and contrast the PV concept in the various cultures and institutional settings through the lens of Intelligent Transportation Systems (ITS)-related policies and programmes, three countries at the different stages of PSR were chosen. The results showed there were varying degrees of PSR acceptance and compliance at the various government levels. Thus, more than one dominant PSR model existed simultaneously in a country. The extent to which the changes were accepted and complied with depended on several dynamics. Additionally, the results discovered that the PV concept influenced public managers’ practices despite the governance traditions. This discovery validated the fact that a country did not have to be at the most sophisticated PSR stage to strategise using the PV concept. Finally, the results supported the view that ITS enabled easy and continuous data collection for the public managers. This ease of data collection advanced the process of knowledge exchange to co-create/co-produce or share PV with the public. The knowledge collaboration and sharing could lead to innovation, sustainability and the perception of value by the public.
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8

Eaton, Lisa Jean. "Policy adoption by state governments| An event history analysis of factors influencing states to enact inpatient health care transparency laws". Thesis, The Florida State University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3564876.

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This dissertation provides an analysis and evaluation of factors influencing states to enact inpatient health care transparency laws between 1971 and 2006 inclusive, using event history analysis. The primary research question investigates "What factors influence a state legislature to enact a health care transparency law?" To narrow the scope of study, I focus on factors influencing states to enact health care transparency laws to collect and publicly report inpatient data.

The Unified Model of State Policy Innovation, developed by F.S. Berry and W.D. Berry (1990, 1999), provides the framework for the study hypotheses and the analysis of inpatient health care transparency law enactments by states. The Unified Model of State Policy Innovation posits a unified explanation for state policy adoptions. The model unifies the internal determinants and regional diffusion approaches of analysis for state policy adoption.

This study tests eight hypotheses using event history analysis (EHA). EHA is an analytical technique that allows for the testing of a state government innovation theory that incorporates internal determinants and regional influences on state policy adoption. Although there are numerous methods to conduct event history analysis, this study uses the Cox proportional hazards model (also known as Cox regression). Cox regression is a popular method for studying time-to-event data for policy adoption and diffusion studies. This study's quantitative analysis provides support for legislative ideology and unified party control of state government acting as factors influencing inpatient health care transparency law enactments by states. Additionally, the health care crisis and neighbors variables were statistically significant, but in an opposite direction than predicted.

The findings of this research suggest that state adopters of an inpatient health care transparency law are more likely to enact an inpatient health care transparency law when the state government is increasing in liberalism and when unified political party control of the governor and the governorship of both houses of the state legislature is increasing.

To generate new insights into the enactment of inpatient health care transparency laws, I conduct a case study of a national health care data professional association using several techniques, including telephone interviews. The qualitative analysis provides support for professional associations and policy champions as diffusion agents for inpatient health care transparency law enactments by states.

This dissertation supports variables traditionally used in policy adoption research including legislative ideology and unified political party control in state government. However, it will be interesting to see whether internal determinants such as professional associations gain traction over the traditional regional diffusion influences such as states sharing borders as factors influencing state policy adoption. Meanwhile, as evidenced in this study, there continues to be support for a model incorporating both internal and regional influences to explain policy adoption by states. The theory of policy innovation and diffusion to predict the factors influencing the spread of policies and the use of Berry & Berry's (1990, 1999) Unified Model of State Policy Innovation prosper as their applicability to numerous public policy areas, including health care, are continually demonstrated. Similarly, event history analysis and specifically the Cox regression method continue to gain support as their value as analytical methods and appropriateness for use in public policy studies is repeatedly demonstrated.

The outlook for the future of the health care transparency movement looks promising. The health care transparency movement promotes improved access to information, patient empowerment, improved patient safety and quality of care, improved provider accountability, and lower health care costs. This movement is not a fad, but rather a permanent change being implemented in all health care settings across the United States. Improved health through reliable, accessible data and data-supported decisions is increasingly becoming the norm and less an idealistic scenario to be realized in the distant future.

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9

McCrea, Austin Michael. "Religious Policy Adoption in the American States: Measuring and Validating Influence of the Christian Right". Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1461946919.

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10

Powers, Kathleen E. "Beyond Identity: Social Relations for International Conflict and Cooperation". The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1436885537.

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11

Powell, Scott R. "Shifting the Employment Burden: The Social and Economic Foundations of Welfare State Reform". The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1325176807.

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12

Rutherford, Paul, e prpdsr@mail usyd edu au. "The Problem of Nature in Contemporary Social Theory". The Australian National University. Research School of Social Sciences, 2000. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20011217.114840.

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This work examines the ways in which the relationship between society and nature is problematic for social theory. The Frankfurt School’s notion of the dialectic of enlightenment is considered, as are the attempts by Jurgen Habermas to defend an ‘emancipatory’ theory of modernity against this. The marginalising effect Habermas’ defence of reason has had on the place of nature in his critical social theory is examined, as is the work of theorists such as Ulrich Beck and Klaus Eder. For these latter authors, unlike Habermas, the social relation to nature is at the centre of contemporary society, giving rise to new forms of modernisation and politics. ¶ Michel Foucault’s work on biopolitics and governmentality is examined against the background of his philosophical debate with Habermas on power and rationality. The growth of scientific ecology is shown to have both problematised the social relation to nature and provided the political technology for new forms of regulatory intervention in the management of the population and resources. These new forms of intervention constitute a form of ecological governmentality along the lines discussed by Foucault and others in relation to the human sciences. ¶ However, Foucault’s work is not sufficiently critical of the relationship between the natural sciences and power. Extending Foucault’s biopolitics to environmental discourse is consistent with his general approach to power, but his incomplete critique of political sovereignty meant that for him agency remained tied to an idealised notion of the autonomy of the human subject. He therefore made too strong a distinction between the human and natural sciences and between power and the capacities of non-human entities, and continued to view the natural sciences as separating themselves from power in a way that was not possible in the human sciences. ¶ A more general critique of epistemic sovereignty reveals that the natural sciences (including ecology) are subject to disciplinary and normalising practices similar to those of the human sciences. Foucault’s key inadequacy is that he linked agency to human autonomy and sovereignty. The work of Bruno Latour and other actor network theorists show that an unambiguous ontological distinction between nature, material technologies and active human subjects is highly problematic. In the place of a separate ‘society’ and ‘nature’, this thesis argues that it is preferable to see these as a single socio-nature populated by the hybrid products of translation networks. ¶ By drawing together the insights of recent governmentality studies and the approach of actor network theory to agency and translation, Foucault’s concept of biopolitics can be adapted to provide a theoretical framework for understanding the ecological programs of government that have emerged around the problem of nature in second half of the twentieth century.
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13

Zeelie, Hein. "Environmental concern in South Africa : an analysis of elite and public attitudes and their implications for public policy". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53413.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa, like so many other developing countries, is confronted with a very complex situation: although large-scale environmental degradation is threatening the future of the country, environmental matters are not regarded as of sufficient importance amongst the general population for them to contribute to environmental improvements. Most of the country's populations, many argue, are simply too poor and too focused on fulfilling short-term survival needs to give priority to the environment. Employing the 2001 World Values Survey, this study analyzes the attitudes of the general public of South Africa towards environmental matters. These attitudes are contrasted with those of the elites, who have a disproportionate influence over policy-making, by looking at the 2000 South African National Leadership Opinion Survey. This study finds that, as hypothesized, the general population of the country is quite unwilling (or unable) to contribute materially or financially to environmental improvements, especially in relation to the elites. In the final part of the study, these findings are employed in the development of a set of guidelines that policy-makers can use to increase the probability of developing successful and effective environmental policies. These guidelines take into account the nature and dimensions of popular attitudes, and consider ways in which environmental policies can foster the support of a public that is confronted with so many other serious issues.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika, soos soveel ander ontwikkelende lande, is gekonfronteer met 'n baie komplekse situasie: alhoewel grootskaalse degradasie van die omgewing die toekoms van die land bedreig, sien die algemene publiek nie omgewingskwessies as belangrik genoeg om 'n bydrae te lewer nie. Die argument is dat te veel van die land se bevolking net te arm of te gefokus is op die bevrediging van kort-termyn oorlewingsbehoeftes om prioriteit te gee aan omgewingskwessies. Deur gebruik te maak van die 2001 Wêreld Waardestudie, analiseer hierdie studie die houdings van die Suid-Afrikaanse publiek teenoor omgewingskwessies. Hierdie houdings word gekontrasteer met die van die elites, wat 'n disproporsionele invloed het oor die beleidsmakingsproses, deur gebruik te maak van die 2000 Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Leierskap Opinie Studie. Die studie vind dat, soos gehipotiseer, die publiek onwillig (of net nie in staat) is om bydrae te lewer tot die oplossing van omgewingskwessies, veral in vergelyking met die elites. In die finale afdeling van hierdie studie word die bevindinge gebruik om 'n stel riglyne te ontwikkel wat deur beleidmakers gebruik kan word om die waarskynlikheid van suksesvolle en effektiewe omgewingsbeleid te verbeter. Hierdie riglyne neem in ag die natuur en dimensies van publieke houdings, en bring na vore maniere waardeur omgewingsbeleide die ondersteuning van 'n publiek, wat gekonfronteer word met soveel ander ernstige kwessies, kan opbou.
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14

Hatchett, Timothy L. "Examining the Impact of the Faith-Based Initiative on Non-Religious Social Service Organizations". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2017. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/cauetds/67.

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The Welfare Reform Bill Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 contains a section referred to as "Charitable Choice." This section was designed to ensure that faith-based agencies were not discriminated against in the awarding of federal funding. States are not required to implement any part of the initiative, except ensuring that there is no discrimination against faith-based organizations. States have responded in a variety of ways in the hope of increasing the number of faith-based organizations receiving and competing for social services funds. Although religious groups have been receiving government funds to provide social services for much of American history, the faith-based initiative represents a new effort from both state and federal government to encourage even greater participation. There has been a tremendous amount of research on the impact of the faith-based organizations; however, very little attention has been given to the non-religious based social service organizations. To understand the impact of the faith-based implementation on non-religious based social service agencies, the primary focus was on examining: personnel, clientele, programs and services data, as well as internal and external factors. The secondary focus was determining if the implementation of the faith-based initiative signified the “second-order of devolution.” The study focused on three NBSSOs in Washington, D.C. Interviews were conducted with agency officials and data collected from all three agencies. While supporters argue that the faith-based initiative is about solving problems of poverty, taxing an over-burdened welfare system and violating the constitution, the researcher found that there was no impact of the faith-based initiative on non-religious based social service organizations. The participating agencies had been impacted by elected officials, public policy and federal funding, however; research also shows that there was no evidence of a “second-order of devolution.” The expected outsourcing of public services and the creation of numerous models of welfare systems with a variety of public-private partnerships that included secular non-profit organizations, for-profit organizations and religious organizations had not occurred.
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15

Juffras, Jason Nicholas. "A Comparative Case Study of Tax Policy Decisions in the District of Columbia, Maryland, and Virginia". Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3687795.

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This dissertation examines how state policymakers develop, evaluate, and select tax policy options, based on case studies of tax policy decisions in the District of Columbia, Maryland, and Virginia from 2007 to 2010.

States have been the main locus of tax policy change in the U.S. in recent years, varying widely in their choices of which taxes to raise or cut, and whether to adjust tax rates or the tax base. Because public finance and budgeting research has focused largely on appropriations, as well as tax decisions at the federal level, the dissertation seeks to expand the knowledge base about state tax policy formulation. This is a critically important policy area because state tax systems are threatened by the growth of services, the advent of electronic commerce, capital flows that cross state and national borders, and the aging of the population.

Based on a mixed-methods research strategy involving documentary evidence as well as interviews with 10 to 15 key policy participants in each state, the dissertation found that the three states vary widely in their capacity to generate and refine tax policy options, reflecting ideological and institutional differences. Nevertheless, the states were very similar in one respect: each state made only tangential efforts to expand its tax base and curtail tax expenditures during the worst fiscal crisis in decades. This pattern suggests that it will be difficult for states to carry out the reformers' mantra to broaden tax bases and lower tax rates, a conclusion that is supported by national data.

The case study states also relied heavily on "selective parity" – aligning their tax rates and tax bases with at least some neighboring jurisdictions or comparable states – in making tax policy choices. This practice suggests that states will avoid the gridlock that has marked federal tax policy, because the widespread use of benchmarking provides a rationale for tax increases as well as cuts, while still serving as a moderating factor that pulls states toward regional or national means. States are picking spots on a spectrum of service levels and tax burdens that reflect voter preferences but are also constrained by national and regional norms.

A general hierarchy of taxes constructed from the case studies and also reflected in national data shows that narrowly-targeted levies (such as health facility taxes) and "sin" taxes (such as cigarette taxes) were the most likely to be increased, while broad-based taxes with the strongest revenue performance (such as the personal income tax) were the least likely to be increased. This pattern reinforces the conclusion that states are neglecting the long-term revenue capacity of their tax systems, a finding that is reinforced by a continuous stream of small tax cuts granted in each state, interrupted periodically by larger tax increases – a pattern of "punctuated incrementalism".

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16

Repnikova, Maria. "Limited political liberalisation in authoritarian regimes : critical journalists and the state in China". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d4673810-ca89-4642-a463-851ca50627f0.

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This dissertation examines the process of limited political liberalisation in China by analysing the coexistence between critical journalists and the party-state under the Hu-Wen leadership. In contrast to the scholarship on authoritarianism and Chinese politics, which tends to analyse the perspectives of societal actors and the state separately from one another, this study brings the two together, unveiling the intricacies of their interactions. In the past decade, critical journalists and the party-state maintained a partnership which can be best described by a jazz ensemble metaphor. The players—critical journalists and the party-state—share a common purpose: improving their performance or governance within the existing political system. They overcome the limitations on their collaboration with ad hoc creative adjustments made in response to one another. The party-state acts as a band leader, setting the key by establishing a framework within which creative manoeuvring can take place. The study is based on unique access to politically sensitive material, including 120 in-depth interviews with critical journalists, media and crisis management experts, and government officials. It also includes multilayered textual analysis of the Chinese Communist Party journal, Qiushi, and investigative reports in two outspoken media outlets, Caijing and Nanfang Zhoumo. The data is employed to analyse the boundaries for limited political liberalisation of the media as well as how it manifests itself during major crisis events. More broadly, the dissertation draws the attention of both China and authoritarianism scholars to the significant yet neglected feature of interactive improvisation as a force that can sustain coexistence between critical actors and authoritarian states. It shows that by engaging in actor-driven analysis and illuminating the process of their interactions, we can better grasp the dynamics of authoritarianism in China and beyond. A step is made towards applying the analytical framework distilled in the China case on other authoritarian regimes by including a limited comparison to media–state relations under Gorbachev and under Putin. It shows that the variables of collaboration and improvisation are useful in explaining the different outcomes of political liberalisation reform.
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Burch, Xavier D. "Political Decisions on Police Expenditures: Examining the Potential Relationship Between Political Structure, Police Expenditures and the Volume of Crime Across US States". Scholar Commons, 2018. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7269.

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The present study was designed to examine the variations in criminal justice expenditures across states in relation to crime, measures of political party membership, and several control variables that also attempt to explain both property and violent crime. The year, 2009, was chosen for the analysis. Data in the present study were collected by Olugbenga Ajilore (2016) for the year 2009 and supplemented with other state level data. The Ajilore dataset is one of the few datasets that has reliable criminal justice expenditure data across states, which is also disaggregated by type. Criminal justice expenditure data is actually quite difficult to collect across states and is not widely available across states particularly over consecutive years/time. The dependent variables in the current study is the crime rate, which is separated into two categories; violent and non-violent crime. Both variables are important and essential in understanding the effects of police expenditures and political influences. The independent variables are correctional direct expenditures, judicial and legal direct expenditures, police protection expenditures, state legislative composition, state control, and governor’s party. Each of these variables either measures the level of expenditures on crime control, or measures factors that may influence the level of expenditures on crime control. The control variables are imprisonment, population age, unemployment rate, poverty rate, education, and foreign born. These six control variables are utilized to accurately account for the other possible factors leading to the effect of police expenditures on crime. An OLS regression of each criminal justice expenditure on crime was conducted in three models: expenditure/threat Hypothesis Models; expenditure/political party model, and reduced form models. Three equations were estimated for each model to help assess the effects of the independent and control variables on property and violent crime independently. The criminal justice expenditures were used in separate models due to collinearity. Models for total criminal justice expenditures were also estimated to address collinearity between individual criminal justice expenditure measures. The study found that though Republican states increase criminal justice expenditures, this does not deter or decrease crime. The minority threat is also lightly supported in relation to politics and crime which lacks evidence to support the claim of Blalock’s minority threat hypothesis. There is an economic threat that can be seen in the reduced crime models that may indicate that there is in fact a power threat with Republican states. These findings display evidence of social control through politicians, mostly Republicans as the reduced crime models show an increase in poverty and criminal justice expenditures as crime increases. Lastly, the deterrent theory was seen to fail in this study as this research revealed that there is a positive relationship between politics and crime through criminal justice expenditures, specifically police expenditures.
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Lankester-Campos, Valerie Ann. "Political budget cycles in Latin America : fiscal policy effectiveness or regulated markets?" Thesis, University of Essex, 2017. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/19465/.

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Within the Political Budget Cycle theory (PBC), it is well known that reelection-seeking incumbents have incentives to manipulate economic outcomes through fiscal policy. However, there is no research to asses the conditions under which manipulating taxes and spending effectively serve those interests of political survival. In our first chapter, we argue that the incentives to do so will depend on the extent to which output can be effectively affected in the short-run. Our theory suggests that politicians follow such strategy with different degrees of information, and shows why some incumbent presidents have been more successful in manipulating the fiscal policy than others using a sample of 13 Latin American countries between 1980 and 2005. Our second chapter estimates the macroeconomic effects of exogenous fiscal policy shocks with a three variable Structural Vector Autoregression (SVAR) model. Our sample country is Costa Rica, for which there is no literature on the topic. Using quarterly data from 1991 until 2009, we found a negative and small impact of fiscal policy on output, while a small positive of revenue. Based on these results, we decided to test the existence of an indirect tool the incumbent may still have through the regulated price industries. Our theory suggests that a regulator-agency will choose the price which maximizes the political support for the incumbent government-regulator. We provide evidence with monthly data from 1986 until 2014, from a wider regulated market: Costa Rica. We also provide insights on the effect of elections on gasoline prices (as a proxy for regulated markets) for a a panel of ten Latin American countries of annual data from 2001-2012. And we contribute to the literature by proposing a non parametric approach describing the relationship between prices in regulated markets and election timing.
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19

Keeler, Rebecca L. "Bridging the Gap with Public Value and Corporate Social Responsibility". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/650.

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20

Trent, Dietra Y. "Public Policy Preferences and Political Attitudes: Exploring the Generational Divide among African Americans". VCU Scholars Compass, 2007. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/976.

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Since the Civil Rights era, African Americans have come a long way. In the years since the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, there have been dramatic increases in education, political representation, business ownership, and occupational position. Yet, for all of the economic, social and political advances made in the African American community, many young people are still subjected to inferior schools, housing and depressed communities where crime, drugs, police brutality and HIV/AIDS run rampant. As a result, there is a growing tension among the community over the root causes of their predicament and the most adequate way of dealing with them. Based on the generational political theory, this dissertation examines generational effects within the African American community since 1964. From this period, three distinct cohorts are analyzed: the Civil Rights, Integration, and Hip Hop generations. The objective is to determine if different experiences over this period have modified political values, attitudes, and behaviors from one generation to the next. Using data from the 1996 National Black Elections Study (NBES), I examine public policy preferences and political attitudes of African Americans. I use bivariate and multivariate analysis to show generational gaps in attitudes about issues related to major party performance. I draw three major conclusions from this analysis. First, racial group interests remain powerfully important across all cohorts. Next, the Hip Hop generation tends to hold more conservative attitudes than either the Civil Rights or the Integration generations. Finally, I conclude that at the very core of black politics, political values have not changed. However, there is a tension among the Hip Hop cohort between the impending attitudinal changes and the more traditional values of the Civil Rights cohort. The proposed dissertation contributes to the body of research by analyzing generational politics and behavior to better understand the future of black politics in the 21st century.
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21

Wollie, John Tamba. "Phenomenological Study on the Educational Component of the Formal Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration of Ex-Militants in Liberia". Thesis, Walden University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10131795.

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A significant number of Liberian ex-militants are unemployed and underemployed despite the job skills, formal education, and entrepreneurial training they received as participants in the Formal Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) program that was established to reintegrate combatants into civilian society at the end of the two civil wars in Liberia in 2003. The purpose of this study was to examine the strengths and weaknesses of the vocational training offered by the DDR program. Informed by the theories of Human Capital, Peace Building, and Bronfrenbrenner, the research questions for this study assessed the benefits of the educational component of DDR. A phenomenological study design was employed with a purposeful sample of ex-militant participants that included 12 ex-militants and a focus group of 6-ex-militants drawn from the 12 who completed vocational training at the Monrovia Vocational Training Center in Monrovia (MVTC). All data were inductively coded and analyzed using a constant comparative method. Data analysis uncovered five textural themes: motivation for disarmament, hope to rebuild lives through vocational training, dissatisfaction with reintegration, perception of reintegration, and perception of future combat participation. Findings support human capital, peace building, and ecological systems theories in that ex-militants perceived the benefit of education in their transition to peacetime endeavor, but consider themselves only partially reintegrated since all consider themselves unemployed with no means to survive economically. This study is significant because it provides recommendations to policymakers on how such a program can improve the vocational training offered and provide follow-up life-skills counseling.

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22

Kutil, Devin A. "An Exploratory Analysis of Botswana Alcohol Consumption and Policy Focusing on The Botswana Alcohol Tax Levy". Thesis, Northern Arizona University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1552015.

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Should the power to address the socio-cultural and political issue of alcohol consumption and regulation lay in that of the legislators or, the legislated? I propose that when alcohol legislation and regulation - The Botswana Alcohol Tax Levy are formed without invested cooperation from the general population, often the policy is non-sustainable and subject to change. The sustainability of the policy is primarily measured on its efficiency and effectiveness at addressing alcohol consumption and abuse. The failure to both reduce alcohol consumption and fund alcohol preventative care brings forth the conversations regarding needed change. My analysis provides the local and global implications alcohol consumption and regulation has had in Botswana, the United States, and the United Kingdom with an in-depth Policy Analysis Matrix directly discussing the Botswana Alcohol Tax Levy. The Tax Levy and other regulations created by the government have often overlooked the ground-level realities of the social issues regarding alcohol consumption, at the expense of the general populace overall health. The traditions and cultural heritage of alcohol, in regards to the Botswana people, cannot be under-mined. From my analysis, most of the issues arising from legislation stem from the discrepancies found between European Western Developmental practices and Botswana Traditional practices and law. The analysis highlights that the current position the government is taking in regards to alcohol consumption and regulation is ill informed. The current Alcohol Tax Levy neither lessens the consumption patterns of the population. Nor, does the Levy help to alleviate the current social problems excessive alcohol consumption is having in Botswana.

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23

Sweet, Arabia. "The Impact of the Welfare Reform Act of 1996 on Black Marriage Rates: A Comparative Case of Mississippi and Michigan". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2017. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/cauetds/99.

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This study examines the relationship between the Welfare Reform Act of 1996 and black marriage rates at the federal level and in Mississippi and Michigan. This study was based on the premise that the Welfare Reform Act of 1996 negatively influenced black marriage rates over time. A case study analysis approach was used to analyze data gathered on welfare reform for Mississippi, Michigan and the federal level. The researcher found that overall, the goals of welfare reform were largely unmet. The conclusions drawn from the findings suggest that welfare reform failed because the policy was poorly written.
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24

Hotchkiss, Nikole. "Taking aim a comparative study of target groups and the formation of contemporary counterterrorism policy in France and the United States /". [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3378354.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Sociology, 2009.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 6, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-10, Section: A, page: 4073. Adviser: Clem Brooks.
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25

Newton, Emily. "Assessing Budget Delays in the Commonwealth of Virginia: A Cross State Analysis of Political and Economic Factors". VCU Scholars Compass, 2011. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2588.

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This paper assessed factors that delayed the passage of the annual budget bill specifically in Virginia and also in 13 structurally similar states including: Arizona, Connecticut, Indiana, Kentucky, Maine, Minnesota, Montana, New Hampshire, North Carolina, North Dakota, Texas, Washington, and Wyoming. Virginia was the core focus of this study, but the variables detailed below were also measured for all thirteen states in an effort to broaden the scope of the study, and determine which political and economic factors affected the budget passage rates in Virginia and the 13 other states. Political and economic explanations were tested to examine their relationship with the passage of the state’s budget bills including: divided governments, election cycle of the Governor, economic conditions, and political party influence. Through the use of a general linear model, the relationship between these political and economic factors and the time that it takes to pass an annual budget was assessed from 1980 to 2010. The findings in this study revealed that split branch governments have an impact on the time that it takes to pass a state budget bill. The findings in this study helped deepen our understanding of factors that influenced state budget bill passage rates and suggested recommendations for future legislative sessions that will benefit state agencies, legislators, and citizens in the Commonwealth of Virginia.
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26

McAndrews, Kyra. "The Path to Social Innovation in the United States". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1083.

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The challenges we face as a nation are complex and recalcitrant; to address them, we need to be equipped with multifaceted and resilient solutions. Yet, substantial pressures – such as significant fiscal constraints, growing citizen expectations, and the rapid pace of technology – prevent the U.S. Government from efficiently and effectively solving the nation’s ills alone. The public, private, and nonprofit sectors must partner and collaborate to create lasting social change and the best solutions to address our nation’s most pressing social issues lie in the power of social innovation. Drawing from nearly thirty years of scholarship, the views of leading experts in the field of social innovation, and three case studies of social innovation offices in the United States, this paper addresses the case for social innovation in the United States by answering four key questions: what is social innovation; why does the U.S. need it; what has the U.S. government done to support social innovation; and what is the future of social innovation in this United States.
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27

Poulette, Joshua J. "INTERGENERATIONAL DYNAMICS AND POLITICAL OUTCOMES". UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/msppa_etds/10.

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This dissertation explores the relationship between intergenerational dynamics and politics outcomes in several distinct contexts. It is motivated by the remarkable demographic shifts exhibited by people in advanced countries over the past several decades. Individuals on average have longer lives and fewer children than ever before. Combining these shifts with the large intergenerational public policies that exist in many such states (education, old-age social welfare, healthcare) provokes several distinct yet related research questions addressed in the chapters below. First, do political traits matter for fertility behavior? If so, could the presence of differential fertility behavior across political groups lead to a shift in the position of the future median voter? Second, what are other significant determinants of fertility in contemporary Europe and the United States? Does more recent data support the findings of established “determinants of fertility” models? Finally, does the relationship between age and Social Security benefit preferences (and confidence in the Social Security system) seem to suggest the potential for intergenerational conflict over Social Security? The chapters below tie together disparate bodies of literature from multiple academic disciplines and use empirical evidence to answer these research questions. The results suggest political traits are significant determinants of fertility in some cases. The results also demonstrate that the relationship between wealth/education and fertility in many European states is positive – in contrast to much of the literature on this relationship and the common wisdom. Finally, the last empirical chapter illustrates the existence of potential age-based political conflict over Social Security in the United States.
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28

Bjersér, Petter. "To Trust or Not to Trust in National Climate Policy : A Quantiative Macro-Analysis on The Role of Social- and Political Trust in Determining National Policy Outcomes of Climate Taxation". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384356.

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This thesis examines the role of aggregated mean levels of Social Trust and Political Trust in national climate policy outcomes of Climate Taxation. The aim of the study is to contribute with the first quantitative macro-level comparative study of how Social Trust and three different forms of Political Trust1, the independent variables, affect national climate policy outcomes of Climate Tax Revenue, the dependent variable. In pursuit of this aim the study utilise fixed effects regression models based on bi-annual Time-Series-Cross-Sectional data of 24 OECD countries over 12 years. To operationalise the independent variables the study draws on individual-level survey-data from the European Social Survey Round 2-7 (2004-2014) and to operationalise the dependent variable the study uses tax revenue from Energy and Transports from the OECD-database Policy Instruments for the Environment.  The theoretical framework draws on behavioural approaches to social dilemmas in theorising that Social- and Political Trust facilitates cooperation and lowers transaction costs in order to overcome Social Dilemmas based on separate mechanisms of Networks and Institutional Safeguards. The study finds significant evidence for two of its hypotheses, as higher levels of Social Trust is correlated positively with higher Climate Taxes, and higher levels of Trust in International Organisations correlate negatively with Climate Taxes. Moreover, the study finds significant but contradictory evidence concerning two of its hypotheses, as higher levels of Trust in Political Institutions and Trust in Implementing Authorities correlate negatively with Climate Taxes. However, there are some indications that the assumption of no perfect multicollinearity does not hold for the fixed effects regression model and as such the results could be compromised.  To the knowledge of the author, this thesis outlines the first macro-level comparative study on the role of Social- and Political Trust in determining national climate policy outcomes of Climate Taxation that are generalisable in an OECD-country context. Future research is encouraged to scrutinise these preliminary findings in comparative analysis of both OECD and non-OECD countries.
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29

Keeler, Rebecca L. "Toward Common Ground: Public Value and Corporate Social Responsibility Scholarship". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/649.

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30

Osafo-Danso, Ransford. "Beyond Elections| Ghana's Democracy from the Perspective of the Citizenry". Thesis, Walden University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3701831.

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Ghana?s democracy has been hailed by scholars, practitioners, and the international community in recent years as a shining example in the West African subregion as a result of the country?s record of organizing successive elections with minimal or no violence. However, the evaluation of Ghana?s democracy has predominantly focused on the elections and disproportionately captures the views of the political elite; conspicuously missing is the perspective of the ordinary Ghanaian. This presents an incomplete picture of Ghana?s democracy, given the relevance of citizens? participation in democratic societies. To address this gap in knowledge, this qualitative case study explored the practice of democracy in Ghana under the fourth republic from the perspective of the citizenry. Data were collected through face-to-face interviews with purposefully sampled ordinary Ghanaian citizens (n = 15), observation, and documents review. The data were then subjected to thematic and content analysis to reveal themes, categories, and patterns. The results revealed that the participating Ghanaians had dichotomous views, opinions, and experiences of democracy. Their experiences and opinions of the electoral system were generally positive, while their experiences and opinions of governance in the intervening years were generally negative. The study?s results should inspire a paradigm shift in the responsiveness of government to citizens and how the government engages with citizens on policy formulation and implementation. This study?s results can encourage positive social change with respect to the manner in which democratic performance is evaluated in Ghana by scholars, practitioners, and the international community.

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31

Mandeville, Anne. "Les autorités responsables du maintien de l'ordre public dans le Royaume-Uni. Eléments pour une analyse politique du système britannique de maintien de l'ordre public". Phd thesis, Université des Sciences Sociales - Toulouse I, 1994. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00137561.

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L'étude des autorités responsable du maintien de l'ordre public dans l'État permet de mettre à jour les grands clivages et les caractères fondamentaux du système politique.
Le cas du système de maintien de l'ordre du Royaume-Uni est ici analysé à l'aide d'une démarche à la fois socio-historique et politique d'identification de ces autorités responsables ainsi que de leur champs d'action.
La recherche des racines permet de répérer l'existence de fondements anciens et contradictoires des structures d'autorités, à la fois résultantes et expressions d'une tension historique majeure dans le système politique britannique, la tension centre-localités. En effet, si l'examen de l'évolution historique du système de maintien de l'ordre permet de confirmer un caractère, que l'on reconnaît comme fondamental, du "modèle" politique britannique, à savoir l'existence extrèmement ancienne de fortes structures de "gouvernement local", il amène aussi à constater une réalité moins connue, celle de ce que nous avons appelé le "modèle centraliste", c'est-à-dire l'ancienneté du poids important du centre, ou plutôt des centres, sur le plan décisionnel.
On peut dire ainsi à notre avis qu'aujourd'hui comme hier, dans le domaine des opérations et de la politique publique du maintien de l'ordre britanniques, la structuration du champ d'exercice des autorités est dominée par des tensions fondamentales, qui sont à peu près les mêmes ou en tout cas les héritières des tensions dégagées tout au long de l'études des racines.
Ces tensions constantes se manifestent par des rapports de force et des rapports "d'influence", c'est-à-dire des rapports de négociation, mais aussi d'affrontements et de domination, directs ou indirects, entre les différentes autorités responsables du maintien de l'ordre public, c'est-à-dire les décideurs responsables de la direction des opérations, ainsi que de la politique publique du maintien de l'ordre.
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32

McQuiston, James M. "Social capital in the production gap: social networking services and their transformative role in civic engagement". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1374593081.

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33

Shon, Emily. "U.K. Welfare Conditionality: Helping or Hurting the Poor?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/922.

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Conditionality has always been a feature of welfare benefit entitlements in the United Kingdom – however, over time, the extent to which conditionality has been exercised in order to change behaviour has drastically increased through the severity of sanctions. Universal Credit, the most recently enacted welfare programme in the UK, has strengthened conditionality even further through even more ambitious expectations, as well as stricter regulations and punishments. The mission of UC is to tackle worklessness, welfare dependency, and poverty by decreasing unemployment and thus, the number of people on benefits. Although UC may have been successful in addressing the first two issues, it is important to recognise that as a welfare policy and a response to poverty, UC is supposed to protect and benefit the wellbeing of people. My findings contradict this idea – UC has failed to address poverty in many ways, by defining poverty through a narrow and solely quantitative lens, by focusing on incentivising employment amongst benefit claimants as a solution to poverty, and by insufficiently accommodating for the needs of marginalised groups. Even so, conditional welfare policies have become the norm, a tool of many Conservative leaders in the United Kingdom. This is where the social policy focus has shifted. My thesis found that while UC and conditional welfare policies may achieve their stated goals of reducing unemployment and the number of benefit claimants, they do not adequately address the issue of poverty, as they ignore structural causes of poverty and disadvantage amongst marginalised communities.
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34

French-Hodson, Ruth Anne. "The paradox of the American state : public-private partnerships in American state-building". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b6729fb6-4d5e-4e90-abe9-4b384f9f2402.

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From its formation, the American federal government partnered with private organizations to accomplish state goals. With little formal organizational capacity, the American state relied on the resources and credibility of private organizations. This thesis investigates the success of public-private partnerships in American state-building. By looking at alternative enforcement mechanisms, this thesis adds to theories of state-building and private power. The American experience helps us conceive a more nuanced perspective on state formation that recognizes the state’s varying tools rather than focusing solely on the development of formal organizational capacity. The questions driving this thesis are: How can public-private partnerships expand state capacity? Are there systematic differences in the outcomes and purposes of partnerships based on the branch of government – whether legislative, presidential, bureaucratic, or judicial – that mediates the partnership? My case studies examine the use of partnerships in the early state’s interactions with American Indian tribes. The cases put these general questions into more focus by examining if these partnerships expanded state capacity to dictate the terms of engagement and the content of racial orders. When these partnerships expand capacity, I explore the ways in which this state goal is accomplished. However, I remain acutely aware of the potential for partnerships to both fail to build capacity or become merely means to service a private interest.
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35

Palmer, Amitabha. "Scientific Facts in the Space of Public Reason: Moderate Idealization, Public Justification, and Vaccine Policy Under Conditions of Widespread Misinformation and Conspiracism". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1605280915977124.

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36

Witzig, Monica C. "Reconciling Oregon's Smart Growth goals with local policy choice| An empirical study of growth management, urban form, and development outcomes in Eugene, Keizer, Salem, and Springfield". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1555773.

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Oregon’s Statewide Planning Goals embody Smart Growth in their effort to revitalize urban areas, finance environmentally responsible transportation systems, provide housing options, and protect natural resources; yet the State defers to its municipalities to implement this planning framework. This research focuses on Goal 14 (Urbanization), linking most directly to Smart Growth Principle 7 (Strengthen and Direct Development toward Existing Communities). It assesses Eugene’s, Keizer’s, Salem’s, and Springfield’s growth management policies that specifically target infill development of single family homes against this Goal and Principle. Though these municipalities must demonstrate consistency with the same Goals (see Supplemental File 1 for this context), this research questions whether sufficiently different policy approaches to curtailing sprawl yield significantly different results. The primary analytical method is a logistic regression that uses parcel-level data to understand how administration affects development by isolating these policies’ direct effects on observed outcomes (see Supplemental File 2 for this theory).

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37

Cunningham, Gideon C. "The State and Cannabis: What is Success? A Comparative Analysis of Cannabis Policy in The United States of America, Uruguay, and Canada". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1630448479473519.

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38

Yun, Changgeun. "THREE ESSAYS ON PUBLIC ORGANIZATIONS". UKnowledge, 2015. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/msppa_etds/15.

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Abstract (sommario):
Organizations play key roles in modern societies. The importance of organizations for a society requires an understanding of organizations. In order to fully understand public organizations, it is necessary to recognize how organizational settings affect subjects of organizations and organizing. Although public and private organizations interrelate with each other, the two types are not identical. In this dissertation, I attempt to describe public organizations in their own setting by discussing three important topics in public organization theory: (1) innovation adoption in the public sector; (2) representative bureaucracy; and (3) decline and death of public organizations. In Chapter II, I scrutinize early adoption of innovations at the organizational level and explore which public organizations become early adopters in the diffusion process. The adoption of an innovation is directly related to the motivation to innovate. That is, organizations performing poorly will have a motivation to seek new solutions. I estimate the strength of the motivation by observing prior performance. The main finding of the second chapter is that performance-based motivation has a twofold impact on early innovation adoption: negative for organizations with low performance, but positive for those with very high performance. This study estimates top 3.8% as the turning point defining which organizations attain outstanding performance and show the positive relationship between performance and innovation adoption. In Chapter III, develop a theoretical framework for predicting and explaining active representation in bureaucracy and test two hypotheses from the framework to test its validity. First, active representation requires the loss of organizational rewards. Second, a minority group mobilizes external support to minimize the cost of active representation. These findings support that active representation is a political activity in which bargaining between formal and informal roles occurs. In addition, I add evidence to the literature demonstrating that the two prerequisites – policy discretion and a critical mass – must be satisfied for active representation to occur. In Chapter IV, I argue that organizational change is a result of a relationship between an organization and the environment. And, I suggest and advance the theory of organizational ecology for examining environment effect on organizational decline and death. The theory has been extensively studies in the business sector, so I advance the theory to be applicable to the public sector. First, I add political variables, such as change in the executive branch and the legislature, unified government, and hypothesize that (1) an organization established by a party other than the one in the executive branch in any given year will be more likely to be terminated or decline; that (2) an organization established by a party other than the one in the legislature in any given year will be more likely to be terminated or decline; and that (3) if an unfriendly party controls both the executive branch and the legislature, organizations established by other parties are more likely to be terminated or decline. Second, the effect of the economic environment on the life cycle of public organizations is not as straightforward and simple as their effect on business firms.
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Chippendale, Emma. "The global financial crisis and public sentiment towards immigration and immigrants in the Netherlands : implications for liberal democracy and political culture". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/19928.

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ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 ushered in a new era of globalisation and with it, intensified levels of global migration. The movement of people across increasingly fluid and penetrable boundaries has altered the demographic profile of European states and this cultural diversity has confronted contemporary Western liberal democracies with a unique set of challenges concerning the integration of diverse groups into society for the purpose of fostering cohesion and domestic stability. The effects of cultural diversity are not limited to demographics however, and this thesis focuses predominantly on the political and public responses that this phenomenon has evoked. The context of the Netherlands provides a particularly enlightening example of the way in which attempts to manage cultural diversity have stimulated intensive debate on immigration and integration topics, which have subsequently become firmly ensconced within public and political discourse. This ongoing debate in the Dutch context has brought to the fore wider questions pertaining to citizenship, national identity and culture. More importantly, these issues have exposed the limits of Dutch tolerance: increasingly restrictionist immigration and integration policy over the last two decades, and in the last 10 years in particular, has appeared incongruous with stereotypical perceptions of the Netherlands as an ultra-liberal and progressive paragon of multiculturalism. This thesis therefore seeks to rework this image of the Netherlands by observing possible shifts in public attitudes towards immigrants and immigration in the context of considerably less favourable material circumstances, occasioned by the current global financial crisis. Attitudes towards Muslims in Dutch society are of particular interest to this research given the particular cultural and symbolic threat that Islam is considered to pose to liberal values. Realistic Group Conflict Theory provides a useful framework for analysing inter-group competition and conflict stemming from both material and non-material perceptions of threat. Whilst particular focus is accorded to the specific macro-economic conditions of the ongoing financial crisis for observing potentially shifting sentiments, this discussion is situated within a larger national debate about immigration and integration spanning two decades. Linking public perception data to analyses of Dutch integration and immigration policy, patterns of voting behaviour and the real effects of the financial crisis on the Dutch economy, the ultimate intention of this research, then, is to assess the prospects and overall “health” of liberal democracy in the Netherlands. The country‟s experiences in attempting to deal with cultural pluralism reveal that liberal democratic norms have not simply been entrenched as “givens” and they are subject to contestation and ambiguity. It is in attempts to address difference and “otherness” in society that the shortfalls of Dutch liberal democracy have been laid bare.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Met die val van die Berlynse Muur in 1989 het „n nuwe tydperk van globalisasie aangebreek en daarmee saam, verskerpte vlakke van globale migrasie. Die beweging van mense oor meer toegangklike grense het die demografiese profiel van Europese state verander. Hierdie kulturele diversiteit het huidige Westerse liberale demokrasieë met „n unieke stel uitdagings gekonfronteer, aangaande die integrasie van diverse groepe in die samelewing met die doel om saamhorigheid te bevorder. Die effek van kulturele diversiteit is egter nie beperk tot demografie nie en hierdie tesis fokus hoofsaaklik op die politieke en openbare reaksies wat die verskynsel uitgelok het. Die Nederlandse konteks verskaf „n besondere insiggewende voorbeeld van die manier waarop pogings om kulturele diversiteit te hanteer, intensiewe debat oor immigrasie- en integrasie-onderwerpe gestimuleer het, wat sedertdien stewig in die openbare en politieke diskoers verskans is. Die voortdurende debat in die Nederlandse verband het wyer vrae aangaande burgerskap, nasionale identiteit en kultuur laat ontstaan. Selfs van groter belang is die feit dat hierdie vraagstukke die perke van Nederlandse verdraagsaamheid ontbloot het: toenemende inperkings op immigrasie- en integrasie-beleid oor die afgelope twee dekades en veral in die laaste 10 jaar, het teenstrydig voorgekom met die stereotipiese indruk van Nederland as „n ultra-liberale en progressiewe toonbeeld van multi-kulturalisme. Hierdie tesis be-oog derhalwe om hierdie beeld van Nederland te ondersoek deur moontlike veranderings in openbare houdings teenoor immigrante en immigrasie waar te neem, teen die agtergrond van aansienlik minder gunstige materiële omstandighede, veroorsaak deur die huidige globale finansiële krisis. Houdings teenoor Moslems in die Nederlandse samelewing is van besondere belang in hierdie ondersoek teen die agtergrond van die beweerde kulturele en simboliese bedreiging wat Islam vir liberale waardes inhou. Realistiese Groep-Konflikteorie voorsien „n nuttige raamwerk om inter-groep wedywering en konflik, wat spruit uit beide materiële en nie-materiële perspesies van bedreiging, te analiseer. Alhoewel besondere aandag geskenk word aan die spesifieke makro-ekonomiese omstandighede van die huidige finansiële krisis om moontlike veranderings in houdings waar te neem, is hierdie bespreking deel van „n groter nasionale debat oor immigrasie en integrasie oor die afgelope twee dekades. Deur inligting oor openbare persepsie te verbind met die Nederlandse integrasie-en immigrasie-beleid, stempatrone en die ware uitwerkings van die finansiële krisis op die Nederlandse kultuur, is die uiteindelike doel van hierdie navorsing om die vooruitsigte en algehele “gesondheid” van liberale demokrasie in Nederland te evalueer. Die land se ervaring van kulturele pluralisme bewys dat liberale demokratiese norme nie verskans is nie en dat hulle onderhewig is aan omstredenheid en dubbelsinnigheid. Die pogings om verskille en “andersheid” in die samelewing aan te spreek, het die tekortkominge van die Nederlandse liberale demokrasie ontbloot.
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40

Eagles, Matthew Thomas. "Exploring Potential Associations with the Presidential Discretionary Power of FEMA Funds Dispensation". ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/540.

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Abstract (sommario):
US presidential approval of Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) funding has been the subject of much research that largely has been inconclusive or contradictor as it relates to whether funds may have been distributed in a biased way through the use of presidential discretionary power. The purpose of this study was to explore if or to what degree US presidents acted in a potentially biased manner with the approval of FEMA approvals during election years in election battleground states. This study was an exploration of whether there was presidential political favoritism in approving FEMA funding from 1996-2012. The theoretical constructs for this study were group justification bias and social identity theory. Study data were obtained through freedom of information requests from FEMA for access to every gubernatorial request for FEMA aid from 1995-2012 resulting in 1137 records. Data were analyzed using chi-square as tests of association. By measuring the presidential discretionary choice of approvals or turndowns with other variables highlighted what, if any, associations existed. This enables a reasonable person to form their own perception on whether bias was present, or not, based on the results. A key finding illuminated an association between presidential party affiliation and public assistance (p = .005), 1 type of FEMA aid. The study did not, however, indicate any statistical association between the award of FEMA hazard mitigation funding and presidential bias. The positive social change implication stemming from this study includes information to policy makers regarding how FEMA aid is granted, which could assist in an evaluation of the FEMA aid process and approval in the future.
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41

Foster, John M. "Voter Ideology, Tax Exporting, and State and Local Tax Structure". UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/msppa_etds/2.

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State and local governments play an important role in financing and delivering public services in the United States. In 2008, state and local governments collected 57 percent of total federal, state, and local revenue (Urban Institute and Brookings Institution, Tax Policy Center, 2009). The decentralization of fiscal responsibility has enabled a high degree of variation in state and local tax structures to emerge. This dissertation presents two empirical studies that extend the positive literature on state and local tax policy. The extant literature contains evidence of a direct relationship between voter ideology and state and local tax progressivity. However, the measures of voter ideology that were used either did not capture differences in the intensity of voter liberalism across states, did not vary over time, or were beset with other limitations. This study uses the measure of average voter liberalism developed by Berry et al (1998). I find that average voter liberalism is significantly and positively-related to progressivity. However, the effect is small in magnitude. The ethnic congruence between the poor and the non-poor is positively-related to progressivity and the effects are economically significant. The degree of tension between ethnic groups, measured with an index of ethnic residential segregation, is significantly and inversely-related to progressivity. Both variables are statistically significant even with average voter liberalism held constant. It is possible that the ethnic demographic context reflects aspects of voters’ redistributive preferences that are not captured by measures of ideology. Researchers have found relationships between states’ tax exporting capacities and the tax structures they adopt. Chapter 4 is the first study to examine the relationship between state tax exporting capacities and the business sales taxes. I find that the effective sales tax rate that governments impose on business purchases is not significantly influenced by a state’s capacity to export business taxes. It is, however, significantly and positively affected by a state’s ability to export taxes on households through the deductibility of state and local taxes under the federal income tax. A decrease in this offset is predicted to lead to an increase in the effective business sales tax rate, ceteris paribus.
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42

Tyree, Kendall. "Understanding Collaboration Among Political Subdivisions of State Government: Examining the Perceptions and Use of Collaboration by Virginia's Soil & Water Conservation Districts". VCU Scholars Compass, 2014. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/3314.

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The purpose of this study was to explore the definitions, benefits, challenges, methods and perceived levels of current collaboration of Virginia’s 47 Soil and Water Conservation Districts, each a political subdivision of state government. The study was guided by the following questions (1) What is collaboration and how is it used by political subdivisions of state government? (2) What collaborative strategies are used specifically by soil and water conservation districts? (3) At what level are districts currently collaborating? (4) At what level do districts prefer to collaborate? A mixed methods research survey was used. The quantitative section measured current perceptions of collaboration based on six indicators of successful collaborations as determined and tested by the Amherst Wilder Foundation—environment, membership, process and structure, communication, purpose, and resources—through use of its Collaborative Factors Inventory. The qualitative portion allowed further exploration into how districts are utilizing collaboration at a grassroots level. Desired levels of collaboration were also captured. The entire district population—district directors, associate directors, and staff—was surveyed and responses analyzed to better understand collaborative efforts. The results indicate that collaborations occur because of both the resource benefits received and the support of a greater cause—or a mix of relational exchange and resource dependency theories. Of the six collaborative indicators, resources proved the greatest area of concern. The process and structure variable was found to be a second needed area of growth. Trust issues with key partners, a component of the membership variable, were also identified as hindering collaboration. Overall, current perceived levels of collaboration occur between coordination and coalition, or a three to four on a five point scale. However, districts identified a desire to operate more often at the coalition level. By focusing on improvement to process and structure needs as well as resource issues, trust will improve and desired levels of collaboration can be reached. This study will enrich the existing literature by expanding on the use of collaboration as it relates to political subdivisions. Findings will be of value to all conservation districts, with greatest value to Virginia. Partner agencies, policymakers, and public administrators will further benefit by gaining insights into the collaborative process.
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43

East, Jackie R. "NATURAL PHENOMENA AS POTENTIAL INFLUENCE ON SOCIAL AND POLITICAL BEHAVIOR: THE EARTH’S MAGNETIC FIELD". UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/polysci_etds/11.

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Researchers use natural phenomena in a number of disciplines to help explain human behavioral outcomes. Research regarding the potential effects of magnetic fields on animal and human behavior indicates that fields could influence outcomes of interest to social scientists. Tests so far have been limited in scope. This work is a preliminary evaluation of whether the earth’s magnetic field influences human behavior it examines the baseline relationship exhibited between geomagnetic readings and a host of social and political outcomes. The emphasis on breadth of topical coverage in these statistical trials, rather than on depth of development for any one model, means that evidence is only suggestive – but geomagnetic readings frequently covary with social and political variables in a fashion that seems inexplicable in the absence of a causal relationship. The pattern often holds up in more-elaborate statistical models. Analysis provides compelling evidence that geomagnetic variables furnish valuable information to models. Many researchers are already aware of potential causal mechanisms that link human behavior to geomagnetic levels and this evidence provides a compelling case for continuing to develop the line of research with in-depth, focused analysis.
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44

Dawson, Walter. "The CLASS act and long-term care policy : the politics of long-term care financing reform in the United States". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fa5269a1-8ce2-4105-b643-f9c2fffb23d8.

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This thesis seeks to contribute to the knowledge base about social policy in the United States, using long-term care (LTC) financing policy reform as an illustrative example. Specifically, this thesis explores LTC financing reform efforts during three U.S. Presidential administrations: Bill Clinton (1993-2001), George W. Bush (2001-2009), and Barack Obama (2009-2010). Within this historical framework, the LTC provisions of the Health Security Act of 1993, the development of the Community Living Assistant Services and Supports or 'CLASS' Act during the Bush Administration, and the legislative success of the CLASS Act as a part of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010 provide comparable cases to compare the drivers of social policy. Drawing on the explanatory frameworks of the welfare state such as ideology, historical institutionalism, and an actor-centered approach to policy analysis, this thesis argues that successful path-departing legislation is difficult to achieve due, in part, to the presumed high costs of social programs and the complex institutional framework of the American political system. Policy outcomes result from the interaction between the complex processes and dynamics of the political system through which policy change (or the failure to change) actually occurs. The fact that the CLASS Act was politically successful, yet administratively inoperable as designed, reinforces the argument that social policy outcomes in the United States are reflective of a complex, enduring struggle of competing ideologies. This continual struggle, coupled with a heightened concern over cost control and fiscal austerity, helps to ensure that policies which are legislatively successful within the institutional architecture of the American political system are unlikely to produce major expansions of the welfare state. Social change is therefore highly difficult to achieve, even in the face of significant unmet social needs. Comprehensive reform of U.S. LTC financing arrangements will remain an elusive goal for the foreseeable future. Instead, incremental, highly pro-market solutions are likely to be the types of policies promoted in the years of ahead.
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45

FETZER, KATIE C. "A Sociopolitical View of Mental Health: An Exploration of the Lived Experiences of Policymakers Regarding their Perspectives Surrounding Mental Health Policy Construction". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2018. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2533.

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A substantial gap exists between those who are considered experts on mental health (e.g., academics, mental health professionals) and those in charge of constructing mental health policies (e.g., legislators, Senators). This gap is in areas of both knowledge and professional relations. Mental health professionals are not adequately trained to engage in policy advocacy and reform efforts and have little to no policy advocacy training (Smith, Reynolds, & Rovnak, 2009). Policymakers lack necessary knowledge related to mental health for effective mental health policy construction (Corrigan, Druss, & Perlick, 2014; Lee, Smith, & Henry, 2013). As a result of this gap, mental health policies are ineffective, and many mental health professionals lack understanding and experience in the area of policy advocacy (Smith et al., 2009; Tanenbaum, 2005). This qualitative study aimed to contribute to filling this gap by exploring the perspectives of policymakers with the purpose of gaining a better understanding of the mental health policy construction and reform process. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the perspectives and lived experiences of state-level, practicing policymakers regarding their decision-making processes related to mental health policy construction in efforts to reveal a clearer understanding of how to participate in effective policy reform.A phenomenological qualitative research design and Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) approach was used to explore the lived experiences and perspectives of a total of eight state-level practicing policymakers surrounding the mental health policy construction process. After securing IRB approval, all eight participants participated in face-to-face individual, semi-structured interviews. The interviews were audio recorded and ranged from 45 to 90 minutes. Data was then analyzed using IPA data analysis methods. The final data analysis product included three super ordinate themes and related themes and subthemes.
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46

Greer, Robert. "THREE ESSAYS ON LOCAL GOVERNMENT DEBT". UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/msppa_etds/6.

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Abstract (sommario):
The local government tax-exempt debt market is a growing, and complex, sector of public finance. As local governments turn to debt financing the factors that contribute to interest costs of that debt have become important considerations for local government officials and politicians. Governance at the local level involves a network of overlapping governments some of which share a tax base. This system of overlapping governments that share a tax base are subject to externalities that arise from taxation, expenditures, and debt. These externalities are usually analyzed in terms of tax or expenditure reactions, but there are implications for local government debt as well. For example, it can be shown that overlapping governments that share a tax base and issue debt can increase the interest costs paid on bonds by a higher level government. Further complicating the debt situation of local governments is the prevalence of a variety of special districts with the authority to issue tax-exempt debt. These special districts may have the authority to issue debt, but little is known about their financing processes. By comparing how different types of government approach the credit rating process this dissertation compares risk assessment of traditional municipalities and special districts. Through this comparison similarities and differences in the credit rating process across types of local governments can be identified. To explore these issues of local government debt several advanced econometric techniques are used to estimate various models.
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47

Smith, Phillip Andrew. "The Axe Without the Handle: An Exploratory Analysis of Eco-Terrorism and its Relationships to U.S. Public Policy towards Terrorism:1990-2010". Thesis, Nova Southeastern University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3646796.

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From 1990-2010 ecoterrorist attacks by the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and Earth Liberation Front (ELF) created an anomaly in the U.S. with millions of dollars in property destruction. Interestingly, in a post 9/11 era, the FBI warns that the number one threat to U.S. national security is not religious terrorism, but rather environmental-group terrorism. When examining this topic further, there is a void in analysis between examining ecoterrorist attacks and U.S. public policy. Is there a statistical significant relationship between terrorist attacks by ALF/ELF and U.S. public policy towards terrorism? Is per capita income an influence on the attacks occurring in specific states?

This study seeks to analyze such relationships through an exploratory analysis and case study approach. I conducted a trend analysis on attacks by ELF/ALF from 1990-2010 and the subsequent adoption of U.S. public policy towards terrorism. I analyzed per-capita income by region and its relationships to attacks occurring. I performed chi

2 hypothesis testing in order to determinethe statistical significant relationships between ELF/ALF attacks/U.S. public policy and per capita income by State.

The findings of this study suggest that the definition of terrorism is ambiguous and can lead to alternative interpretations, which can affect U.S. public policy towards terrorism. Attacks by ALF/ELF are not deterred by U.S. public policy. Also, a majority of attacks by ALF/ELF are most likely to occur in states that rank in the top 20th percentile regarding per capita income and occur mainly on the west coast. The statistical significance of the relationships between ELF/ALF attacks and U.S. public policy demonstrate that these two entities are mutually exclusive. Per capita income levels by states and ELF/ALF attacks are also mutually exclusive. This study creates an improved understanding of what constitutes terrorism and an understanding of the radical elements in the environmental movement and its place in a post 9/11 America. The significance of this study is to provide a model for analysis of terrorist attacks and government responses and provide a framework of inquiry for the fields of terrorism,public policy and conflict studies.

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48

Howell, Matthew L. "E PLURIBUS URBES: INTEREST GROUP ORGANIZATION’S EFFECT ON THE FRAGMENTATION AND GOVERNANCE OF AMERICAN URBAN AREAS". UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/msppa_etds/1.

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American cities have proliferated in the post-War era. More than 2,000 new cities were founded between 1950 and 2000. While the history of the local government boom has been documented, research into urban fragmentation has explored why there is no consolidation of metropolitan areas rather than exploring why Americans chose fragmentation initially. This dissertation proposes that individuals create new jurisdictions because individuals prefer to have governments which give them the services individuals desire, even if they could have similar (but not perfect) services cheaper in a larger jurisdiction. Individuals, however, must balance the benefit they get from better fitting cities with the price they must pay to live within the small cities. In the first part of the dissertation, I synthesize the literatures on urban governance and fragmentation with the literature on interest groups. This synthesis builds the argument for conceiving cities as interest groups and contributes a theory of urban behavior as the behavior of organized interest groups. I argue that urban fragmentation should exist anywhere there are urban areas –not only metropolises –and that fragmentation is produced by diversity in the population and constrained by the resources available for the formation of cities. In the second part of the dissertation, I analyze the fragmentation of both metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas to determine what drives fragmentation. I use Poisson regression on 2-period panel data from 1992 and 2002 collected from various public sources. I find that there are differences in the forms of fragmentation in the metropolis and the non-metropolis. In both types of urban settlement, fragmentation is driven by political and population diversity and available resources for forming cities. Legal authority and intergovernmental revenue are particularly important. Finally, I turn my attention to cities’ interactions with each other. I use a survey of Kentucky mayors, fielded with the Kentucky League of Cities, to determine why mayors of different cities to communicate with each other. Using specialized network methods I find that mayor-to-mayor contact is not based on goal and interest similarities as expected, but rather depends on sharing an organization which encourages communication –an Area Development District.
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49

Altammar, Shahed. "Policymaking in the Gulf Region: The Case of Privatization Policy in the State of Kuwait". FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3174.

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The purpose of this research is to explore the policy processes in Kuwait by examining the recent privatization legislation, which has been adopted but not yet implemented. First, the research reports data from elite interviews, focus groups, and document reviews about policymaking, to illuminate the processes that lead up to the adoption of privatization. Limited data of this nature currently exist. Second, it is anticipated that findings reported in this study will be of theoretical relevance to scholars of comparative politics and particularly to privatization theorists. The research contributes to a better understanding of the differences in policymaking processes between consolidated democracies of Western countries and transitional democracies of Gulf countries, with a particular focus on Kuwait. Data analyzed depict Kuwait in its struggle to become part of an internationally diversified economy. While the government is still centralized in its operations, there is a push towards greater openness and inclusiveness in the political process. The research draws on the interpretivist and social constructivist paradigms, and employs the use of a phenomenological data analysis method. Ministers, directors of public agencies, and private sector executives were interviewed, as well as leaders of nonprofits and representatives of international organizations. Essentially, the study attempted to include all participants in the privatization policy development. The research shows that Kuwait’s economy is the least diversified in the Gulf region, with a great dependency on hydrocarbon revenues. Results indicate that fluctuating oil prices, economic stagnation, and declining citizen satisfaction, drove privatization discussions at different points in time. Although the privatization legislation was enacted in 2010 via Law 37, the government is still struggling with implementation across the public sector. Data analysis of the reasons behind the lack of implementation reveals that limitations in the legal framework, lack of private sector incentives, capacity issues, national workforce concerns, inadequate infrastructure, and the lack of evaluation and management criteria are drastically hindering the policy implementation process in Kuwait.
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50

Law, John N. E. "Rethinking federalism". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a3357b7c-7f08-4074-b914-6f06ce6ce01d.

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This thesis is motivated by uncertainty in the academic literature surrounding the meaning of federalism and the appropriate usage of the concept to describe political systems. In particular, its use in characterising systems of regional integration which have moved beyond a strictly inter-governmental character, but not yet reached Statehood, is today highly contested, as in the case of the European Union. The established consensus that this entity constitutes a wholly novel ‘sui generis’ form, neither federal nor confederal in character, has been tempered in recent years by a growing willingness among scholars to deploy the lens of comparative federalism to analyse the polity. However, the precise relevance of the concept in this new context remains unsettled. Can political science achieve any more definite understanding that removes such doubt? I consider this question through the perspective of the history of ideas, by examining the evolution of federalism from inception to the present day. I argue that the history of the federal idea in the United States reveals that the heart of the problem lies in confusion over the nature of sovereignty. Ever since Philadelphia federalism has been thought to mean ‘a division of sovereignty’. However, the subsequent Civil War did appear to demonstrate that the notion of sovereignty shared between two levels of government was a false construction: either the whole or the parts could be sovereign, but not both simultaneously. This point, it seems - the indivisibility of sovereignty - was not fully taken on board afterwards in the United States and elsewhere. The thesis seeks to put this right and to systematically relate the evolving concept of federalism with the evolving and contested nature of sovereignty. On this ground, I suggest that we clarify the definition of federalism as ‘a division of the powers flowing from sovereignty’. This in turn yields two specific varieties of ‘compound polity’ where before only one was known: the single State and multi-State federal forms. The latter has to date been an unobserved species, which, it would seem, the fact of the EU’s existence now forces us to recognize.
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