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Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 25 luglio 2024

Ultima modifica: 26 luglio 2024

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1

Stas, Igor. "Urban History: between History and Social Sciences". Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 21, n. 3 (2022): 250–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2022-3-250-285.

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The article analyzes the formation and development of Urban History as a branch of historical science before and immediately after the era of the Urban Crisis of the 1950s and 1960s. The concept of the article suggests that urban history was formed in a constant dialogue with the social sciences. At the beginning, academic urban historians appeared in the 1930s as opponents of American “agrarian” and frontier histories. Drawing their ideas from the Chicago School of sociology, they reproduced the national history of civic local communities that expressed the achievements of Western civilization. However, in the context of the impending Urban Crisis, social sciences, together with urban historians, have declared the importance of generalizing social phenomena. A group of rebels soon formed among historians. They called their movement ‘New Urban History’ and advocated the return of historical context to urban studies, and were against social theory. However, in an effort to reconstruct history “from the bottom up” through a quantitative study of social mobility, new urban historians have lost the city as an important variable of their analysis. They had to abandon the popular name and recognize themselves as representatives of social history and interested in the problems of class, culture, consciousness, and conflicts. In this situation, some social scientists have tried to try on the elusive brand ‘New Urban History’, but their attempt also failed. As a result, only those who remained faithful to the national narrative or interdisciplinary approach remained urban historians, but continued to remain in the bosom of historical science, rushing around conventional urban sociology and its denial.

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Kloppenberg, James. "Republicanism in American History". Tocqueville Review 13, n. 1 (gennaio 1992): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.13.1.119.

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Toequevilie's Democracy in America, like most great books, displays a tich appreciation of paradox. Unlike so many commentators on America, who have sought to unmask either the greatness or venality of the people or their leaders, or the triumphs or tragedies flowing from America's political, economic, or social institutions, Tocquevillc understood that conflicting values have been held in suspension in American culture.

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3

Franklin, V. P. "Reflections on History, Education, and Social Theories". History of Education Quarterly 51, n. 2 (maggio 2011): 264–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2011.00336.x.

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Historians need social theories to conduct their research whether they are acknowledged or not. Positivist social theories underpinned the professionalization of the writing of history as well as the establishment of the social sciences as “disciplines,” in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. August Comte's “science of society” and theories of evolution were attractive to U.S. historians and other researchers dealing with rapid social and economic changes taking place under the banner of American and Western “progress.” Progressive and “pragmatic” approaches were taken in dealing with the social wreckage created by the expanding industrialization, increasing urbanization, and huge influx of southern and eastern European immigrants. In addition, social theories and philosophical trends also served as the ideological underpinning for historians writing about the “white man's burden” that was said to have brought European and American “civilization” to the indigenous peoples in Asia, Africa, the Americas, and the islands of the Pacific who came to be dominated by military might with collaboration from local elites.

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Laslett, Barbara. "Gender in/and Social Science History". Social Science History 16, n. 2 (1992): 177–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001645x.

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In his presidential address to the American Statistical Association in 1931, William Fielding Ogburn, an American sociologist important particularly in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s, took as his theme the difference between statistics and art. His argument, articulated here and in a wide range of writings throughout his career, was that “statistics has been developed to give an exact picture of reality, while the picture that the artist draws is a distortion of reality” (Ogburn 1932: 1). He then went on to express his belief that emotion leads to distortion in our observations. “It is this distorting influence of emotion and wishes,” he said, “that is more responsible for bad thinking than any lack of logic” (ibid.: 4). But statistics, he believed, could ameliorate the distorting effects of emotion on our empirical observations. There was a problem, however, because “the artist in us wants understanding rather than statistics. But understanding is hardly knowledge. . . . The tests of knowledge are reliability and accuracy, not understanding” (ibid.: 5).

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5

Cain, William E. "Making American History". Society 57, n. 2 (9 marzo 2020): 220–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-020-00468-5.

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6

Allen, Garland E. "Eugenics and American social history, 1880–1950". Genome 31, n. 2 (15 gennaio 1989): 885–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/g89-156.

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Eugenics, the attempt to improve the human species socially through better breeding was a widespread and popular movement in the United States and Europe between 1910 and 1940; Eugenics was an attempt to use science (the newly discovered Mendelian laws of heredity) to solve social problems (crime, alcoholism, prostitution, rebelliousness), using trained experts. Eugenics gained much support from progressive reform thinkers, who sought to plan social development using expert knowledge in both the social and natural sciences. In eugenics, progressive reformers saw the opportunity to attack social problems efficiently by treating the cause (bad heredity) rather than the effect. Much of the impetus for social and economic reform came from class conflict in the period 1880–1930, resulting from industrialization, unemployment, working conditions, periodic depressions, and unionization. In response, the industrialist class adopted firmer measures of economic control (abandonment of laissez-faire principles), the principles of government regulation (interstate commerce, labor), and the cult of industrial efficiency. Eugenics was only one aspect of progressive reform, but as a scientific claim to explain the cause of social problems, it was a particularly powerful weapon in the arsenal of class conflict at the time.Key words: eugenics, social genetics.

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7

Burton, Orville Vernon. "American Digital History". Social Science Computer Review 23, n. 2 (maggio 2005): 206–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439304273317.

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8

Argamakova, Alexandra A. "History of Social Engineering Theories". Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 64, n. 7 (15 luglio 2021): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2021-64-7-85-108.

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The first mentions of “social engineering” and “social technologies” concepts started from the 19th century. Until the present moment, different lines of this story have been left neglected and insufficiently researched. In the article, initial meanings and authentic contexts of their usage are explained in more details. The investigation reaches the 1920s−1930s and is finished at the intersection of the Soviet and the American contexts concerned with scientific organization of labor, business optimization and economic planning. In conclusion, recent modifications of social engineering are briefly characterized. They are connected with development of information technologies and automation of smart cities. The research appeals toward histories of scientific management in North America and Western Europe, its industrial roots and unexplained foundations. Meanwhile, it is philosophically substantial due to conceptual analysis and explication of presuppositions of our thinking in respect of society and ways of changing social reality. After Sir Karl Popper, social engineering has been associated with the Soviet methods of planning and centralized governance. However, one can be assured that until now this concept has evolved by different, alternative trajectories within the context of industrial modernization of Europe and America. Within post-industrial world, the vision of social engineering has been enriched by IT-analogies, and social practice is interpreted in light of organizational, cultural, mental, or historical algorithms, which are the subject of purposeful manipulation and modification.

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9

Jarausch, K. H. "German Social History -- American Style". Journal of Social History 19, n. 2 (1 dicembre 1985): 349–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/19.2.349.

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Trotter, Joe W. "African American Fraternal Associations in American History: An Introduction". Social Science History 28, n. 3 (2004): 355–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012797.

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The growth of black fraternal associations is closely intertwined with the larger history of voluntary associations in American society. In the aftermath of the American Revolution, compared to its European counterparts, the United States soon gained a reputation as “a nation of joiners.” As early as the 1830s, the Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville described the proliferation of voluntary associations as a hallmark of American democracy. In his view, such associations distinguished America from the more hierarchically organized societies of Western Europe. “The citizen of the United States,” Tocqueville (1947 [1835]: 109) declared, “is taught from his earliest infancy to rely upon his own exertions in order to resist the evils and the difficulties of life; he looks upon social authority with an eye of mistrust and anxiety, and he only claims its assistance when he is quite unable to shift without it.” Near the turn of the twentieth century, a writer for theNorth American Reviewdescribed the final decades of the nineteenth century as the “Golden Age of Fraternity” (Harwood 1897).

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11

Wang, Dong. "Introduction: Christianity in the History of U.S.-China Relations". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 13, n. 1-2 (2006): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656106793645178.

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AbstractThis special volume comprises six original articles, each of which locates Christianity as an international and local issue reaching beyond an American-, or Chinese-, or missionary-centered history. By bringing lesser-known aspects of Christianity to bear on the story, the contributing scholars from the humanities and social sciences in North America, Asia, and Oceania address three major sets of questions.

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12

Grossberg, Michael. "Legal History and Social Science: Friedman's History of American Law, the Second Time Around". Law Social Inquiry 13, n. 2 (aprile 1988): 359–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1988.tb00054.x.

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13

Grossberg, Michael. "Legal History and Social Science: Friedman's History of American Law, the Second Time Around". Law & Social Inquiry 13, n. 02 (1988): 359–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1988.tb01121.x.

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14

Grossberg, Michael. "Legal History and Social Science: Friedman's "History of American Law," the Second Time Around". Law & Social Inquiry 13, n. 2 (1988): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/492227.

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15

Shotwell, Trent. "Book Review: History of African Americans: Exploring Diverse Roots". Reference & User Services Quarterly 58, n. 4 (25 ottobre 2019): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.58.4.7164.

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History of African Americans: Exploring Diverse Roots by Thomas J. Davis chronicles the remarkable past of African Americans from the earliest arrival of their ancestors to the election of President Barack Obama. This work was produced to recognize every triumph and tragedy that separates African Americans as a group from others in America. By distinguishing the rich and unique history of African Americans, History of African Americans: Exploring Diverse Roots provides an account of inspiration, courage, and progress. Each chapter details a significant piece of African American history, and the book includes numerous concise portraits of prominent African Americans and their contributions to progressing social life in the United States.

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16

Taeuber, Conrad, e Margo J. Anderson. "The American Census: A Social History." Contemporary Sociology 18, n. 3 (maggio 1989): 388. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2073851.

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17

Benavot, Aaron, Edward McClellan, William Reese e Reed Ueda. "The Social History of American Education." Contemporary Sociology 18, n. 2 (marzo 1989): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2074142.

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18

Jensen, Richard, e Margo J. Anderson. "The American Census: A Social History". Journal of American History 76, n. 2 (settembre 1989): 573. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908000.

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19

Burke, Colin, B. Edward McClellan e William J. Reese. "The Social History of American Education". Journal of American History 76, n. 2 (settembre 1989): 576. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908004.

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20

Watkins, Elizabeth Siegel, e Ruth Schwartz Cowan. "A Social History of American Technology." Journal of American History 85, n. 2 (settembre 1998): 643. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567773.

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21

Achenbaum, W. A. "Editor's Foreword: American Medical History, Social History and Medical Policy". Journal of Social History 18, n. 3 (1 marzo 1985): 343–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/18.3.343.

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22

Katznelson, Ira. "“The Burdens of Urban History”: Comment". Studies in American Political Development 3 (1989): 30–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000559.

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How, if at all, can studies of the city help us understand the distinctive qualities of the American regime? In “The Burdens of Urban History,” which refines and elaborates his earlier paper “The Problem of the Political in Recent American Urban History,” Terrence McDonald, a historian who has written on urban fiscal policy and conflict, argues that students of the city have focused their work too narrowly on bosses and machines, patronage and pluralism. In so doing, they have obscured other bases of politics and conflict, and, trapped by liberal categories of analysis, they have perpetuated a self-satisfied, even celebratory, portrait of American politics and society. This unfortunate directionality to urban research in some measure has been unwitting because historians and social scientists have been unreflective about the genealogies, and mutual borrowings, of their disciplines. Even recent critical scholarship in the new social history and in the social sciences under the banner of “bringing the state back in” suffers from these defects. As a result, these treatments of state and society relationships, and of the themes that appear under the rubric of American “exceptionalism,” are characterized by an epistemological mish-mash, a contraction of analytical vision, and an unintended acquiescence in the self-satisfied cheerleading of the academy that began in the postwar years.

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23

HAMMACK, DAVID C. "Nonprofit Organizations in American History". American Behavioral Scientist 45, n. 11 (luglio 2002): 1638–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764202045011004.

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24

Camic, Charles. "Reshaping the history of American sociology". Social Epistemology 8, n. 1 (gennaio 1994): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02691729408578725.

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Mcdonald, Terrence J. "The Burdens of Urban History: The Theory of the State in Recent American Social History". Studies in American Political Development 3 (1989): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000547.

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Louis Hartz summed up the mission of his historical generation when he wrote, as part of the rationale for The Liberal Tradition in 1955, that “the way to fully refute a man is to ignore him … and the only way you can do this is to substitute new fundamental categories for his own, so that you are simply pursuing a different path.” Hartz was referring to the influence of Charles Beard and what Hartz called the “frustration that the persistence of the Progressive analysis of America has inspired.” He was arguing that his generation had to stop honoring the progressives by contending with them; the key to destroying their interpretation of American history was the reinvention of American history by means of new conceptual tools.

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26

Dehner, George. "Environmental History and World History: Developments in Congruence". Asian Review of World Histories 7, n. 1-2 (23 gennaio 2019): 166–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22879811-12340051.

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Abstract Patrick Manning, in his book Navigating World History, suggests that world history “has the potential to become a scholarly nexus linking many fields of study” that will enable historians to escape the “national paradigm that continues to constrain most studies in humanities and social sciences.” This article will test Manning’s proposal in the developing field of environmental history by examining the topics of panels and papers selected for the annual conferences of the American Society of Environmental Historians in the years following the 2003 publication of Navigating World History. Environmental history has evolved to enlarge its lens of analysis to span both borders and time frames. Born with a strong interdisciplinary base and shaped by works that straddle world and environmental history, the field has had a natural affinity with world history. Increasingly, research topics have served to blur the line between environmental and world history.

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Allen, Robert C. "RELOCATING AMERICAN FILM HISTORY". Cultural Studies 20, n. 1 (gennaio 2006): 48–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502380500492590.

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28

Trotter, J. W. "African American Fraternal Associations in American History: An Introduction". Social Science History 28, n. 3 (1 settembre 2004): 355–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01455532-28-3-355.

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29

Gary, Brett. "Dueling Deweys: Moralism, Scientism, and American Social Science History". Reviews in American History 23, n. 4 (1995): 623–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.1997.0101.

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30

Wacker, Fred. "Liberalism, ethnicity, and American social science". Social History 10, n. 3 (ottobre 1985): 383–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071028508567632.

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31

Adrian, L. M. "An American Studies Contribution to Social History". Journal of Social History 23, n. 4 (1 giugno 1990): 875–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/23.4.875.

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32

Magliari, Michael, e Robert C. McMath. "American Populism: A Social History, 1877-1898." Journal of American History 80, n. 3 (dicembre 1993): 1107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080497.

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33

MacDonald, Heather. "Recent American Library School Graduate Disciplinary Backgrounds are Predominantly English and History". Evidence Based Library and Information Practice 14, n. 2 (12 giugno 2019): 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18438/eblip29550.

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A Review of: Clarke, R. I., & Kim, Y.-I. (2018). The more things change, the more they stay the same: educational and disciplinary backgrounds of American librarians, 1950-2015. School of Information Studies: Faculty Scholarship, 178. https://surface.syr.edu/istpub/178 Abstract Objective – To determine the educational and disciplinary backgrounds of recent library school graduates and compare them to librarians of the past and to the general population. Design – Cross-sectional. Setting – 7 library schools in North America. Subjects – 3,191 students and their 4,380 associated degrees. Methods – Data was solicited from every ALA-accredited Master of Library Science (MLS) program in the United States of America, Canada, and Puerto Rico on students enrolled between 2012-2016 about their undergraduate and graduate degrees and areas of study. Data was coded and summarized quantitatively. Undergraduate degree data were recoded and compared to the undergraduate degree areas of study for the college-educated American population for 2012-2015 using the IPEDS Classification of Instructional Programs taxonomic scheme. Data were compared to previous studies investigating librarian disciplinary backgrounds. Main Results – 12% of schools provided data. Recent North American library school graduates have undergraduate and graduate degrees with disciplinary backgrounds in humanities (41%), social sciences (22%), professions (17%), Science, Technology, Engineering and Math (STEM) (11%), arts (6%), and miscellaneous/interdisciplinary (3%). Of the humanities, English (14.68%) and history (10.43%) predominate. Comparing undergraduate degrees with the college-educated American population using the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS) classification schema, recent library school graduates have a higher percentage of degrees in social sciences and history (21.37% vs. 9.24%), English language and literature/letters (20.33% vs. 2.65%), computer and information science (6.54% vs. 2.96%), and foreign languages, literatures, and linguistics (6.25% vs. 1.1%). Compared to librarians in the past, there has been a decline in recent library school graduates with English language and literature/letters, education, biological and physical sciences, and library science undergraduate degrees. There has been an increase in visual and performing arts undergraduate degrees in recent library school graduates. Conclusion – English and history disciplinary backgrounds still predominate in recent library school graduates. This could pose problems for library school students unfamiliar with social science methodologies, both in school and later when doing evidence-based practice in the work place. The disciplinary backgrounds of recent library school graduates were very different from the college-educated American population. An increase in librarians with STEM backgrounds may help serve a need for STEM support and provide more diverse perspectives. More recent library school graduates have an arts disciplinary background than was seen in previous generations. The creativity and innovation skills that an arts background provides could be an important skill in librarianship.

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Sosa, Rocío-Irene. "La Historia del Arte Argentino a la luz de los Estudios Decoloniales." Anduli, n. 20 (2021): 201–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/anduli.2021.i20.11.

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At the end of the last century, colonial, postcolonial and decolonial studies set in motion a “detachment” from the dominant modes of knowledge acquisition in the social sciences and humanities. In the 1990s, Latin American intellectuals debated the colonial side of modernity and the cultural, theoretical and practical hegemony that the central countries maintained. In the field of art, this resulted in the problematization of the Eurocentric canons present in the artistic system and the lack of independent theoretical and visual thinking. In light of these problems, this article investigates one of the features of coloniality in force in the Histories of the Visual Arts “with capital letters” in Latin America and particularly in Argentina; that is, the neutralization of diversity in the construction of a national art. To this end, we have used the transdisciplinary qualitative methodology, which articulates different areas of knowledge (history, anthropology, philosophy, sociology, art history) from a decolonial interpretive perspective. In the theoretical analysis and historiographical reflection, a decentration is observed in the history of national art promoted by the Institute of Aesthetic Research (Faculty of Arts, National University of Tucumán), which interrupts the disciplinary canon favoring the emergence of the American, in both the folkloric and the ancestral.

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Martone, Eric. "Creating a local black identity in a global context: the French writer Alexandre Dumas as an African American lieu de mémoire". Journal of Global History 5, n. 3 (27 ottobre 2010): 395–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022810000203.

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AbstractWestern expansion and domination through colonial systems served as a form of globalization, spreading white hegemony across the globe. While whites retained the monopoly on ‘modernity’ as the exclusive writers of historical progress, ‘backward’ African Americans were perceived as ‘outside’ Western culture and history. As a result, there were no African American individuals perceived as succeeding in Western terms in the arts, humanities, and sciences. In response, African American intellectuals forged a counter-global bloc that challenged globalization conceived as hegemonic Western domination. They sought to insert African Americans as a whole into the history of America, (re)creating a local black American history ‘forgotten’ because of slavery and Western power. African American intellectuals thus created a ‘usable past’, or counter-memory, to reconstitute history through the inclusion of African Americans, countering Western myths of black inferiority. The devastating legacy of slavery was posited as the cause of the African Americans’ lack of Western cultural acclivity. Due to the lack of nationally recognized African American figures of Western cultural achievement, intellectuals constructed Dumas as a lieu de mémoire as part of wider efforts to appropriate historical individuals of black descent from across the globe within a transnational community produced by the Atlantic slave trade. Since all blacks were perceived as having a uniting ‘essence’, Dumas’ achievements meant that all blacks had the same potential. Such identification efforts demonstrated African Americans’ social and cultural suitability in Western terms and the resulting right to be included in American society. In this process, African Americans expressed a new, local black identity by expanding an ‘African American’ identity to a wider range of individuals than was commonly applied. While constructing a usable past, African Americans redefined ‘America’ beyond the current hegemonic usage (which generally restricted the term geographically to the US) to encompass an ‘Atlantic’ world – a world in which the Dumas of memory was re-imagined as an integral component with strong connections to slavery and colonialism.

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Buchanan, David R. "A Social History of American Drug Use". Journal of Drug Issues 22, n. 1 (gennaio 1992): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204269202200103.

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The article reviews three cycles of drug use that have appeared in American history since the founding of our nation. Periods of greatly expanded drug use have followed each of our major national crises: the American Revolution, the Civil War and the Sixties. It is argued that drug use during these periods came to symbolize an independent, antinomial character ideal. After two to three decades of extreme proliferation, each of these periods has then been followed by a period in which drug use has been condemned and abstinence proffered as an exemplary character ideal. During these periods, drug use symbolized the excesses of individualism and the neglect of the commonweal. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of this analysis for the current period.

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Coutin, Susan Bibler. "Falling Outside: Excavating the History of Central American Asylum Seekers". Law & Social Inquiry 36, n. 03 (2011): 569–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2011.01243.x.

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This article takes a retrospective look at legal advocacy on behalf of Central American asylum seekers, which has been influential in the development of US asylum law and in the creation of an infrastructure to address immigrants' needs. The article considers three time periods when Central Americans have been deemed to fall outside of the category of refugee: (1) the 1980s, when US administrations argued that Central Americans were economic immigrants; (2) the 1990s, when civil wars in El Salvador and Guatemala came to an end; and (3) the 2000s, when some Salvadoran youths in removal proceedings have argued that they faced persecution as perceived or actual gang members. This retrospective analysis highlights the ways in which law can be creatively reinterpreted by legal actors, as well as how legal innovations carry forward traces of prior historical moments.

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Stern, Sheldon M. "Improving History Education for All Students: The Massachusetts History and Social Science Curriculum Framework". Journal of Education 180, n. 1 (gennaio 1998): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002205749818000102.

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The commitment of Massachusetts to strive for the highest standards in history education is now inextricably linked to the implementation of the History and Social Science Curriculum Framework completed in 1997. The author writes that teachers and other educators, parents and students, should consider carefully the concepts and principles contained in the Framework and, particularly in American history, try to understand how the Massachusetts Framework differs in substance and approach from the controversial national history standards first proposed in 1994.

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Floud, Roderick. "The Origins of Anthropometric History". Social Science History 28, n. 2 (2004): 337–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013195.

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I knew nothing of anthropometry—not even the meaning of the word—when, in 1977, Robert Fogel invited me to give a seminar at Harvard. Over lunch after quite a grueling occasion, he asked me if I would be interested in taking part in a project to investigate the long-term decline in mortality in the United States. As he pointed out, the vast majority of migrants to the American colonies and the United States in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries came from Great Britain and Ireland; it was important, in explaining their subsequent mortality experience, to be able to assess their state of health before they arrived in North America. Their heights and those of the British population as a whole might, he suggested, provide evidence for such an assessment.I was flattered to be asked to work with one of the leaders of the economic history profession, intrigued by the project—if initially skeptical about the use of height data—and, by the end of a long lunch, enthusiastic about working with Fogel and his collaborator, Stan Engerman, whom I had known for some years.

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ISAAC, JOEL. "TANGLED LOOPS: THEORY, HISTORY, AND THE HUMAN SCIENCES IN MODERN AMERICA". Modern Intellectual History 6, n. 2 (agosto 2009): 397–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244309002145.

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During the first two decades of the Cold War, a new kind of academic figure became prominent in American public life: the credentialed social scientist or expert in the sciences of administration who was also, to use the parlance of the time, a “man of affairs.” Some were academic high-fliers conscripted into government roles in which their intellectual and organizational talents could be exploited. McGeorge Bundy, Walt Rostow, and Robert McNamara are the archetypes of such persons. An overlapping group of scholars became policymakers and political advisers on issues ranging from social welfare provision to nation-building in emerging postcolonial states. Many of these men—and almost without exception they were men—were also consummate operators within the patronage system that grew up around American universities after World War II. Postwar leaders of the social and administrative sciences such as Talcott Parsons and Herbert Simon were skilled scientific brokers of just this sort: good “committee men,” grant-getters, proponents of interdisciplinary inquiry, and institution-builders. This hard-nosed, suit-wearing, business-like persona was connected to new, technologically refined forms of social science. No longer sage-like social philosophers or hardscrabble, number-crunching empiricists, academic human scientists portrayed themselves as possessors of tools and programs designed for precision social engineering. Antediluvian “social science” was eschewed in favour of mathematical, behavioural, and systems-based approaches to “human relations” such as operations research, behavioral science, game theory, systems theory, and cognitive science.

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Klein, Herbert S. "CLAH Lecture: Living with History as a Social Science". Americas 73, n. 3 (luglio 2016): 291–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2016.67.

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Looking over the course of my half century working in the fields of Latin American and US history, I find that from the beginning to the end I have been working in a relatively isolated area of our historical profession. I have been committed to history as a social science, and in that framework, using mostly comparative and quantitative analysis to study themes related to basic social and economic structures. In this I have been much influenced by the traditional vision of the Annales school of historical research. I have also been totally committed to working within the social sciences, having completed a minor doctoral field in Anthropology at the University of Chicago.

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SEAL, ANDREW. "Making Blanket Statements: Rethinking the History and Politics of American Social Class". Journal of American Studies 53, n. 1 (febbraio 2019): 280–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875818001524.

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In Joan C. Williams's White Working Class: Overcoming Class Cluelessness in America and Nancy Isenberg's White Trash: The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America, the reader will find a nation riven by abiding class prejudice. Both have written explicitly with the goal of forcing readers to confront the deep, ugly, and ultimately destructive effects of elite snobbery towards working-class or impoverished white people. They both believe that educated readers tend to minimize or ignore how much class matters and has mattered in American history and to deny their own class biases; these books are meant to make that denial harder to sustain.

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Buttel, Frederick H., e Philip McMichael. "Sociology and Rural History: Summary and Critique". Social Science History 12, n. 2 (1988): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016072.

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It is revealing and important to preface this paper by noting the fact that a paper of this sort could hardly have been written as recently as 15 years ago. In sociology at large, historical methods and approaches were quite uncommon from the 1940s through the early 1970s. Further, mainstream American sociology organizations have distinguished themselves worldwide by their neglect of matters rural and agricultural. In part, this is because American rural sociologists have had their own professional association, the Rural Sociological Society, since 1937. There has accordingly been a fairly substantial separation and division of labor between “general” and rural sociology/sociologists, with “non-rural” sociologists having their major allegiance to the American Sociological Association (ASA) and regional disciplinary groups, while rural sociologists have had their closest identification with the Rural Sociological Society. Further, in American rural sociology prior to the late 1970s and 1980s, there had never been a major tradition of work along the lines of “historical sociology” as the notion is commonly understood today.

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Kline, Ronald R. "A Social History of American Technology. Ruth Schwartz Cowan". Isis 91, n. 3 (settembre 2000): 569–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/384867.

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Cravens, Hamilton, e Dorothy Ross. "The Origins of American Social Science". History of Education Quarterly 32, n. 3 (1992): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/368566.

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46

Hoopes, James, e Dorothy Ross. "The Origins of American Social Science". Journal of Interdisciplinary History 22, n. 3 (1992): 536. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205020.

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Westbrook, Robert, e Dorothy Ross. "The Origins of American Social Science." Journal of American History 79, n. 2 (settembre 1992): 613. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080053.

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Majorek, Czeslaw, e Zsuzsa Matrai. "History of American Social Science Education: Ideas, Values, Reforms, Curricula". History of Education Quarterly 35, n. 3 (1995): 320. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369764.

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Bhattacharjee, Darshana. "Mate Drinks: Evolution, History, and Contemporary Times!" Praxis International Journal of Social Science and Literature 6, n. 7 (25 luglio 2023): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.51879/pijssl/060706.

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Stimulating beverages are often consumed by people because these help them to rejuvenate. There are a variety of non-alcoholic drinks that are prepared for consumption daily. Caffeine is the primary stimulant observed in most beverages like coffee and tea. People worldwide consume this drink. On the other hand, green tea is a new but popular concoction prepared by steeping green tea leaves, but the caffeine content here is low enough. Therefore, despite the benefits of green tea, people still searched for a potent caffeine drink that was not safe for regular consumption. In the search for appropriate caffeinated drinks, the name Yerba Mate features a prominent one. Yerba mate is extracted from Ilex paraguariensis plants, commonly found in North-East Argentina, Southern Brazil, and Paraguay. Yerba Mate is not a discovery. People traditionally consumed it as a hot or cold beverage before the Spanish colonial era. It was common among the Káingang and Guaraní people. The Yerba Mate became famous in South America during the Spanish colonial era. In the 1900s, Julio Martin initiated the first commercial and organized production of Yerba Mate. Argentina is the biggest producer and exporter of Yerba Mate among other South American countries. Several different varieties of tea are available for consumption, but the drinking of Yerba Mate is associated with a friendly gesture, and its drinking is rooted in deep social ties. The sense of sharing in a community is a prominent feature associated with the drinking of Yerba Mate. Sharing the drink in a community serves as an invitation to open communication among people. The custom of giving messages through the Yerba Mate drink is age-old. For instance, if a woman served Yerba Mate to a Man with lemon verbena leaves, it hinted love. On the other hand, if the drink was served with bombú tree leaves, it showed rejection. During the Pandemic, the physical sharing custom of the drink replaced this tradition with video sharing. But this brought people closer in another form. The popularity of Yerba Mate, with its social roots, made its way into the world. The study aims to document the history and present popularity of Yerba Mate. Apart from the social and aphrodisiac nature of the drink, the study also focuses on the benefits of Yerba Mate. The research compares Yerba Mate with other popular beverages to assess the effectiveness of this drink.

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Mercklé, Pierre, e Claire Zalc. "Teaching “Quanti” – Lessons from French Experiences in Sociology and History". Bulletin of Sociological Methodology/Bulletin de Méthodologie Sociologique 136, n. 1 (ottobre 2017): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0759106317725648.

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The paper’s main objective is to reflect, from both a sociological and a historiographical perspective, on how to use and how to teach quantitative methods in the social sciences. French and American social scientists, whether apprentices or confirmed, often encounter during their work a crucial need to use quantitative methods. But which methods do each favor? And how to teach these methods? In strongly varying national and disciplinary contexts, what are the directions taken by the revival of interest for quantitative methods? Comparing current pedagogical practices may be a heuristic way to raise crucial questions about historiographical uses of quantitative methods, and give way to a cautious advocacy of reflective uses of quantitative methods in the social sciences.

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