Tesi: "Social movements – Minnesota – History"

1

Alkandari, Ali. "The Muslim Brotherhood in Kuwait, 1941-2000 : a social movement within the social domain". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14930.

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This is the first focused study of the Society of the Muslim Brotherhood, the most influential and organised social and political movement in Kuwait, from its beginnings in 1946up to2000. It focuses on the circumstances surrounding the emergence and development of the Muslim Brotherhood as part of a general Islamic revival in Kuwait. It argues that the Muslim Brotherhood was driven first and foremost by cultural considerations and that Kuwaiti secularists regarded it as a challenge to their growing influence in both the political domain (traditionally controlled by the ruling family) and the social domain (historically under the control of the religious establishment). The resulting conflict with secularists over the social domain posed a serious threat to the Muslim Brotherhood who considered themselves an extension of the traditional religious establishment. They also viewed the secularists’ attempts to reshape Kuwaiti identity as a threat to Kuwait’s Islamic identity. This prompted the Muslim Brotherhood to channel all their social, educational and political efforts towards reclaiming the social domain. This study focuses also on the mechanisms adopted by the Muslim Brotherhood, ones which combined Islamic values with modern mobilisation strategies producing a dynamic Islamist movement seeking to revive the golden age of Islam through modern means. The movement maintained a pyramid hierarchy and it refashioned modern economic theory to make it more compatible with Islamic teachings. It also established a Muslim Boy Scouts movement and an Islamic press, while it reformed other organisations to make them compatible with Islamic values. All this was done in an effort to implement Hasan al-Banna’s vision of fashioning a pious Muslim individual, a virtuous family and, finally, a true Muslim state. The Muslim Brotherhood’s comprehensive and sweeping agenda seeks the complete transformation of social conditions. The Muslim Brotherhood in Kuwait was not very different from its mother organisation in Egypt. It played a pioneering role in revising Islamic banking, developing charity work and challenging secularism. The Kuwaiti political system supported the Muslim Brotherhood in its struggle against secularists, but the Muslim Brotherhood nonetheless stayed out of politics, focusing on rehabilitating the social domain, in the interests of maintaining on good terms with the ruling family.

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2

Sharifonnasabi, Zahra. "Transnational consumer lifestyle and social movements". Thesis, City, University of London, 2018. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/20826/.

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My research interest is to understand consumer behavior related to transnationalism. In this dissertation, I address three questions concerning consumption and transnationalism. First, I situate transnationalism within the extensive body of work in consumer culture theory on globalization. Second, I examine one aspect of transnationalism: transnational consumer lifestyle that characterizes the lifestyle of individuals who simultaneously work and/or live in multiple countries (Glick Schiller et al. 1999). This is an interesting context to re-examine important consumer behavior phenomena, including consumer acculturation, relationship to home in contemporary globalization, and the role of consumption in managing a fragmented and multicentered life. Third, I examine another aspect of transnationalism: transnational consumer movement facilitated by transnational digital spaces. Transnational digital spaces, such as social media platforms, facilitate connections between activists, transnational news agencies, and political and social figures and institutions across borders and have the potential to empower some consumers, specifically those in totalitarian societies. I believe these are important phenomena that shape contemporary global consumer culture, but they have received little attention in consumer research thus far.

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3

Hollowell, Steven. "Aspects of Northamptonshire inclosure : social and economic motives and movements". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243662.

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4

Nascimento, Antonio Dias. "Peasant social movements and rural workers' trade unions in Bahia (1972-1990)". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.331957.

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5

Famiglietti, Antonio. "The theory of social movements and the British Labour Movement, circa 1790-1920". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369424.

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6

James, Malcolm. "Upcoming movements : young people, multiculture, marginality and politics in outer East London". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/550/.

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This thesis is a long-term ethnography produced in and around three Outer East London youth clubs. Addressing the contemporary intersection between urban multiculture, marginalisation and youth politics, it tells the stories of about a hundred young people living in Newham between 2008 and 2012. Drawing on a variety of ethnographic and textual materials, these themes develop through four substantive areas of concern. The first challenges 'Golden Era' accounts of East London by engaging with the memory practices of young people and youth workers in Newham. It argues for a deeper understanding of the 'traced' processes of 'becoming white' and an appreciation of the potential of diaspora mnemonics. In the context of 'the cuts' in public spending, the second explores the politics of territory in and around Leyham Youth Club. Using a multi-scalar analysis, it argues that the criminalisation of young people's public spaces through neo-liberal and neo-communitarian forms of governance needs to be understood alongside the micro-politics of territory. The third investigates the claim that young people's public productions are sold-out and nihilistic. Engaging with a range of music, video and dance projects, it argues that while young people made use of commercialised and nihilistic aesthetics, their work was meaningful and political. Though a discussion of performance, citation and new technologies of dialogue, the chapter further argues for a re-assessment of academic understandings of cultural syncretism. The fourth area addresses young people's futural projections. It explores how 'aspirational' futures depended on the marginalisation of other futures. Through a discussion of hip hop video, it also shows how, beyond this binary, young people projected alternative futures. The thesis concludes by restating its commitment to ethnography as a method that can address and engage politically with social injustice.

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7

Poulson, Stephen Chastain. "Confronting the West: Social Movement Frames in 20th Century Iran". Diss., Virginia Tech, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30008.

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The Iranian Revolution of 1979 received considerable attention from modern social scientists who study collective action and revolution because it allowed them to apply their different perspectives to an ongoing social event. Likewise, this work used the Iranian experience as an exemplar, focusing on a sequence of related social movement frames that were negotiated by Iranian groups from the late 19th through the 20th century. Snow and Benford (1992) have proposed that cycles of protest are associated with the development of a movement master frame. This frame is a broad collective orientation that enables people to interpret an event in a more or less uniform manner. This study investigated how movement groups in Iran developed master frames of mobilization during periodic cycles of protests from 1890 to the present. By investigating how master frames were negotiated by social movement actors over time, this work examined both the continuity and change of movement messages during periods of heightened social protest in Iran.
Ph. D.

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8

Kowalchuk, Lisa. "The social basis of the Quebec independence movement /". Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61321.

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This thesis assesses several theories about the social basis of the Quebec independence movement. The most prevalent of these theories locates the core of support for Quebec independence in the Francophone new middle class. The Marxist perspective offers a closely related hypothesis, according to which the independence movement is based in the Francophone new petite bourgeoisie. A third theory sees the new class as at the helm of the new social movements, among which is the Quebec independence movement. Finally, a fourth hypothesis is that the Francophone intellectuals and professional intelligentsia are the foremost separatists.
The results of tabular and logistic regression analysis of data on referendum support for sovereignty-association refute the new middle class and new petite bourgeoisie hypotheses. The analyses indicate considerable support for sovereignty-association among a narrow variant of the new class. Within this narrow new class, or professional intelligentsia, support for sovereignty is most heavily concentrated among the Francophone intellectuals. The most discriminating predictor of separatism is not class, but the opposition between those in intellectuals vs. the business/managerial occupations. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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9

au, M. Tanji@murdoch edu, e Miyume Tanji. "The Enduring Myth of an Okinawan Struggle: The History and Trajectory of a Diverse Community of Protest". Murdoch University, 2003. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20040510.152840.

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The islands of Okinawa have a long history of peoples protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawas enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three waves of a post-war Okinawan struggle against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawas annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972. This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united Okinawan struggle, and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawas distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups. The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers unions and political parties, is consistent with the new social movement theory. This theorys emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island. Crucially, though, the idea of an Okinawan struggle has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an Okinawan struggle, which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an Okinawan struggle would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.

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10

Avedissian, Karena. "A tale of two movements : social movement mobilisation in Southern Russia". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5966/.

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The thesis employs the political process approach within social movement theory (SMT) to examine in a comparative fashion two distinctly different opposition movements in southern Russia. One is the environmental movement in Krasnodar Krai and the other is the ethno-national Balkar movement in Kabardino-Balkaria. The political process approach focuses on the role and interaction of political opportunities, mobilising structures, and social movement framing for both movements, and seeks to explore their role in social movement mobilisation dynamics in Russia’s non-democratic context. The combination of the analysis of the three variables of political opportunities, mobilising structures, and social movement framing allows for fresh perspectives on both SMT and post-Soviet area studies. The thesis is particularly concerned with networks. It argues that in non-democratic contexts, the role of networks is more important than in democratic contexts.

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11

Osterbur, Megan E. "When is it Our Time?: An Event History Model of Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Rights Policy Adoption". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2012. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1471.

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Gays and lesbians have long struggled for their rights as citizens, yet only recently has their struggle been truly politicized in a way that fosters mobilization. When and why social movements coalesce despite the many obstacles to collective action are fundamental questions in comparative politics. While examining social movements is worthwhile, it is important to examine not only when and why a social movement forms, but also when and why a social movement is successful. This dissertation tackles the latter of these objectives, focusing on when and why social movements have success in terms of their duration from the time of their formation until their desired policy output is produced.

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12

Yasui, Hiroshi. "Understanding the background of the political and social movements supporting the United Nations". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1060/.

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Although academic literature predominantly discusses UN centrism as Japan’s foreign policy, this thesis stipulates it as a popular norm supported by the Japanese public. The thesis employs the constructivist approach in understanding UN centrism as a domestic norm. Following the analytical methods employed in existing studies on norm diffusion, it identifies UN centrism is Japan’s interpretation of the international UN norms seen through the lens of its post-war domestic pacifist norm. Building on existing literature on civil society and Japanese studies, it analyses how civil movements supporting UNESCO and UNICEF have worked their way through Japanese society, traditional social behaviours and customs to diffuse the norm. The success of the civil movements has not been in spite of Japan’s weak civil society but because its characteristics have worked in their favour. The UN centrism norm at its core urges individuals to construct peace and international cooperation through the UN. The norm continues to develop, and today it has become a norm which not only urges ordinary Japanese to think about creating and maintaining peace through the UN, but also to make personal financial contributions to support UN humanitarian activities and even dictates where they should visit for their next holiday.

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13

Smitley, Megan K. "'Woman's mission' : the temperance and women's suffrage movements in Scotland, c.1870-1914". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2002. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1488/.

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This thesis discusses the connections that bound together the late-nineteenth-century women’s temperance and suffrage movements in Scotland. The importance of women’s temperance reform in the women’s movement has been discussed in other Anglophone contexts, however there has been little scholarly analysis of these links in British historiography. This study aims to fill some of this gap. Moreover, by focusing on the Scottish case, this investigation adds a more ‘Britannic’ perspective to discussions of Victorian and Edwardian feminism, and thereby reveals regional variation and diversity. My exploration of the women’s suffrage movement focuses on constitutional societies, and offers a fresh perspective to balance the concentration on militancy in the only major monograph on Scottish suffragism – Leah Leneman’s A Guid Cause: The Women’s Suffrage Movement in Scotland. This analysis takes a flexible approach to constitutionalism and argues that the women’s single-sex temperance society, the Scottish Christian Union (SCU) was an element of constitutional suffragism. Likewise, the Scottish Women’s Liberal Federation – peripheral to the historiography of British suffragism – is given a prominent place as a constitutionalist organisation. This study uses women’s roles in social reform and suffragism to examine the public lives of middle-class women. The ideology of ‘separate spheres’ is a leitmotif of much of women’s history, and discussions of the ‘public’ and ‘private’ spheres are often linked to social class. My discussion of a ‘feminine public sphere’ is designed to reveal the ways in which women negotiated Victorian gender roles in order to participate in the civic life that was intrinsic to an urban middle-class identity. Thus, this thesis seeks to place suffragism and temperature in the context of middle-class women’s public world.

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Raiford, Leigh. "'Imprisoned in a luminous glare' : history, memory, and the photography of twentieth-century African American social movements". Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning, 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?res_dat=xri:ssbe&url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_dat=xri:ssbe:ft:keyresource:Kerr_Diss_03.

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15

Thomas, Julia. "Buses, But Not Spaces For All: Histories of Mass Resistance & Student Power on Public Transportation in Mexico & The United States". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1068.

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Public spaces—particularly buses, which often carry a larger proportion of low-income to middle class individuals and people of color—serve as shared places for recreation, travel, and labor, and are theoretically created with the intention of being an “omnibus,” or a public resource for all. While buses have been the sites of intense state control and segregation across the world, they have also been places in which groups have organized bus boycotts, commandeered control of transportation, ridden across state lines, and taken over spaces that allow them to express power by occupying a significant area. Buses have become spaces of exchange and power for the people who have, in some cases, been marginalized by ruling private interests and institutionalized racism to ride in masses on particular routes. From the turn of twentieth century to 1968 in Mexico, the Civil Rights movement in the mid twentieth century United States, to the contemporary era in the U.S. and Mexico, public spaces have been historically reclaimed as key instruments in social movements. By analyzing these moments, this thesis explores the complex relations over power on buses for riders—university students in in Mexico, and African Americans in the U.S.—and show how they have been both key vehicles in mobilization and resistance against state oppression and the sites of targeted violence and racism.

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16

Evcimen, Oltan. "Freedom And Solidarity Party And Its Politics: An Attempt To Redefine The Turkish Left". Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604855/index.pdf.

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This thesis interprets the unification process that the Turkish left undertook during the 1990s as a redefinition and re-identification of leftist values according to the recent changes in the economic and political areas in the world. This redefinition process will be investigated by looking at the Ö
DP (Freedom and Solidarity Party) case, the main task of which was defined by the founders as the unification of various leftist movements as well as the representation of the new social movements. For this purpose, different theoretical perspectives concerning the new social movements will be read by means of observation of their position in the Ö
DP. It will be investigated, to what degree the Ö
DP was successful in unifying and including the new social movements. In that sense, this work will emphasize the role of the Ö
DP in the history of the Turkish leftist movement.

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17

Malamidis, Theocharis. "From protest to production: enlarging the boundaries of social movements in crisis-ridden Greece". Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86218.

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The recent economic crisis had severe consequences for the countries of the European South; at its epicenter, Greece experienced tremendous economic, social and political transformations. The imposition of harsh austerity measures resulted in the sharp increase of unemployment, the dissolution of labor rights, budget reductions in health and education and the broader deconstruction of the former welfare state. At the same time, these measures were welcomed by a polymorphous movement against austerity. The square movement, continuous national strikes as well as large scale protests and demonstrations have carved out a contentious environment in Greece’s crisis-ridden landscape. These protest events brought new activists in the streets and transformed the criticism against austerity to a broader distaste for the neoliberal representative democracy. Confronted with the impoverishment of large segments of the Greek population, the anti-austerity mobilizations gave birth to new grassroots solidarity structures. Barter clubs, markets without middlemen, collective kitchens, social clinics, workers’ collectives and social cooperatives constitute only a few examples. Together with the eruption of these new initiatives, traditional social movement organizations (SMOs) shift their focus towards the provision of service-oriented repertoires. This process witnesses the enlargement of previously stable practical and conceptual boundaries. In line with post-modern accounts, this thesis argues that previously clear-cut boundaries, which used to distinguish the different roles within the social movement communities, become fluid, while the relationship between social movements and institutional actors gets blurred. The process of boundary enlargement in Greece is represented by the incorporation of service-oriented practices within the SMOs’ repertoires of action, something which is further accelerated due to the conditions of crisis and austerity. By focusing on the social movement scenes of health, food and labor, this inquiry explores the contentious dynamics and mechanisms that contributed to the enlargement of the SMOs’ boundaries. Through qualitative field research in SMOs in Athens and Thessaloniki, we analyze the changes in terms of their organizational structure, resources and identities. Additionally, by emphasizing the similarities and differences in their trajectories, we shed light on the new dilemmas that SMOs are faced with, providing a substantial explanation of how the crisis has affected the passage from the politics of protest to the politics of production.

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18

GIOIELLI, ROBERT R. "Hard Asphalt and Heavy Metals: Urban Environmentalism in Postwar America". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1212161222.

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19

Solic, Margaret. "A Nation Against Itself: Domestic Violence, Feminism, and the State". The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1437729890.

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20

Sucharczuk, Gregory. "A free trade union in a totalitarian society : towards understanding the Solidarity movement in Poland, August, 1980-December, 1981". Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28926.

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This thesis attempts to contribute to our understanding of the emergence and the growth of the Solidarity Movement in Poland in the period of August 1980-December 1981. It is argued that Solidarity can be seen as a "hybrid" movement which combined "traditional" economic and syndicalist demands and "new" concerns with democratization of political life. A number of conducive factors, such as the fluidity and homogeneity of the Polish stratification system, the existence of a young, ambitious and alienated working class, concentrated in large enterprises and the perception of the social order in dichotomous terms, contributed to the emergence of an inter-class alliance of urban segments of Polish society against the political elite, which was widely perceived as being responsible for the acute economic, political and moral crisis of the late seventies. Also, the structure of Solidarity appears to contribute to its organizational and political success. It is maintained that the massive and rapid mobilization involved the activation of pre-existing informal ties among Polish workers. In this context, we also stress the importance of the charismatic leadership of Solidarity, especially that of Lech Walesa. Finally, we partly attribute the success of our movement to the failure of the weak, hesitant and internally divided political elite to contain the Solidarity movement and to respond to the crisis facing the nation. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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21

Leisinger, Laura A. "The Other Earthquake: Janil Lwijis, Student Social Movements, and the Politics of Memory in Haiti". Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6533.

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Among increased calls for "new narratives" of Haiti, this thesis seeks to honor Haitian traditions of intellectualism and resistance, centering on the life and legacy of martyred professor Janil Lwijis in post-earthquake student social movements. Based on oral histories with student activists at the State University of Haiti (UEH), this work explores student protest in Haiti through the voices, often at odds, of those en lutte; it explores how Janil is invoked and remembered, and argues that oral history can contribute to activist research and pose a challenge to dominant narratives. A legacy that is contested, differential claims to Janil's memory are infused with politics and history. This work seeks to understand contested claims to his memory through Marxist political economy, arguing that an interpretation of Haiti’s political economy is crucial to understanding the emergence of critical consciousness and social movements, political demands, and the symbols and meanings that characterize them.

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22

Stefanovski, Ivan. "Raised on streets? The influence of social movements over policy outcomes in South East Europe: the cases of Macedonia, Bulgaria and Bosnia and Herzegovina". Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86225.

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Fernandes, Eduarda Maria de Souza. "Identidade e estigma das crianças sem-teto : uma prática pedagógica em História a partir da proposta dialógica /". Bauru, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/192234.

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Orientador: Antonio Francisco Marques
Resumo: O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar as contribuições do método de Paulo Freire na contribuição à formação da identidade social de crianças moradoras de ocupações urbanas ligadas ao Movimento Social de Luta dos Trabalhadores (MSLT) e suas colaborações para minimizar os estigmas sofridos por esses alunos no espaço escolar, bem como analisar os documentos curriculares oficiais para identificar se a estrutura escolar reproduz um núcleo segregador no que diz respeito ao direito ao conhecimento de estudantes ligados aos movimentos sociais. As crianças acampadas enfrentam a discriminação dentro da instituição de ensino, dificultando a construção de sua identidade social, prejudicando a sua permanência na escola e a apropriação dos conteúdos do saber sistematizado. Um currículo universal, aberto ao diálogo com os grupos vulneráveis e suas diversidades, pode permitir as crianças acampadas a incorporação de todo o conhecimento e a herança cultural à qual todos os seres humanos têm direito, superando a segregação e o silenciamento imposto por um modelo educacional que não os reconhecem. A pesquisa caracteriza-se pela pesquisa participante de cunho qualitativo e envolveu o levantamento bibliográfico sobre o tema e a análise documental do currículo Oficial do Estado de São Paulo. A escolha do método contemplou uma ligação direta com o tema pesquisado e com os valores e visão de mundo dos pesquisadores. A temática da pesquisa envolve questões de conflito e interesses econômicos e... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The present research aims to analyze the contributions of Paulo Freire's method in contributing to the formation of the social identity of children living in urban occupations linked to the Workers' Struggle Social Movement and its collaborations to minimize the stigmas suffered by these students in the school space, as well as to analyze the official curriculum documents to identify whether the school structure reproduces a segregating nucleus regarding students linked to social movements’ rights to knowledge. The camped children face discrimination within the educational institution, making it difficult to build their social identity, impairing their permanence in school and their appropriation of the systematized knowledge content. A universal curriculum that includes and dialogues with vulnerable groups and their diversity can allow children in camps to incorporate all the knowledge and cultural heritage to which all human beings are entitled, overcoming the segregation and the silencing imposed by an educational model that doesn’t recognize them. This research is characterized by a participatory research of qualitative nature and involved a bibliographic survey on the subject and a document analysis of the official curriculum of the State of São Paulo. The choice of this method included a direct link with the researched theme and with the researchers' values and worldview. The research theme involves conflict issues and economic and social interests that, through guidanc... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre

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Carrieri, Ilenia <1998&gt. "South Korea’s democratic social movements: how they impacted South Korea’s history and consequently influenced its foreign policy with Japan". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/22035.

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Gli anni Ottanta hanno rappresentato un punto di svolta per la Corea del Sud rispetto ai tre decenni precedenti. Sebbene la Prima Repubblica della Corea del Sud sia nata come un governo democratico, nel tempo è diventata sempre più autocratica. Inoltre, dopo il suo crollo negli anni Sessanta, le quattro repubbliche sudcoreane successive furono guidate da governi militari autocratici che lasciavano spazio alla democrazia solo a livello teorico e non a livello pratico. L'assenza di democrazia e la persistenza nel governo di regimi autocratici oppressivi hanno alimentato un forte sentimento rivoluzionario non solo da parte dei cittadini ma anche da parte di personalità politiche di spicco. Il loro impegno per la causa democratica e talvolta il loro sacrificio in rivolte duramente represse hanno portato a una svolta politica fondamentale nel Paese che si è consolidata con la Sesta Repubblica all'alba degli anni Novanta. Si può affermare che i movimenti sociali sono in grado di intervenire nel processo decisionale di un Paese? Il focus principale di questa tesi è proprio sui movimenti sociali democratici presenti in Corea del Sud negli anni Ottanta, e sul modo in cui hanno avuto influenza non solo per quanto riguarda la politica interna del Paese ma soprattutto per quanto riguarda la politica estera. Pertanto, lo scopo principale di questa tesi è mostrare come i movimenti sociali, in questo caso i movimenti sociali democratici in Corea del Sud, siano stati in grado di intervenire e influenzare la politica e il processo decisionale del Paese. Nel caso specifico di questa tesi, si mostrerà come, sulla scia dei movimenti sociali per la democrazia nati negli anni Ottanta, si siano conseguentemente sviluppati diversi tipi di movimenti sociali per evidenziare importanti questioni irrisolte tra Giappone e Corea del Sud, influenzando così le relazioni internazionali tra i due paesi. Attraverso questa analisi si spiegherà come non solo la percezione nei confronti del Giappone ma anche le richieste nei confronti del Giappone siano cambiate a causa della riscoperta di questioni storiche e sociali precedentemente messe da parte dai regimi autocratici sudcoreani e anche grazie alla democrazia, che ha concesso ai cittadini la libertà di parola.

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Ana, Alexandra. "The NGO-ization of social movements in neoliberal times: contemporary feminisms in Romania and Belgium". Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86220.

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As women gained access to influence politics through formal official channels, social justice concerns of feminist activists started to be pursued through institutionalized forms of political intervention. Scholars have argued for a shift in feminist activism from participation in political movements to lobby and advocacy within formal organizations. The institutionalization and professionalization of the feminist movement were widely associated with feminist and women NGOs collaborating with governmental gender equality bodies to advance movement goals and achieve policy success. While some insisted on the benefits of infusing feminist ideas and practices within the state, others considered that NGO-ization made the feminist movement susceptible of co-optation, contributing to its demobilization and depoliticization. The financial dependency on public or private subsidies studded the NGO-ization hypothesis and urged scholars to analyse the effects of funding on feminist organizations and their capacity for mobilization. Despite the general diagnosis of a demobilized movement comprising an overabundance of depoliticized NGOs, contemporary feminist movement reveals as a space in which formal official organizations and informal groups co-exist, which use both disruptive and disciplined strategies, in different political locations, with various material resources, from friends and comrades’ contributions, to state funds or private grants. However, the NGO form seems to dominate feminist movement organizations that turned into stable and legitimate partners of the state or international institutions, being more visible in the public space, while the informal groups are more fluid and less conspicuous. The major shortcoming within the literature that analyses these transformation is the fact that NGO-ization, institutionalization, professionalization and bureaucratization are used interchangeably and the relation between them is ambiguous. Similarly, scholars however do not always seem to agree if there is a causal relation or a co-occurrence regarding the outcomes of these processes – co-optation, demobilization and depoliticization. By comparing NGOized feminist organizations and Street feminist groups in Belgium and Romania, in this research I aim to provide an answer to the question of what is NGO-izationand to trace the development of the NGO-ization process and its entanglements with neoliberal modes of governance and techniques. Drawing both on social movements and NGO-ization literature, by analysing the NGO-ization process, I aim to disentangle the links between institutionalization, professionalization, bureaucratization and financial dependence and bring some clarifications concerning the outcomes associated with them such as demobilization, depoliticization and co-optation.

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Gerrard, Jessica. "Emancipation, education and the working class : genealogies of resistance in Socialist Sunday Schools and Black Saturday schools". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/237243.

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This doctoral project considers the conceptual and practical articulation of emancipation through examination of two temporally, culturally and politically distinct working-class community-led children's school movements in Britain. Attesting to a different history of working-class relationships to education than that offered in long-held dominant gendered and raced discourses of working-class inactivity and deficiency, examination of the Socialist Sunday School (SSS) and Black Saturday (BSS) movements has offered a significant opportunity to explore the genealogy of radical working-class education. Challenging the contemporaneous dominant tropes of 'empowerment', SSSs and BSSs rearticulated the existing emancipatory intent found in their respective radical political fields (socialist and Black) in the formation of children's educational cultures. In depth analysis of these two movements, and comparison across them, has provided the opportunity to discover similarity and difference in complex cultural processes ofeducational resistance in very different working-class communities. Mobilising methodological praxis, this project places the notions of class and emancipation at the centre of the research itself. Thus, following the literature review and the explication of the methodology, this dissertation turns to a theoretical examination of the notions of class and emancipatory education in order to develop these concepts for the research, and at the same time open them to further investigation in the historical cases. Attending to the unsettling of class by poststructuralist excursions, a conception of class is developed embedded in the Gramscian concept of hegemony, with attention to class' constitutive diversity and fragmentation, and its interaction with other oppressions. Exploring the public and common enterprise of education, this discussion also considers emancipatory education as a public space through an examination of Nancy Fraser's notion of 'counterpublics'. Following this, the dissertation explores the inception and periods of growth of the SSS and BSS movements in turn (1892-1930 & 1968-1990 respectively). Drawing on oral history testimony, school records, minute books, personal correspondence, and national and local press, this project develops understanding of the ways in which these school movements understood and expressed their purpose. Giving due attention to their surrounding social and political contexts, the ways in which these schools created childhood educational cultures, developed curriculum and pedagogies, connected with their broader radical fields, and interacted with the wider public sphere - including the State and mainstream education, is explored. Here complex (gendered and 'raced') expression and understanding of both class and emancipation is found within the diverse voices of the teachers and students of these highly localised school movements. Finally, returning to the conceptual frames with which this research began, this dissertation compares and contrasts across these cases to explore the differences and similarities intheir development of educational cultures of resistance. Borrowing from the knowledge traditions of their respective communities, proving capability of existing dominant knowledge, and creating hope for a different future, the SSS and BSS experience reveals complexity and ambiguity in their relationships to their radical political milieus and mainstream educational institutions, and within the educational counterpublics themselves.

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27

Mitchell, Peter Angus. "Contested space : squatting in divided Berlin c.1970 - c.1990". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/11707.

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This thesis examines the history of urban squatting in East and West Berlin from c. 1970 to c.1990. In doing so, it explores the relationship between urban space, opposition and conformity, mainstream and alternative cultures, as well as questions of identity and belonging in both halves of the formerly divided city. During Berlin’s history of division, illegal squatting was undertaken by a diverse range of actors from across the period’s political and Cold War divides. The practice emerged in both East and West Berlin during the early 1970s, continuing and intensifying during the following decade, before the traditions of squatting on both sides of the Berlin Wall converged in 1989-‐90, as the city’s – and Germany’s – physical division was overcome. Squatting, this thesis argues, provides an important yet little studied chapter in Berlin’s – and indeed Germany’s – post-‐war history. What is more, it provides an example of the ways in which, during the period of Cold War division, Berlin’s and Germany’s symbolic meaning was not only contested between East and West, but was, within the respective societies, also re-‐interpreted from below. Drawing on a broad range of archival sources, this thesis compares and contrasts the experience of squatters on both sides of the Berlin Wall, and the ways in which the respective polities responded to this phenomenon. Broadly similar paradigms of urban renewal, this thesis argues, account for not only parallels in the temporality but also the geography of squatting in East and West Berlin. In both Berlins, this thesis demonstrates, the history of squatting was interconnected with that of domestic opposition and political dissidence. Moreover, squatting contributed to the emergence of alternative urban lifestyles, which sustained comparable urban sub-‐cultures on both sides of the Cold War divide. Perhaps counter-‐intuitively, this thesis argues that, East Germany’s apparatus of control notwithstanding, the relationship between squatters and the authorities in the GDR was generally more consensual than it was between their counterparts in West Germany and West Berlin. The thesis not only points to the limits of the totalitarian model of interpretation when applied to late Socialist society in the GDR, but also questions the dominant historiographical trend of studying the two Germanys in isolation from one another. Taking its cue from a number of influential scholars, this thesis asserts the importance of incorporating the experiences of both East and West Germany into a narrative of the nation’s divided past. Through identifying and analysing the overarching variable of urban squatting, this thesis attempts to develops a perspective that regards the post-‐war history of East and West Germany as part of a wider whole.

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Ishaq, Muhammad. "Socio-political impacts of the contemporary religious movements in AJK Pakistan : an empirical study on competing visions of an ideal Islamic society". Thesis, University of Gloucestershire, 2016. http://eprints.glos.ac.uk/5717/.

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The aim of this study was to explore the emergence of the three main religious movements in AJK Pakistan and empirically investigate how they utilise social and public spaces to achieve their vision for this society. These groups are recognized as Islamic revivalist movements; therefore, the study aims to explore and understand how religiously motivated values function as social visions to shape or transform a society. As AJK society is largely based on the biraderi or caste system, it is important to explore how the above mentioned religious groups, reconcile their religious ideals to address a socially-segregated society. The role of religion, or more specifically, Islam and Islamic activism, is examined by applying sociological methods; the socio-religious and socio-political activities of the Islamic movements are analysed within the paradigms of the Social Movement theory. The study focusses on three main research questions, (i) the emergence of the Islamic movements, (ii) how they utilise or mobilise resources and (iii) how the movements disseminate their values and message into society. Aside from contemporary India and Pakistan, Kashmir has its own very long history of religion, politics, and independence as a kingdom. It consists of a Buddhist kingdom, a Brahman caste structured society, and a Sufi-oriented Muslim state, while the image of post-colonial Kashmir is totally different, which is divided, governed by foreign rules, and holds differing religious and secular ideologies. There are many active Islamic movements who are working in the name of revivalism, or reform, and who aim to bring changes to the society to make an ideal Islamic society according to their own perceived visions. The focus of this study was upon the three social-religious movements that are seeking to bring changes to the AJK society. Jamat-e-Islami (JI) is a well-known Islamic revivalist movement in the subcontinent; which has more than six chapters in six South-Asian countries. The movement uses many strategies to achieve its social, political and religious goals. In AJK, it is actively using different networks, such as education, health, welfare and politics. Minhaj-ul-Qur’an (MQ) is a comparatively new movement, however, the strategies and methods it deploys are quite like those of the JI Movement, but differ in its application of ideology, vision and rhetoric. Khanqah-e-Fatihiya, or Hadhrat Sahib of Gulhar Sharif (GS), is an apolitical movement that has evolved from within AJK. This movement represents the popular Sufi forms of Islam prevalent within AJK society. However, over the last 30 years, its substantial changes demonstrate elements of an internal revival within the AJK tasawwuf sects, which also emphasise ‘economic and religious emancipation’. The study highlights how these movements adopt different tactics to promote their ideologies through a variety of means, hence, how socio-religious and socio-political strategies are operating in a society which is mainly based on the caste system. As an exploratory, qualitative and ethnographic study, the research is based on three case studies centred on the above mentioned Islamic movements. The study concluded that all three movements had different goals and focus in AJK, for example, JI uses a state-centric approach, MQ mainly concentrates on society, whereas, the Sufi tariqa is an individual-centric movement. All three movements utilise an individual movement structure and apply differing methods to convey their message, in AJK.

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Schnaith, Marisa Caitlin Weiss. "A Policy Window for Successful Social Activism: Abortion Reform in Mexico City". Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1240332556.

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Robbins, Timothy David. "Walt Whitman and the making of the American sociological imagination, 1870-1940". Diss., University of Iowa, 2015. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6490.

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This dissertation recasts the history of sociology in the United States by focusing on one the discipline’s most surprising and neglected sources: the poetry of Walt Whitman (1819 -1892). Tracing the period in intellectual history—from, roughly, the end of the U.S. Civil War to the country’s entry into World War II—in which sociology emerged from a confluence of reform movements and cohered in the university, I seek to demonstrate how the recirculation of Whitman’s Leaves of Grass across some of the founding texts of social science in the United States helped furnish the conceptual vocabulary for a compassionate, impartial and distinctively “American” sociology. The first half of the project situates the development of Whitman’s poetry in the discursive milieu of nineteenth-century “Social Science”—the movement of intellectuals and activists that applied philosophical ideals to Gilded Age “social problems.” I argue that Walt Whitman engaged and merged the terms and images of social science into his poetry, helping to transform and ferry its rhetoric into concepts then imbibed by modern social theorists. The latter half of the thesis turns to an examination of the poet’s presence in the instituting texts of academic sociology. Fusing the comparative methods of the “history of ideas” with more recent trends in reception theory and book studies, I survey documents from a range of Progressive Era institutions. Plotting interpretations of Leaves of Grass by some of the nation’s earliest social scientists—including Daniel Brinton, Edward A. Ross, Robert Park, Ruth Benedict and Howard Odum—across an array of monographs, lectures, letters, journal articles and protest speeches, I consider the deployment of Whitman against the then-forming backgrounds of cultural anthropology, social control theory and the sociology of race in the early twentieth century. In the end, my project aims to reassemble the literary foundation of American culture’s “sociological imagination” by using Whitman’s presence at its matrix as a case study.

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Hope, Kofi N. "In search of solidarity : international solidarity work between Canada and South Africa 1975-2010". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:94fc88ca-de19-4e97-b66f-97cd9f5d4595.

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This thesis provides an account of the work of Canadian organizations that took part in the global anti-apartheid movement and then continued political advocacy work in South Africa post-1994. My central research question is: What explains the rise and fall of international solidarity movements? I answer this question by exploring the factors that allowed the Canadian anti-apartheid network to grow into an international solidarity movement and explaining how a change in these factors sent the network into a period of decline post-1994. I use two organizations, the United Church of Canada and CUSO, as case studies for my analysis. I argue that four factors were behind the growth of the Canadian solidarity network: the presence of large CSOs in Canada willing to become involved in solidarity work, the presence of radical spaces in these organizations from which activists could advocate for and carry out solidarity work, the frame resonance of the apartheid issue in Canada and the political incentives the apartheid state provided for South African activists to encourage Northern support. Post-1994 all of these factors shifted in ways that restricted the continuation of international solidarity work with South Africa. Accordingly I argue that the decline of the Canadian network was driven in part by specific South African factors, but was also connected to a more general stifling of the activist work of progressive Canadian CSOs over the 1990s. This reduction of capacity was driven by the ascent of neo-liberal policy in Canada and worldwide. Using examples from a wide swath of cases I outline this process and explain how all four factors drove the growth and decline of Canadian solidarity work towards South Africa.

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Stevens, Díaz Adán Esteban. "The Prophetic Burden for Philadelphia’s Catholic Puerto Ricans, 1950-1980". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/504160.

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Religion
Ph.D.
This dissertation focuses on lay Catholic ministry to Puerto Ricans in Philadelphia when Frank Rizzo was mayor. Gramsci’s concept of “organic intellectuals” is employed to explain the praxis of the Philadelphia Young Lords, an organization formed in a Puerto Rican neighborhood during the confrontational politics of the 1970s. The dissertation advances previous scholarship on the Young Lords by offering reasons to consider these youthful leaders as lay Catholic advocates of social justice in Philadelphia and describes the role of faith convictions as they pursued social justice in the style of the biblical prophetic burden. Through interviews and textual analysis, the dissertation traces the evolution of lay volunteerism before the Second Vatican Council as foundational to the Young Lords’ application of liberation theology. The Young Lords in Philadelphia also followed the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party’s definition of the people’s multiracial identity and the Nationalists’ defense of Catholic principles. Their experiences are inserted into the general history of Philadelphia, a city which Quakers had founded as a cluster of urban villages, producing a distinctive pattern of ethnic enclaves of Philadelphia’s row house neighborhoods. The city’s Catholicism had structured parish life upon the civic culture, and initially extended this model to its Puerto Rican ministry. However, racial polarization at a time of municipal crisis under Rizzo invited new pastoral strategies towards civil right and the Vietnam War. Despite the Young Lords’ reliance on Marxist principles and the confrontational politics of the Black Panthers, local Catholic clergy supported many of their efforts. The dissertation explores the symbolic capital gained by the Young Lords which made them into a vanguard organization in the city’s fields of political and pastoral interaction.
Temple University--Theses

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MCDONAGH, Patrick James. "Homosexuals are revolting : a history of gay and lesbian activism in the Republic of Ireland, 1973 -1993". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/60677.

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Defence date: 14 January 2019
Examining Board: Professor Pieter M. Judson, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Laura L. Downs, EUI (Second Reader); Professor Diarmaid Ferriter, University College Dublin; Doctor Sean Brady, Birkbeck, University of London.
This project explores the history of gay and lesbian activism in the Republic of Ireland from 1973 to 1993. Using primary archival material and oral interviews it challenges the current historical narrative which presupposes that gay and lesbian activism in Ireland was confined to a legal battle to decriminalise sexual activity between males and confined to the activities of one man, David Norris. The project broadens the campaign for gay rights in Ireland to include other individuals, organisations, concerns, aims, strategies, and activities outside Dublin. In particular, the thesis demonstrates the extent to which there were numerous gay and lesbian organisations throughout Ireland which utilised the media, the trade union movement, student movement and support from international gay/lesbian organisations to mount an effective campaign to improve both the legal and social climate for Ireland’s gay and lesbian citizens. While politicians in recent years have claimed credit for the dramatic changes in attitudes to homosexuality in Ireland, this project demonstrates the extent to which these dramatic changes were pioneered, not my politicians, but rather by gay and lesbian activists throughout Ireland, in both urban and provincial regions, since the 1970s. The project considered the emergence of a visible gay community in Ireland and its impact on changing perceptions of homosexuals; the important role played by lesbian women; the role of provincial gay/lesbian activists; the extent to which HIV/AIDS impacted the gay rights campaign in Ireland; and how efforts to interact with the Roman Catholic Church, political parties, and other important stakeholders shaped the strategies of gay/lesbian organisations. Homosexuals are revolting: A history of gay and lesbian activism in the Republic of Ireland, 1973-1993, reveals the extent to which gay and lesbian activists were important agents of social and political change in Ireland, particularly in terms of Irish sexual mores and gender norms. This project helps to contextualise the dramatic changes in relation to homosexuality that have taken place in recent years in Ireland and encourages scholars to further explore the contribution of Ireland’s queer citizens to the transformation of Ireland in the twentieth- and twentieth-first century.
Chapters 1 'Smashing the wall of silence: Irish Gay Rights Movement' and chapter 3 'Decentring the metropolis: gay and lesbian activism in Cork, forging their own path?' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article '“Homosexuals are revolting” : gay & lesbian activism in the Republic of Ireland 1970s -1990s' (2017) in the journal 'Studi Irlandesi: a journal of Irish studies'

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Mbioh, Will Robinson. "Post-coloniality and the movements and readings of scientific and legal practices : the history of HIV/AIDS in Africa, patents, and the multilateral governance of generic drugs". Thesis, University of Kent, 2015. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/54170/.

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This thesis examines the history, political economy, and global response to HIV/AIDS in Africa. It is particularly interested in how Africa’s colonial past and postcolonial struggles with European science and law influenced these issues. It therefore explores the many ways that the colonial encounter coloured how scientific knowledge about HIV/AIDS travelled to and was read and contested in Africa. In addition, it sets out how this encounter informed the political economy of debates about access to and the global governance of generic HIV/AIDS drugs in the continent. It draws on an interdisciplinary and theoretically-informed scholarship to unpack these issues. However, it aims not to produce new theoretical insights or make original theoretical contributions to this scholarship. Rather, it seeks to contribute to and fill-in gaps in the historiography of HIV/AIDS in Africa and scholarship on the global governance of generic HIV/AIDS drugs. Accordingly, it examines two areas that have not received adequate, academic attention in these areas. Firstly, Project SIDA—the first major research project on HIV/AIDS in Africa; and, secondly, the World Health Organization Prequalification Programme for Generic HIV/AIDS drugs—the primary, regulatory regime that governs the production, certification, and importation of generic HIV/AIDS drugs in the continent. It situates these subjects within a wider discussion about the colonial encounter and postcolonial struggles in Africa around European science and law. It argues that the encounter influenced how Project SIDA, and the scientific knowledge that it produced, was read and contested in Africa. It also contends that postcolonial struggles, especially around the global patent regime, informed the political economy within which the Prequalification Programme emerged and, importantly, the technical capacity of African generic manufactured to certify their generic drugs for HIV/AID treatment programmes in the continent.

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Tarazona, Machicao Mateo. "Demanding Change : The Collective Challenges of the Juntas Vecinales of El Alto". Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Economic History, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-130870.

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The Juntas Vecinales of El Alto portray a telling picture of the current process of societal change inBolivia. Formed to attend the collective needs of indigenous migrants striving to settle down on theoutskirts of the capital, the Juntas Vecinales have grown as an intrinsic part of El Alto becomingsignificant socio-political actors and part of the indigenous social movements propelling the processof change in Bolivia. Their traditional function of supervising public policy by pressuring serviceproviders to attend their demands is commonly known as the practice of social control. A functionthat was institutionalized in the nineties with neoliberal inspired citizenship reforms ofdecentralization. The dynamic relation between the informal and formal branches of social controlis particularly evident in El Alto as the Federation of Juntas Vecinales and the legal supervisinginstitution called the Vigilance Committee hold each branch. This paper presents a case study on theformal and informal actions and activities that define the current role of the Juntas Vecinales inrelevance to their history and to the political and social context of Bolivia today. My main findingpresents an unanimous rejection of the formal branch of social control and the predominance oftraditional methods of pressure actions as the only means of attending grassroots demands.

MFS uppsats

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Odey, Gregory A. "The Ogoni Uprising in Nigeria: the Niger-Delta Crisis and its Impact on Nigeria’s Unity, 1980-1999". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2021. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3973.

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In 1956, shortly before Nigeria’s independence, Shell BP found crude oil in Oloibiri Bayelsa State marking a turning point in the socioeconomics and politics of the nation. Since then, oil has grown into a major export commodity comprising over ninety-five percent of the nation’s gross national product. The region is one of the world’s largest ecosystems, but due to the ongoing pollution, a direct result of the oil companies lacks potable water. This study addresses this humanitarian crisis and examines the agency of Nigeria’s federal government and the collaboration with multinational oil corporations’ contributions to the environmental deconstruction in the region. The thesis further investigates the historical moments building towards the uprising in Ogoniland, centered around the leader Ken-Saro Wiwa, who was killed by the Nigerian government. It examines social movements in the region, and aims to tie the local question to the federal question of unity in the country.

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Dube, Francis. "Colonialism, cross-border movements, and epidemiology: a history of public health in the Manica region of central Mozambique and eastern Zimbabwe and the African response, 1890-1980". Diss., University of Iowa, 2009. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2694.

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This dissertation addresses one of the reasons for the lack of confidence in public health in Southern Africa. It examines the impact of intrusive colonial public health measures and colonial attempts to suppress indigenous healing practices in the Manica region. The dissertation asks whether invasive colonial public health interventions had unintended consequences, such as the continued existence of traditional medicine and the reluctance to accept biomedical arguments on the epidemiology of infectious and communicable diseases. While these intrusive colonial public health measures were constant and pervasive, they were not always effective, partly due to the border that colonialism created. The epidemiology of the Manica region is fundamentally affected by cross-border movements, which not only spread infections, but altered disease ecologies, complicating disease control efforts. Colonial efforts to monitor movements led to the disruption of life and caused much hardship to villagers and townsfolk. Reflecting the dynamism of African societies, this dissertation argues that while Africans tended to dislike intrusive and discriminatory preventative public health policies, they were willing to experiment with new ideas, particularly treatment services. They were discouraged, however, by the failure of colonial governments to provide adequate treatment-based services for Africans, proving that the provision of health services for Africans was driven by European settler fears of infection and economic imperatives rather than the concern for Africans. However, most of these settler fears stemmed from misunderstandings of epidemiology, and were often grossly exaggerated and racist. Regardless of whether these theories were accurate or not, they still caused hardship. Although this project looks at the history of public health before the HIV/AIDS pandemic in Southern Africa, the legacy of colonial public health policies affects how people in Southern Africa comprehend this disease. Through the use of archival materials and oral histories, this dissertation concludes that the current reluctance to embrace biomedicine is connected to social memory and perceptions of the state, and its legitimacy. Had resentment of colonial public health not played a role, biomedicine would have been more readily integrated as an additional option into a repertoire of alternative therapies in Southern Africa.

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Koleva, Zhivka. "Satanic Battle for Social Change : A Discourse-Analytical Study of The Satanic Temple's Activism". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412421.

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Erenrich, Susan J. "Rhythms of Rebellion: Artists Creating Dangerously for Social Change". Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1286560130.

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40

Santos, Alex Gonçalves dos. "O Serviço Social e o conservadorismo na sociedade brasileira contemporânea". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21016.

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Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-16T12:55:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Alex Gonçalves dos Santos.pdf: 1637528 bytes, checksum: cc799b45af337d17e6cfe38bf3315943 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-16T12:55:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alex Gonçalves dos Santos.pdf: 1637528 bytes, checksum: cc799b45af337d17e6cfe38bf3315943 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-16
Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
This research is the result of a journey of reflections in the academic route, when it comes to the state of the bourgeois sociability and its consequences, like the "historical ground" of the origins of the Brazilian Social Work and the insertion of Marx's thought into the profession. This study intends to contribute to the debate on controversial aspects of the Social Work, focusing on the understanding of the profession, its advances as well as limits. A profession that is unthinkable outside the historical reality of the development of capitalism since its dawning, around the sixteenth century, its "uneven and mixed" progression spread throughout the globe, its inability to eliminate social differences, as well as deepening existing ones. Hence, the need to create mechanisms of intervention in this reality shows up, sugarcoating the historically determined aspects through actions with strong bonds of good will and religious charity. Thus, The Social work emerges as an institutionalized legal profession within the context of monopoly capitalism, where the imperialist era intensifies, and, with its development, stands as a theoretically positioned profession alongside the working class which many professionals share its values. However, the ideals, values, and critical positioning were confined amongst a restricted group of people and organizations, not reaching those professionals who actually work in the field. The organizations of the group usually make progressive speeches, which do not reach the professional base, consequently perpetuating every speech disconnected from the reality as well as those disciplinary talks to the professionals of the base without even trying to establish any dialogue between different ideas. They criticize the practice of the field professional, almost no longer being there, "on the trenches." Simultaneously, the academy closes itself, without further integration in everyday reality. There are people in the organizations and those others who participate in them, teachers and students of the academy resisting, struggling, standing closer to the professional base, but what sticks are the punishing and far from reality speeches
Essa pesquisa é fruto de uma jornada de reflexões no percurso acadêmico, referente ao modo da sociabilidade burguesa e seus desdobramentos, como o “chão histórico” da gênese do Serviço Social brasileiro e a inserção do pensamento de Marx na profissão. Busca contribuir para o debate quanto a aspectos polêmicos do Serviço Social, visando a compreensão da profissão, seus avanços e limites. Uma profissão que é impensável fora da realidade histórica do desenvolvimento do capitalismo desde a gênese deste por volta do século XVI, seus desdobramentos “desiguais e combinados” espalhados pelo globo terrestre, sua impossibilidade de eliminar as desigualdades e, ainda mais, inserindo outras formas e aprofundando as existentes. Surge assim, a necessidade de criar mecanismos de intervenção nessa realidade, acolchoando as características determinadas historicamente por meio de ações com fortes vínculos de bondade e caridade religiosa. Assim, o Serviço Social surge como profissão institucionalizada e legitimada legalmente, no contexto do capitalismo monopolista, onde a era imperialista se intensifica, e, com seu desenvolvimento, se coloca como profissão posicionada teoricamente ao lado da classe trabalhadora com a qual se identificam os profissionais da área. Entretanto, seus ideais, valores, posicionamento crítico se enclausuraram em um grupo restrito de pessoas e órgãos, não alcançando os profissionais que atuam nos serviços. Os órgãos da categoria realizam discursos progressistas, mas que não alcançam a base profissional, perpetuando assim, falas desconectadas da realidade e discursos punitivos aos profissionais da base sem ao menos dialogar com as diferentes ideias. Criticam o fazer da prática profissional, mas quase não estão mais no “chão real” da prática, “amassando barro”. Concomitantemente, a academia se fecha em si, sem aprofundar a inserção na realidade cotidiana. Existem pessoas dos órgãos e outras que participam deles, docentes e discentes da academia resistindo, travando lutas, estando mais próximos da base profissional, mas, o que se cristaliza são falas punitivas e discursos distantes da realidade

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Sundberg, Kjell. "Palestinagrupperna i Sverige : En solidaritetsrörelses syn på det palestinskafolket och dess representanter". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-152543.

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This study analyses a Swedish solidarity organisation, The Palestine Solidarity Association ofSweden. In original language Palestinagrupperna i Sverige, abbreviated PGS. Like other solidaritygroups the PGS was founded in sympathy with liberation movements during the decolonisation erain the 1960s. The PGS supports the Palestinian attempt to form an independent state partly on thesame land as Israel.Many of the groups were organised in a different manner than traditional leftist organisations. Thisstudy tries to apply the theory of Social Contentious Movements to the PSG. The general idea isthat new social groups mobilise in new ways and apply confrontational tactics towards the state.Renowned scholars in this field are Sidney Tarrow and Charles Tilly. Some of these groups wereformed transnationally and used new ways of communication like the internet.The PGS is active in one such transnational organisation called BDS, Boycott, Divestment andSanctions. PGS have put pressure on Swedish businesses to boycott the Israeli factory SodaStreamthat has been producing on occupied Palestinian territory still labelling the products Made inIsrael.The study shows support for the fact that the PGS has gradually turned from mainly radical critic toan organisation of development aid in Palestine. The main hostile counterpart is the Israeligovernment, which has promised to stop PGS-members entering the country because of itsengagement in the BDS.The results of the study gives support to explanation of its survival where other leftist solidaritygroups have ceased to exist due to its work with development aid.The PGS supports the rights of the Palestinian people. The interest of the people has beenarticulated in different ways of the leadership. The initial wholehearted support seems to havechanged to a more sceptical one. The support now is more directed towards the civil society.

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42

Walker, Pamela N. ""Pray for Me and My Kids": Correspondence between Rural Black Women and White Northern Women During the Civil Rights Movement". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1999.

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This paper examines the experiences of rural black women in Mississippi during the Civil Rights Movement by examining correspondence of the grassroots anti-poverty organization the Box Project. The Box Project, founded in 1962 by white Vermont resident and radical activist Virginia Naeve, provided direct relief to black families living in Mississippi but also opened positive and clandestine lines of communication between southern black women and outsiders, most often white women. The efforts of the Box Project have been largely left out of the dialogue surrounding Civil Rights, which has often been dominated by leading figures, major events and national organizations. This paper seeks to understand the discreet but effective ways in which some black women, though constrained by motherhood, abject poverty, and rural isolation participated in the Civil Rights Movement, and how black and white women worked together to chip away at the foundations of inequality that Jim Crow produced.

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Avelino, Alexandre Nogueira. "O patronato Amazonense e o mundo do trabalho: a Revista da Associação Comercial e as representações acerca do trabalho no Amazonas (1908-1919)". Universidade Federal do Amazonas, 2008. http://tede.ufam.edu.br/handle/tede/3719.

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The Commercial Association of Amazonas (CAA) it was created in 1871, in one moment in that the patronage needed to place more pressure so much on the local State as well as on the concessionary companies of the public services. The objective was to assure economical advantages that guaranteed protection and to help against the foreign competition to improve the transport and to reduce the costs of the export of the eraser to the avid consuming markets of Europe. ACA was constituted like this as it legitimates representative of the interests of the patronage Amazonians before the society, producing a speech for your Magazine that sought to soften internal divergences and to organize strategies to assure the economical power and the political prestige of your members. Around the commercial institution the patronage, composed basically for the proprietors of the houses of trade, syringes owners and aviators, he knew how to elaborate an ideological project based on the uncertainties of the economy of the eraser at the beginning of the century XX and in the productive deficiency of the extrativismo of the eraser that guaranteed, above all, the largest control on the manpower adjusting her/ it to an organization model and efficiency based on the European models of production and I trade; that he/she had in the Portuguese element the ideal hard-working type, considered cheaper and orderly for the bourgeois pretensions. Seen by most of the authorities and of the bosses as an inferior class, the workers of the city of Manaus and mainly of the syringes of the interior they would be, according to the speeches of the Magazine of ACA (1908-1919), predisposed the vadiagem and to the mundane addictions for your rude and primitive nature, associated to the stigma of the indolence and of the incapacity of they manage your own lives. Therefore, it would be necessary that the patronage to act with the maximum of will and repression on the movements strikers and any other type of protest social expert as frolic act that disturbed your economical and political ambitions, even if such manifestations root justified for the poverty situation and hunger why still passed most of the workers in Belle Époque s called period
A Associação Comercial do Amazonas (ACA) foi criada em 1871, num momento em que o patronato precisava pressionar o Estado local e as empresas concessionárias dos serviços públicos para assegurar vantagens econômicas que garantissem proteção e ajudar contra a concorrência estrangeira e para melhorar o transporte e baratear os custos da exportação da borracha para os ávidos mercados consumidores da Europa. Assim a ACA constituía-se como legitima representante dos interesses do patronato amazonense perante a sociedade, produzindo um discurso pela sua Revista que visava amenizar divergências internas e organizar estratégias que assegurassem o poder econômico e o prestígio político de seus membros. Em torno da instituição comercial o patronato, composto basicamente pelos proprietários das casas de comercio, donos de seringais e aviadores, soube elaborar um projeto ideológico baseado nas incertezas da economia da borracha no começo do século XX e na deficiência produtiva do extrativismo da borracha que garantisse, acima de tudo, o maior controle sobre a força de trabalho ajustando-a a um modelo de organização e eficiência baseado nos modelos europeus de produção e comercio; que tinha no elemento português o tipo trabalhador ideal, considerado mais barato e ordeiro para as pretensões burguesas. Vistos pela maioria das autoridades e dos patrões como uma classe inferior, os trabalhadores da cidade de Manaus e principalmente dos seringais do interior estariam, conforme os discursos da Revista da ACA (1908-1919), predispostos a vadiagem e aos vícios mundanos pela sua natureza rude e primitiva, associada ao estigma da indolência e da incapacidade de gerirem suas próprias vidas. Logo, seria necessário que o patronato agir-se com o máximo de arbítrio e repressão sobre os movimentos grevistas e qualquer outro tipo de protesto social entendido como ato de baderna que atrapalhava suas ambições econômicas e políticas, mesmo que tais manifestações fossem justificadas pela situação de miséria e fome por que passava a maioria dos trabalhadores ainda no período chamado de Belle Époque

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Duffield, Lee R. "Graffitti on the Wall. Reading History Through News Media: The role of news media in historical crises, in the case of the collapse of the Eastern bloc in Europe 1989". Thesis, James Cook University, 2002. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/3904/1/3904.pdf.

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The thesis reviews the engagement of news media in the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe in 1989, most vividly represented by the opening of the Berlin Wall. It uses field observations of the author as a jouralist of the time, extensive interviews with other news correspondents, a review of historical writing on the period, and an exhaustive review of the coverage given by six major news outlets. The work sees the change in Europe being driven by mass social movements, but also examines conventional, institutional politics at work, and describes the engagement of news media in the historical situation as it unfolds. It determines that the daily coverage by leading Western news media judged in terms of accuracy and perspective was successful, validated by later evaluations. It is informed by theoretical writing on mass social movements and on journalistic news values. It concludes by suggesting that the approach followed, a review of history from the perspective of news media of the day, could be applied to many other situations.

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45

Oguz, Alaattin. "The Interplay Between Turkish And Hungarian Nationalism: Ottoman Pan-turkism And Hungarian Turanism (1890-1918)". Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606629/index.pdf.

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This thesis dealt with the issues of the emergence of Pan-Turkism in Ottoman Empire and of Pan-Turanism in Hungary between the years 1890 and 1920. The theoretical discussion and literature review related to the subject exhibited that these two nationalisms were possible only when a state bureaucrats and intellectuals try to save the state from collapse and make discussions on the national issues, or when a state elites and noble classes aim to use national ideology for protecting the state from external threats and providing benefits on behalf of national interest. While former suits to Ottoman Pan-Turkism, latter describes Hungarian Pan-Turanism. The thesis consisted of three main and related parts. The first part focused on the historical and theoretical development of nationalism and pan movements, and condition of pan movement in the context of theories of nationalism. In the second part, the emergence of Turkish nationalism and Pan-Turkism was analysed in the historical context. The third part dwelt upon the genesis of Pan-Turanism in Hungary, and its relations with Ottoman Pan-Turkism until the end of the First World War. For that reason, firstly, historical roots of Turkish nationalism and Pan-Turkism were sought so that it is able to see how the attempts to modernization in the Ottoman state provided a ground for the spreading of Western political concepts and ideas and the emergence of a secular nationalist intelligentsia. Also the role of Turcology and the influence of Russian Turks on the development and politicization of Turkish nationalism and Pan-Turkism could be assessed. Secondly, the political condition of Hungary in the nineteenth century was exposed in order to explain the emergence and development of Pan-Turanism. Then, the focus was made on the linguistic debates of Hungarian academic circles on the origin of Hungarians. Exposing the political and cultural conditions could facilitate to project the partnership between Pan-Turkism and Pan-Turanism. Throughout the thesis, it was tried to be demonstrated that Ottoman Empire and Hungarian state had different political conditions and necessities. While Ottoman state bureaucrats and intellectuals aimed to save the state
Hungarian elites and intellectuals urged on the Hungarian national interests. Although some strong relations and partnerships were manifest in political and cultural areas, Hungarian Pan-Turanists and Ottoman Pan-Turkists belonged to different state traditions. Turkish nationalism and Pan-Turkism had an aim to save the state and create a new national identity. Nevertheless, Hungarian nationalism and Pan-Turanism tended towards the national interests of Hungarians through expansionist policy. That was the reason why the relations between Pan-Turkists and Pan-Turanists remained temporary.

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Cantzler, Julia Miller. "Culture, History and Contention: Political Struggle and Claims-Making over Indigenous Fishing Rights in Australia, New Zealand and the United States". The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306269394.

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47

Black, Jennifer. "Lock My Body, Can't Trap My Mind: A Study of the Scholarship and Social Movements Surrounding the Case of Imprisoned Radical Mumia Abu-Jamal". The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1354642836.

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Banda, Simon Vilex. "Jesus as 'radical social prophet' : an appraisal of Richard Horsley's Jesus and the spiral of violence (1987) / Banda, S". Thesis, North-West University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/6990.

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Traditionally, Jesus and the contents of the Bible have always been thought of as exclusively concerned with spiritual and religious matters. The topic of Jesus and the social and political dimensions of the Gospel is therefore still a controversial idea for many Christians. Responses to the notion of Jesus as a social and political figure range from ignorance to avoidance and even resistance. Nevertheless scholars continue, in various ways, to explore and integrate the relationship between the religious, social and political dimensions of Jesus' words and actions. The aim of this study is to critically evaluate the notion of Jesus as 'radical social prophet‘ as set out in Horsley‘s book Jesus and the Spiral of Violence (1987). The purpose is to establish the historical validity of this notion and to determine its significance and implications for contemporary Christian reflection, teaching and discipleship. The study describes the development and impact of the social sciences on the interpretation of the New Testament. It also explains Horsley‘s presuppositions and method. An analysis of Horsley's construction of the historical, social and political context of Jesus‘ first century world is made. Horsley‘s view of the Kingdom of God is also discussed. The grammatico–historical examination of Horsley‘s reading of selected key biblical and extra–biblical texts forms a crucial part of the investigation. An appraisal of Horsley‘s notion of Jesus as 'radical social prophet‘ is made and its implications noted. The study finds adequate grounds for seeing Jesus fulfilling the role of a 'radical social prophet‘ in the same manner as the Old Testament prophets. The conclusion reached is that Horsley‘s (1987) notion of Jesus as 'radical social prophet‘, while inadequate to account for the theological nature and mission of Jesus, is nevertheless useful to highlight the often overlooked social and political dimensions of Jesus and the Gospels.
Thesis (M.A. (New Testament))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012.

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Antunes, Denise Castanho. "Memorias das transformações de grupos comunitarios como forma de favorecimento do envelhecimento bem-sucedido". [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252506.

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Orientador: Zula Garcia Giglio
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: Introdução: Pesquisas gerontológicas têm ressaltado a importância da reconstrução de memórias de pessoas mais velhas para favorecimento de reflexões acerca do sentido de vida e do estabelecimento de novas metas e formas de enfrentamento. Objetivos: Reconstruir a memória social de grupos comunitários de bairros populares que se envolveram ativamente nos processos de criação e manutenção de grupos comunitários como Mulheres da Periferia, Grupo Reviver, Cantinho da Nossa Senhora de Guadalupe e Giravida. Procuramos identificar a) os significados atribuídos pelos moradores à participação nos movimentos sociais; b) fatores que influenciaram no envolvimento inicial dos participantes e sua permanência nos grupos; c) a relação entre a sua participação social atual e passada e as características de sua rede de suporte social e d) a relação entre geratividade e a participação em grupos comunitários dos segmentos meia-idade, velhice e velhice avançada. Procedimentos: A pesquisa utilizou-se da metodologia da História Oral. Os depoimentos foram coletados através de entrevistas e um Inventário de Geratividade (Neri, 1998), em um grupo de 14 mulheres todas praticantes do catolicismo, e membros e/ou organizadoras grupos comunitários. Análise de dados: As histórias e outras informações foram analisadas dentro do paradigma fenomenológico, com vistas a favorecer a compreensão do envelhecimento através das informações sobre as trajetórias de vida dos atores sociais que fizeram - e ainda fazem - a história da região estudada. Resultados: Atitudes pessoais como religiosidade e envolvimento com novos projetos apareceram como favoráveis para a formações de valores de solidariedade e geratividade, ambos associados à dedicação ao outro. Esses fatores tem forte relação com melhoria da qualidade de vida e implementação de uma visão mais positiva do envelhecimento. A reconstrução da memória, a partir dos depoimentos orais, favoreceu o desenvolvimento da consciência das depoentes sobre sua função social pelo fato de serem detentoras de informações históricas que, uma vez divulgadas na comunidade, pode exercer importante papel agregador e educacional; além disso, descobriram-se como marcos da trajetória do engajamento feminino na região. Conclusões: O envolvimento em grupos comunitários foi favorável para o bem envelhecer das depoentes devido à ampliação na rede de suporte social através de redes solidárias, visão positiva sobre o envelhecimento e desejo de perpetuação dos grupos. A História Oral constituiu uma importante ferramenta, que permitiu reviver informações úteis a compressão das relações sociais; por outro lado, favoreceu aos idosos, que participaram como informantes, uma reconstrução de suas histórias, melhoria na auto ¿estima e valorização social
Abstract: Introduction: Researches in Gerontology have highlighted the importance of rebuilding the memories of older people to aid the awareness on the sense of life and the establishment of new goals and ways of coping. Objectives: To rebuild the social memory of community groups of popular suburbs which involved actively in the processes of creation and maintenance of community groups as Mulheres da Periferia, Grupo Reviver, Cantinho da Nossa Senhora de Guadalupe and Giravida. We tried to identify a) meanings to the participation in social movement assigned by the residents; b) factors which influenced the initial involvement and maintenance of participants in groups; c) the relation between the current and past social participation and the features of the social network support and, d) the relation between the generativity and the participation in community groups of middle-age, aging and advanced aging. Procedures: The research used the methodology of Oral History. The testimonies were collected through interviews and an inventory of Generativity (Neri, 1998), in a group of 14 women all catholic practicioners, and members and/or organizers of community groups. Data Analysis: The stories and other information were analysed according to phenomenological paradigm, aiming at aiding the understanding of aging through the information about the ways of life of social players who made - and still make ¿ the story of the region studied. Results: The themes related to personal attitudes, as religiosity and involvement in new projects, appear as favorable in the formation of solidarity values and generativity which both are associated to the dedication to the other. Those factors seemed to have strong relation with improvement of life quality and implementation of a more positive view of aging. The rebuilding of memory, from the oral testimonies, will have aided the development of the consciousness of the tellers by having a social function for the fact of having historical information, which once difused, the community can have an important aggregating and educational role and besides this, being markers of the way of female engagement in the region. Conclusions: The involvement in community groups was favorable for the well aging of the tellers due to the enlargement of the social network support through the solidarity networks, positive view about aging and will of perpetuation of the groups. Oral History is an important tool which allows, on one hand, to revive useful information for the understanding of social relations. On the other hand, it aids the elderly who participated as tellers, a rebuilding of their stories, improvement of self-steem and social valorization
Mestrado
Mestre em Gerontologia

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Rocha, Filho Ruy Alkmim. "O parto dos caminhos: Forma??o dos Sindicatos Rurais no Rio Grande do Norte (1960 - 1964)". Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2005. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/13536.

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The present work treats the movements dedicated to reinvidication per land and social rights for the field works, among 1960 and 1964. Trying to understand this question in the Rio Grande do Norte it is necessary to consider the connection between the catholic church and the rural syndicates besides the influence of the Brazilian communist party, and still other social movements and the state. The structures politics local, national and international, had considerable importance to the organization rural potiguares workers. The rural potiguares syndicate appear in 1961 - after a hard organization work starting of the Service of Rural Assistance - and expand itself through state until the middle of 1962. Soon the first big conflicts an important manifestation are perceive, indirectly referring to a increasing movement's performance. The Favoring Progresses chains co quested a biggest influence in the politics destiny of the Rio Grande do Norte, in front of integration among syndicates, educational projects, and favoring progress's politics. But the military coup hired that the hope overflow the field
O presente trabalho procura abordar os movimentos dedicados ? reivindica??o por terra e direitos sociais para os trabalhadores do campo, no per?odo que vai de 1960 a 1964. No intuito de compreender esta problem?tica no Rio Grande do Norte, ? necess?rio considerar as liga??es entre a Igreja Cat?lica e os Sindicatos Rurais, bem como a atua??o do Partido Comunista Brasileiro e ainda outros movimentos sociais no estado. Os contextos pol?ticos local, nacional e internacional tiveram import?ncia consider?vel para a organiza??o dos trabalhadores rurais potiguares. Os Sindicatos Rurais Potiguares surgem no ano de 1961 ap?s um massivo trabalho de organiza??o a partir do Servi?o de Assist?ncia Rural e se expandem pelo Estado at? meados de 1962. Logo s?o observados os primeiros grandes conflitos e as importantes manifesta??es, aludindo a uma crescente representatividade do movimento. As correntes progressistas conquistavam maior influ?ncia nos destinos pol?ticos do Rio Grande do Norte, diante da integra??o entre Sindicatos, projetos educacionais e pol?ticos progressistas. Mas o golpe militar impediu que as esperan?as se transformassem em fatos

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Tesi sul tema "Social movements – Minnesota – History"

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