Bibliografie tematiche / Social movements – Minnesota – History

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Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Social movements – Minnesota – History"

Autore: Grafiati
Pubblicato: 29 luglio 2024
Ultima modifica: 30 luglio 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Social movements – Minnesota – History"

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IRIYE, AKIRA. "Transnational History". Contemporary European History 13, n. 2 (maggio 2004): 211–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304001675.

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John Boli and George M. Thomas, eds., Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999), 363 pp., $22.95 (pb), ISBN 0-8047-3422-4.Matthew Evangelista, Unarmed Forces: The Transnational Movement to End the Cold War (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999), 406 pp., $13.50 (pb), ISBN 0-8014-8784-6.Helen Laville, Cold War Women: The International Activities of American Women's Organizations (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002), 224 pp., £47.50 (hb), ISBN 0-7190-5856-2.Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, eds., Restructuring World Politics: Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), 400 pp., $24.95 (pb), ISBN 0-8166-3907 8.Gabriele Metzler, Internationale Wissenschaft und Nationale Kultur: Deutsche Physiker in der Internationalen Community, 1900–1960 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2000), 304 pp., €29.90 (pb), ISBN 3-525-36246-3.Sarah E. Mendelson and John K. Glenn, eds., The Power and Limits of NGOs: A Critical Look at Building Democracy in Eastern Europe and Russia (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 300 pp., $16.00 (pb), ISBN 0-231-12491-0.
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Bernhard, Michael. "Maryjane Osa. Solidarity and Contention. Social Movements, Protest, and Contestation, vol. 18. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, n. 3 (luglio 2005): 669–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505230293.

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Osa's study is part of a larger literature that looks at the decomposition of communism and postcommunist politics through the prism of the literature on social movements. The book stands out, along with Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik's Rebellious Civil Society and John Glenn's Framing Democracy, as among the best in this school of research. Osa concentrates on the creation of networks of resistance in communist Poland from early 1950s to the period of Solidarity's formation and suppression in 1980–1982.
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Prell, Riv-Ellen. "Documenting Scholarly Dishonesty in Hyman Berman's 1976 Jewish Social Studies Article, "Political Antisemitism in Minnesota during the Great Depression," and Some of Its Political Consequences". Jewish Social Studies 28, n. 3 (settembre 2023): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jewisocistud.28.3.08.

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Abstract: This article draws attention to the distortions and falsehoods that appear in the 1976 Jewish Social Studies article "Political Antisemitism in Minnesota during the Great Depression" by Hyman Berman. It identifies and corrects the many errors on two of its pages. In addition, the role of Berman's article in a student movement at the University of Minnesota to remove names on four campus buildings of administrators who engaged in racist and antisemitic policies is explored. Berman's work was both a catalyst for an exhibition about this period, which inspired the movement, and then when its flagrant errors were brought to light, was used to try to discredit it. The consequences of Berman's misconduct had consequences more than forty years after its publication.
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Prell, Riv-Ellen. "Documenting Scholarly Dishonesty in Hyman Berman's 1976 Jewish Social Studies Article, "Political Antisemitism in Minnesota during the Great Depression," and Some of Its Political Consequences". Jewish Social Studies 28, n. 3 (settembre 2023): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jss.2023.a910392.

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Abstract: This article draws attention to the distortions and falsehoods that appear in the 1976 Jewish Social Studies article "Political Antisemitism in Minnesota during the Great Depression" by Hyman Berman. It identifies and corrects the many errors on two of its pages. In addition, the role of Berman's article in a student movement at the University of Minnesota to remove names on four campus buildings of administrators who engaged in racist and antisemitic policies is explored. Berman's work was both a catalyst for an exhibition about this period, which inspired the movement, and then when its flagrant errors were brought to light, was used to try to discredit it. The consequences of Berman's misconduct had consequences more than forty years after its publication.
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Wenzel, Joshua I. "A Different Christian Witness to Society: Christian Support for Gay Rights and Liberation in Minnesota, 1977–1993". Church History 88, n. 3 (settembre 2019): 720–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071900180x.

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The traditional narrative of religion and the gay rights movement in the post-1960s United States emphasizes conservative Christians and their opposition to gay rights. Few studies focus on the supportive role Christian leaders and churches played in advancing gay rights and nurturing a positive gay identity for homosexual Americans. Concentrating on the period from 1977 to 1993 and drawing largely from manuscript collections at the Minnesota Historical Society, including the Minnesota GLBT Movement papers of Leo Treadway, this study of Christianity and gay rights in the state of Minnesota demonstrates that while Christianity has often been an oppressive force on homosexuals and homosexuality, Christianity was also a liberalizing influence. Putting forth arguments derived from religious understandings, using biblical passages as “proof” texts, and showing a mutuality between the liberal theological tradition and the secular political position, the Christian community was integral to advancing gay rights and liberation in Minnesota by the early 1990s despite religious right resistance. These efforts revealed a Christianity driven to actualize the love of God here on earth and ensure human wholeness, freedom, and an authentic selfhood. Christian clergy, churches, and ordinary persons of faith thus undertook activity in three areas to ensure wholeness and freedom: political activity for civil protections; emotional, pastoral care for persons with AIDS; and as a source of self-affirmation and social comfort in the midst of an inhospitable society.
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Leinonen, Johanna. "“Money Is Not Everything and That’s the Bottom Line”". Social Science History 36, n. 2 (2012): 243–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011780.

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This article highlights and fills gaps in research on migrant elites, traditionally defined as highly educated or professional migrants. The research on elite migrants has often suffered from methodological individualism: elite migrants are depicted as male professionals who shuttle from one work assignment or country to another, unrestricted by family relationships or national borders. My research shows the important role of marriage and family ties in life decisions of elite migrants, who in migration statistics and scholarly discussions appear merely as professionals, highly educated persons, or students. I also contribute to the recent literature that challenges the common assumption that migration is a unidirectional movement from one place to another initiated by a single motive, work or family. My research shows that in reality, for both women and men, multiple motives and multidirectional movements are often involved. Furthermore, my research highlights how elite migrants’ high social status does not necessarily guarantee privileged treatment by the host society or that elite migrants feel a part of the society in which they live. I use international marriages between Finns and Americans in Finland and the United States as a case study. I base my analysis on the 74 interviews that I conducted with American migrants and their Finnish spouses living in the capital region of Finland, in or near Helsinki, and with Finnish migrants married to US citizens and living in the state of Minnesota. In addition, I use responses to an online survey of American-born people who were living in Finland in 2008. I received 106 responses to the survey.
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Dokhanchi, Khalil. "A Century of Revolution: Social Movements in Iran, Social Movements, Protest, and Contention Series, vol. 2, John Foran, ed., Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994, 263 pp., incl. Select Bibliography, Index, $19.95 (paper)." Iranian Studies 29, n. 3-4 (1996): 373–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021086200010823.

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Schock, K. "Geography and Social Movements: Comparing Anti-Nuclear Activism in the Boston Area. By Byron A. Miller. University of Minnesota Press, 2000. 215 pp. Paper, $21.95". Social Forces 80, n. 3 (1 marzo 2002): 1127–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2002.0017.

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Silber, Irina Carlota. "Paul Almeida. Waves of Protest. Popular Struggle in El Salvador, 1925–2005. [Social Movements, Protest, and Contention, Vol. 29.]University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis [etc.] 2008. xxii, 298 pp. $25.00". International Review of Social History 55, n. 1 (aprile 2010): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859010000131.

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Wood, J. L. "Methods of Social Movement Research. Edited by Bert Klandermans and Suzanne Staggenborg. University of Minnesota Press, 2002. 382 pp". Social Forces 82, n. 1 (1 settembre 2003): 417–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2003.0109.

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Tesi sul tema "Social movements – Minnesota – History"

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Alkandari, Ali. "The Muslim Brotherhood in Kuwait, 1941-2000 : a social movement within the social domain". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14930.

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This is the first focused study of the Society of the Muslim Brotherhood, the most influential and organised social and political movement in Kuwait, from its beginnings in 1946up to2000. It focuses on the circumstances surrounding the emergence and development of the Muslim Brotherhood as part of a general Islamic revival in Kuwait. It argues that the Muslim Brotherhood was driven first and foremost by cultural considerations and that Kuwaiti secularists regarded it as a challenge to their growing influence in both the political domain (traditionally controlled by the ruling family) and the social domain (historically under the control of the religious establishment). The resulting conflict with secularists over the social domain posed a serious threat to the Muslim Brotherhood who considered themselves an extension of the traditional religious establishment. They also viewed the secularists’ attempts to reshape Kuwaiti identity as a threat to Kuwait’s Islamic identity. This prompted the Muslim Brotherhood to channel all their social, educational and political efforts towards reclaiming the social domain. This study focuses also on the mechanisms adopted by the Muslim Brotherhood, ones which combined Islamic values with modern mobilisation strategies producing a dynamic Islamist movement seeking to revive the golden age of Islam through modern means. The movement maintained a pyramid hierarchy and it refashioned modern economic theory to make it more compatible with Islamic teachings. It also established a Muslim Boy Scouts movement and an Islamic press, while it reformed other organisations to make them compatible with Islamic values. All this was done in an effort to implement Hasan al-Banna’s vision of fashioning a pious Muslim individual, a virtuous family and, finally, a true Muslim state. The Muslim Brotherhood’s comprehensive and sweeping agenda seeks the complete transformation of social conditions. The Muslim Brotherhood in Kuwait was not very different from its mother organisation in Egypt. It played a pioneering role in revising Islamic banking, developing charity work and challenging secularism. The Kuwaiti political system supported the Muslim Brotherhood in its struggle against secularists, but the Muslim Brotherhood nonetheless stayed out of politics, focusing on rehabilitating the social domain, in the interests of maintaining on good terms with the ruling family.
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Sharifonnasabi, Zahra. "Transnational consumer lifestyle and social movements". Thesis, City, University of London, 2018. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/20826/.

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My research interest is to understand consumer behavior related to transnationalism. In this dissertation, I address three questions concerning consumption and transnationalism. First, I situate transnationalism within the extensive body of work in consumer culture theory on globalization. Second, I examine one aspect of transnationalism: transnational consumer lifestyle that characterizes the lifestyle of individuals who simultaneously work and/or live in multiple countries (Glick Schiller et al. 1999). This is an interesting context to re-examine important consumer behavior phenomena, including consumer acculturation, relationship to home in contemporary globalization, and the role of consumption in managing a fragmented and multicentered life. Third, I examine another aspect of transnationalism: transnational consumer movement facilitated by transnational digital spaces. Transnational digital spaces, such as social media platforms, facilitate connections between activists, transnational news agencies, and political and social figures and institutions across borders and have the potential to empower some consumers, specifically those in totalitarian societies. I believe these are important phenomena that shape contemporary global consumer culture, but they have received little attention in consumer research thus far.
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Hollowell, Steven. "Aspects of Northamptonshire inclosure : social and economic motives and movements". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243662.

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Nascimento, Antonio Dias. "Peasant social movements and rural workers' trade unions in Bahia (1972-1990)". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.331957.

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Famiglietti, Antonio. "The theory of social movements and the British Labour Movement, circa 1790-1920". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369424.

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James, Malcolm. "Upcoming movements : young people, multiculture, marginality and politics in outer East London". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/550/.

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This thesis is a long-term ethnography produced in and around three Outer East London youth clubs. Addressing the contemporary intersection between urban multiculture, marginalisation and youth politics, it tells the stories of about a hundred young people living in Newham between 2008 and 2012. Drawing on a variety of ethnographic and textual materials, these themes develop through four substantive areas of concern. The first challenges 'Golden Era' accounts of East London by engaging with the memory practices of young people and youth workers in Newham. It argues for a deeper understanding of the 'traced' processes of 'becoming white' and an appreciation of the potential of diaspora mnemonics. In the context of 'the cuts' in public spending, the second explores the politics of territory in and around Leyham Youth Club. Using a multi-scalar analysis, it argues that the criminalisation of young people's public spaces through neo-liberal and neo-communitarian forms of governance needs to be understood alongside the micro-politics of territory. The third investigates the claim that young people's public productions are sold-out and nihilistic. Engaging with a range of music, video and dance projects, it argues that while young people made use of commercialised and nihilistic aesthetics, their work was meaningful and political. Though a discussion of performance, citation and new technologies of dialogue, the chapter further argues for a re-assessment of academic understandings of cultural syncretism. The fourth area addresses young people's futural projections. It explores how 'aspirational' futures depended on the marginalisation of other futures. Through a discussion of hip hop video, it also shows how, beyond this binary, young people projected alternative futures. The thesis concludes by restating its commitment to ethnography as a method that can address and engage politically with social injustice.
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Poulson, Stephen Chastain. "Confronting the West: Social Movement Frames in 20th Century Iran". Diss., Virginia Tech, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30008.

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The Iranian Revolution of 1979 received considerable attention from modern social scientists who study collective action and revolution because it allowed them to apply their different perspectives to an ongoing social event. Likewise, this work used the Iranian experience as an exemplar, focusing on a sequence of related social movement frames that were negotiated by Iranian groups from the late 19th through the 20th century. Snow and Benford (1992) have proposed that cycles of protest are associated with the development of a movement master frame. This frame is a broad collective orientation that enables people to interpret an event in a more or less uniform manner. This study investigated how movement groups in Iran developed master frames of mobilization during periodic cycles of protests from 1890 to the present. By investigating how master frames were negotiated by social movement actors over time, this work examined both the continuity and change of movement messages during periods of heightened social protest in Iran.
Ph. D.
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Kowalchuk, Lisa. "The social basis of the Quebec independence movement /". Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61321.

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This thesis assesses several theories about the social basis of the Quebec independence movement. The most prevalent of these theories locates the core of support for Quebec independence in the Francophone new middle class. The Marxist perspective offers a closely related hypothesis, according to which the independence movement is based in the Francophone new petite bourgeoisie. A third theory sees the new class as at the helm of the new social movements, among which is the Quebec independence movement. Finally, a fourth hypothesis is that the Francophone intellectuals and professional intelligentsia are the foremost separatists.
The results of tabular and logistic regression analysis of data on referendum support for sovereignty-association refute the new middle class and new petite bourgeoisie hypotheses. The analyses indicate considerable support for sovereignty-association among a narrow variant of the new class. Within this narrow new class, or professional intelligentsia, support for sovereignty is most heavily concentrated among the Francophone intellectuals. The most discriminating predictor of separatism is not class, but the opposition between those in intellectuals vs. the business/managerial occupations. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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au, M. Tanji@murdoch edu, e Miyume Tanji. "The Enduring Myth of an Okinawan Struggle: The History and Trajectory of a Diverse Community of Protest". Murdoch University, 2003. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20040510.152840.

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The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people’s protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa’s enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three ‘waves’ of a post-war ‘Okinawan struggle’ against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa’s annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972. This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united ‘Okinawan struggle’, and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawa’s distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups. The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers’ unions and political parties, is consistent with the ‘new social movement’ theory. This theory’s emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island. Crucially, though, the idea of an ‘Okinawan struggle’ has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an ‘Okinawan struggle’, which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an ‘Okinawan struggle’ would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.
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Avedissian, Karena. "A tale of two movements : social movement mobilisation in Southern Russia". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5966/.

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The thesis employs the political process approach within social movement theory (SMT) to examine in a comparative fashion two distinctly different opposition movements in southern Russia. One is the environmental movement in Krasnodar Krai and the other is the ethno-national Balkar movement in Kabardino-Balkaria. The political process approach focuses on the role and interaction of political opportunities, mobilising structures, and social movement framing for both movements, and seeks to explore their role in social movement mobilisation dynamics in Russia’s non-democratic context. The combination of the analysis of the three variables of political opportunities, mobilising structures, and social movement framing allows for fresh perspectives on both SMT and post-Soviet area studies. The thesis is particularly concerned with networks. It argues that in non-democratic contexts, the role of networks is more important than in democratic contexts.
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Libri sul tema "Social movements – Minnesota – History"

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Treuer, Anton. Ojibwe in Minnesota. St. Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 2010.

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Lewis, Anne Gillespie. Swedes in Minnesota. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 2004.

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Institute for Social Movements / Ruhr-Univ. Bochum. Essays on Social History and the History of Social Movements. A cura di Institut für Soziale Bewegungen der Ruhr-Universität Bochum e Stefan Berger. Essen, Germany: Klartext Verlag, 2015.

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Koutsky, Kathryn Strand. Minnesota vacation days: An illustrated history. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 2005.

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Dianne, Dentice, a cura di. Social movements: Contemporary perspectives. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars, 2008.

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Berger, Stefan, e Institut für Soziale Bewegungen der Ruhr-Universität Bochum, a cura di. Essays on Social History and the History of Social Movements. Essen, Germany: Klartext Verlag, 2012.

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Institute for Social Movements / Ruhr-Univ. Bochum. Essays on Social History and the History of Social Movements. A cura di Institut für Soziale Bewegungen der Ruhr-Universität Bochum e Stefan Berger. Essen, Germany: Klartext Verlag, 2017.

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Institut für Soziale Bewegungen der Ruhr-Universität Bochum e Stefan Berger, a cura di. Essays on Social History and the History of Social Movements. Essen, Germany: Klartext Verlag, 2016.

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Institute for Social Movements / Ruhr-Univ. Bochum. Essays on Social History and the History of Social Movements. A cura di Institut für Soziale Bewegungen der Ruhr-Universität Bochum e Stefan Berger. Essen, Germany: Klartext Verlag, 2013.

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Berger, Stefan, e Institut für Soziale Bewegungen der Ruhr-Universität Bochum, a cura di. Essays on Social History and the History of Social Movements. Essen, Germany: Klartext Verlag, 2014.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Social movements – Minnesota – History"

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Ávila Romero, León Enrique. "Social movements". In The Routledge Handbook to the History and Society of the Americas, 415–28. Abingdon, Oxon; N.Y., NY: Routledge, [2019]: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351138703-42.

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Taylor, David. "Working-Class Movements". In Mastering Economic and Social History, 368–414. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19377-6_21.

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Stolte, Carolien. "Social and Political Movements". In Explorations in History and Globalization, 94–109. London: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315629377-8.

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Zirakzadeh, Cyrus Ernesto. "From History to Theory". In Social Movements in Politics, 229–44. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403983336_14.

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Wand, J. W. C. "Educational and Social Movements". In A History of the Modern Church, 221–31. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003464549-18.

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Martínez, Diana Isabel. "Intersectional Revisionist History". In The Rhetoric of Social Movements, 116–32. New York : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429436291-9.

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Nehring, Holger. "Peace Movements". In The History of Social Movements in Global Perspective, 485–513. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-30427-8_17.

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Eckert, Andreas. "Social Movements in Africa". In The History of Social Movements in Global Perspective, 211–24. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-30427-8_8.

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Singh, Dinesh Kumar. "Social movements in colonial India". In A History of Colonial India, 195–220. London: Routledge India, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003246510-12.

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Mason, S. "Working-class Movements". In Work Out Social and Economic History GCSE, 107–28. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10295-2_6.

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Atti di convegni sul tema "Social movements – Minnesota – History"

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Косулина, Л. Г. "Social movements in Russia of the XIX century: studying at school and university. Succession and innovations". In Современное социально-гуманитарное образование: векторы развития в год науки и технологий: материалы VI международной конференции (г. Москва, МПГУ, 22–23 апреля 2021 г.). Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37492/etno.2021.34.25.051.

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в статье содержится сравнительный анализ освещения проблем становления и эволюции общественных движений России в XIX в. в школьных учебниках, разработанных в соответствии с требованиями Концепции нового УМК по отечественной истории, историко-культурного стандарта и включенных в федеральный перечень учебников. Автор выявляет базовые для всех учебников проблемы и специфику их освещения каждым авторским коллективом. При этом представленный в школьных учебниках материал рассматривается с точки зрения базовых знаний для дальнейшего изучения данной темы в вузовском курсе «История», на основе которых предлагаются авторские рекомендации, как содержательного, так и методического характера по усовершенствованию вузовского курса истории. the article provides a comparative analysis of the coverage of the formation and evolution of social movements in Russia in the XIX century in the school textbooks, designed in accordance with the requirements of the concept of a new textbook on national history and historical and cultural standards, included in the federal list of textbooks. The author identifies the basic issues for all textbooks and the specifics of their coverage by each author's team. The material given in school textbooks is examined from the point of view of basic knowledge for further study of this subject in a high school course of "History". Based on these recommendations the author offers both substantial and methodical recommendations for the improvement of the university course of history.
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2

Regis Brasil, Priscilla. "Film as part of the thesis and mounting as a method for the social sciences". In LINK 2021. Tuwhera Open Access, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/link2021.v2i1.112.

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My argument is that the history of space can be built by montage. I'm a documentary filmmaker and editor. I understand film as a support for writing in fragments. I think that the filmic form, capable of carrying movements and times, testimonies and texts, past and present, is a suitable support for the history of space. There is a visual form of knowledge and a wisdom of the gaze, as in Warburg's Atlas, largely disregarded by the academy as a way of producing knowledge. If montage is a polyphonic device that uses forgotten remains and heterogeneous narrations to dismantle the official story and reassemble another story from its critical constellations, no instrument seems to me more adequate than a film to execute it. Through the search for other ways of narrating the urban experience, following Benjamin from the rags and the residues, operating knowledge from the anarchic potentialities of the fragment and the problematization through doubt, through the incomplete and through the unfinished. For Didi-Huberman, the empirical and creative exercise proposed by Benjamin is capable of bringing out other possibilities from the dismantling of certainties. It allows us to think through the differences in the gaps left between the fragments. The montage allows for the simultaneity of times and the emergence of symptoms, the revelation of failures, conflicts, heterogeneity, in perforating tradition and colliding with the text. If montage serves all this, it also serves the decolonization of perspectives and methodologies, serves to narrate the history of subalterns and the hidden histories of empires. It also can be used to articulate memory, narration and history in the attempt to grasp reality. I propose the use of cinematographic montage as a method of knowledge production, as an important part of the research and whose result will be a constitutive and inseparable part of the thesis. Film as a method for the social sciences. In addition to assembling the fragments, the author's narrative interference is a critical point of the proposed experience. Delivering an account of the position from which one narrates is, therefore, fundamental. The narration does not impose itself as a voice of God over the material, as it neither affirms nor has certainties. It is organized on the incompleteness of the process. The narration sheds light on the background of the painting, on what History disregarded, on what was considered disposable or unimportant by the discourse of the dominator. It is thinking through differences and from the cracks of what was enunciated by the authority. It is thinking from accidents and ghosts.I propose the integration of the result of film montage experience in the general organization of the thesis, so that the chapters can vary between the two supports, text and film, being organized according to what the material itself indicates.
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خزعل جبر, لؤي. "Social Psychological Dynamics of the Saddamist and ISIS genocides in Iraq". In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/11.

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Genocide is an attempt to wipe out an entire group of human beings, either directly by killing them, or indirectly by creating conditions favorable to their death, for disciplinary purposes aimed at punishing, blaming and retaliating against the victim, routine institutionalization in the context of war, utilitarianism aimed at achieving a specific gain, A monopoly aimed at identifying the dominant in power, and an ideology aimed at creating an optimal society and erasing all that is impure. The scientific study of genocide in a calm cognitive way is a humanitarian and historical necessity, because the horrific and tragic outcomes of this phenomenon threaten the depth of human existence and human values. It is a complex phenomenon that can be approached from multiple sides, philosophical, political, sociological, economic, historical and psychological, each of these approaches has a great value in understanding the phenomenon, but the psychological and social dimensions are at the core of these approaches. In a previous study by the researcher on the Iraqi historical memory (Ghabr, 2014), the strength of the presence of the genocides - Saddamism and terrorism - was found among the most important events in contemporary Iraqi history in the Iraqi historical memory, and it fell within the first factor (suffering) in the content of that memory, the factor that Intertwined with a complex web of relationships with political cultures and social movements. Therefore, the current study will work on clarifying the psychosocial dynamics of genocide through a comprehensive review of the specialized literature, and employing those insights in understanding the genocide in the Iraqi context, as the Iraqi context witnessed multiple and horrific genocide campaigns, in the time of totalitarianism and Daaeshism, and such an approach constitutes an existential necessity in Iraq.
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Woolley, Tom. "Architectural Education and Community Power". In 1995 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.1995.53.

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Architectural Education in the UK has drifted toward an esoteric preoccupation with style and artistic production and is ignoring important issues of society and urban change. Techniques of user participation and involvement of students in real life social problems is on the agenda in only a few schools of architecture. Yet in the real world more emphasis is being placed on tenants and resident participation in social housing programmes. The Community Technical Aid movement is going from strength to strength. However UK schools of architecture are not preparing students for work of this kind. In this paper it is argued that architectural history and theory is largely to blame for placing too much emphasis on precedent studies divorced from social and political context. Progressive movements in CIAM and radical social programmes are ignored in favour of pre-occupation with fashionable but content free stylisms.
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MAȚOI, Ecaterina. "TEHREEK-E-LABBAIK PAKISTAN (TLP): A RISING EXTREMIST FORCE, OR JUST THE TIP OFA LARGER RADICALISED ICEBERG IN THE AFPAK REGION?" In SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE. Publishing House of “Henri Coanda” Air Force Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/2247-3173.2021.22.26.

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As if Afghanistan’s recent takeover by the Taliban was not a sufficiently significant development in the AfPak region, reports indicate that Pakistan’s largest sect, the Barelvi, becomes increasingly militant and aggressive by the day. Since another important movement for the history of Pakistan - the Deobandi - has generally dominated the violence scene in Pakistan starting with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, this trend within the Barelvis is a rather new one, and deserves extensive attention keeping in mind the recent regional developments. Taking a brief look at the history of the region to identify possible causes that may underlie the radicalization of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan group, it is noticeable that emergence of Barelvi and Deobandi sects in the first part of 19th century was part of a larger movement to revive Islam in the Northern part of India, but in different manners: while the Deobandi kept close to the Hanafi Sunni teachings in a strictly manner, the Barelvi sect – developed itself mostly on a Sufi legacy, as part of a larger Folk Islam inherited from the Mughal Empire, despite being itself affiliated with the Hanafi school. The differences between the two movements became critical from a political, security and social point of view, especially after the division of British India in 1947, into two states: a Muslim one – present day Pakistan, and a Hindu one - present day India, of which, the first, became the state entity that encompassed both Hanafi revivalist movements, Deobandi and Barelvi. Therefore, this research is aiming to analyse the history of Barelvi movement starting with the British Raj, the way in which Pakistan was established as a state and the problems that arose with the partition of the former British colony, the very Islamic essence of the new established state, and the potential for destabilization of Barelvi organisations in an already prone to conflict area. Consequently, the current research aims to identify the patterns of latest developments in Pakistan, their historical roots and causes, main actors active in religious, political and military fields in this important state-actor from the AfPak region, in order to project Barelvi recent in a defined environment, mainly by using a historical approach.
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Rodrigues, Barbara Luiza Ludvig, Priscilla Eli Alves e Solange Aparecida de Oliveira Hoeller. "Material culture as a methodological possibility for studies on the history of early childhood education in Brazil". In II INTERNATIONAL SEVEN MULTIDISCIPLINARY CONGRESS. Seven Congress, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.56238/homeinternationalanais-013.

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Abstract Early Childhood Education in Brazil is now legitimized by the Federal Constitution (BRASIL, 1988) when the Magna Carta discusses the right of children to education, as well as attentive to the duty of the State and the family to comply with this right. To the Law of Guidelines and Bases (BRASIL, 1996), once again Early Childhood Education gains the spotlight when it is defended as the first stage of Basic Education. The 1990s, with those and new achievements, were demarcated with and by the publication of different documents: advisors, curricular, and legislatures. No rights were won without the need for the movement of several groups of society (TELES, 2018). However, one of the most evident movements was that of scholars and researchers in the area of Early Childhood Education who defended/advocated the break with educational care practices and preparation for elementary school, and who discussed the historical dichotomy between daycare centers and kindergartens. With the defense of the dissociability of education and care, it began to understand that Early Childhood Education is a place of care and education and that it aimed/aims at the integral development of children from zero to five years and 11 months, complementing the action of the family and the community (LDB, 1996), being also a place between children's knowledge and knowledge historically constructed by humanity. In this wake, when proposing such a breakup, questions were raised about the ways of organizing curricula for Early Childhood Education, based on a curriculum that holds as centrality the children, their social markers, and their multiple ways of living childhood. These curricula also set the scene for play, social interactions, and languages as axes that structure pedagogical proposals in Early Childhood Education (BRASIL, 2009). To achieve their objectives, the pedagogical proposals of early childhood education institutions must provide conditions for collective work and the organization of materials, spaces, and times In line with the narratives put here, the materialities, which were and are in circulation in the educational units (PERES and SILVA, 2011) enabled/enabled possibilities of representations (CHARTIER, 1991, 1992) on the history of Early Childhood Education in Brazil, through the struggles of representations throughout history. These materialities are capable of being sources and objects of research, from the defenses of cultural history (BURKE, 1991; PESAVENTO, 2003), who maintain that there is a much wider range of sources and objects, moving from the idea that only large "events" would be research objects. It is defended in this summary, that the possibility of taking school culture as a historical object (JULIA, 2001), allowed to outline the circulation, in educational institutions, of material elements (VIÑAO FRAGO, 2008), expanding the circumscription of which there is a school material culture. By marking curricula, objectives, and specific practices for Early Childhood Education, attention is made to the existence of material culture of/for Early Childhood Education, since the break with the school and the schooling conceptions grant us to delimit the material culture that "echoes" aspects of Early Childhood Education, whether analyzed through architecture, toys, of objects, utensils, or even elements of nature.
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Souliotou, AZ. "TRANSFORMATIONS OF MONA LISA: THE CASE OF A DISTANCE EDUCATION ART-ANDTECHNOLOGY PROJECT". In The 7th International Conference on Education 2021. The International Institute of Knowledge Management, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17501/24246700.2021.7131.

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Mona Lisa by Leonardo Da Vinci has been subject to numerous and various transformations in the form of (re)interpretations, reproductions, replicas, appropriations and parodies. Mona Lisa is far more than a mere Renaissance portrait or a symbol of its time. Instead Mona Lisa is radically connected with artistic movements and practices throughout the history of art as well as with the 20th and 21st century visual culture, visual commerce and social media imagery. This paper presents an activity in a higher education Department of Early Childhood where students experimented with digital tools and made a collective artwork of digital transformations of Mona Lisa. This digital experiment was a distance education project which took place during the COVID-19 pandemic restrictions in Greece. At first, students were given examples of appropriations and parodies of Mona Lisa from the history of art as well as from the visual culture. Then students gave their own "responses" through making digitally transformed versions of Mona Lisa which they put together in a collective digital mosaic. Clones, distortions, semi-transparencies, repositions and other transformations within 75 Mona Lisa versions render this collective artwork a composition with reference to pixel structure. Students' collective artwork contributed to the deeper understanding of Da Vinci's masterpiece and increased their confidence and familiarity with Renaissance painting. The case of this activity proves that digital culture is a catalyst for art history learning and creativity in the classroom. Furthermore, this activity fosters collaborative learning through distance education and turns out to be a vehicle for empowering learners in a digital world, as well as for developing linguistic, numerical and multisensory skills through digital creativity. Keywords: Mona Lisa, Leonardo Da Vinci, distance education, higher education, digital art, participatory practices, community resilience
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Lee, Stephanie Kyuyoung. "Hard Labor, Soft Space: The Making of Radical Ruralism". In 112th ACSA Annual Meeting. ACSA Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.112.101.

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“Hard Labor, Soft Space” is a research-based design investigation on the current surge of collective farms and radical food systems in and around the Hudson Valley.What does it mean to create an infrastructure of care, and systems of resilience within a capitalist landscape of production, extraction, and exploitation?Against the backdrop of land distribution laws such as the Homestead Act (1862) and Alien Land Laws (1913 to present) that have driven the current racial disparity in agricultural land ownership, this project reframes rurality as a site of radical reclamation. This research forms a comparative genealogy of utopian agrarian projects in the U.S. Starting from Pietist settlements (such as Icarians, Shakers and Amana Colonies) to 19th and 20th Century Abolitionist movements in the United States, to the current wave of BIPOC-led radical farms. Through creating a continuous timeline, the project links together more than fifty agrarian based communities across the U.S. From early forms of abolitionist communities such as Nashoba Community (1825-1828) and Timbuctoo (1848–1855), to Black cooperative movements such as Freedom Farms Cooperative (1969-1976) and New Communities Incorporated (1969-1985). The project creates a BIPOC-centered historical narrative for recent land justice projects such as Sweet Freedom Farm, Gentle Time Farm, Soulfire Farm, Choy Division, and Ayni Herb Farm, all located within the state of New York.In 1972, Liselotte and Oswald Mathias Ungers’ published “Communes in the New World: 1740–1972”, a study on utopian commune living.2 “Hard Labor, Soft Space” is part-homage, and part-critique by addressing the erasure of racial history in rural ideation, and proposes future living strategies rooted in racial and social justice. Through archiving, interviewing and counter- mapping, this project highlights alternative agrarian settlements and renounces models of industrial farming that thrive on the extraction of labor, capital, and lands of others.
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Bulduklu, Yasin, Zeynep Karaçor e Süleyman Karaçor. "Health Tourism in Times of Crisis". In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02210.

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Increased transport facilities have created national and international mobility for different purposes. This mobility, which is generally regarded in the scope of tourism sector, is also widely used for health purposes. Countries, besides their natural, historical and cultural riches, are engaged in transnational the protection of health, the elimination of diseases and the development of health. It can be claimed that countries have made important efforts towards attracting tourists in the field of health tourism. Health has always been a significant value throughout history and people have sought different ways to develop and improve their wellbeing. Advanced transport means and easy access to information have brought people to search for health outside of their geographical area. Health tourism has also begun to arouse interest as a result of these searches, especially as an important source of income in the international scope. Health tourism has the potential to be influenced by numerous factors. Economic crisis situations, political turmoil and social movements in the countries are some of the factors that affect mobilization for health. In this study, the impact of the coup attempt on July 15, 2016 on Turkish Tourism Industry is analyzed through analysis of secondary data.
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Kilinc, Ramazan. "THE PATTERNS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN ISLAM AND LIBERALISM: THE CASE OF THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT". In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/qhfj3934.

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The unprecedented resurgence of religious organisations in the public sphere in recent years has given particular urgency to the old question of the compatibility of Islam and liberalism. Some scholars have argued that Islamic notions of social–political order are not hospitable to democracy and human rights. Others have argued that notions of democracy and human rights are firmly established in the Islamic political discourse but their expression depends on history, social structure and context. Although this debate has proved fruitful in framing the role of Islam in the public sphere, both sides have generally focused on essential sources of Islam. The debate needs to be extended to the empirical realm through study of particular Islamic movements and their responses to liberalisation trends. Such study should take into account local context, the organisational capabilities of the movement, and the Islamic repertoire that it deploys in mobilising its followers. This paper looks at the Gülen movement’s response to liberalisation processes in Turkey in the 1990s and 2000s. Since liberalism has radically transformed the economic and political system of the country over the last two decades, Turkey is a good example for our purposes. Furthermore, the increased influence of the Gülen movement in Turkey provides rich empiri- cal data of an Islamic movement engaging with liberalisation in civil society and politics. The paper concludes that, while the movement’s discourse and practice are compatible with liberalism, its Islamic ethos means that at some points it must engage liberalism critically.
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Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Social movements – Minnesota – History"

1

Avis, William. Refugee and Mixed Migration Displacement from Afghanistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), agosto 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.002.

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This rapid literature review summarises evidence and key lessons that exist regarding previous refugee and mixed migration displacement from Afghanistan to surrounding countries. The review identified a diverse literature that explored past refugee and mixed migration, with a range of quantitative and qualitative studies identified. A complex and fluid picture is presented with waves of mixed migration (both outflow and inflow) associated with key events including the: Soviet–Afghan War (1979–1989); Afghan Civil War (1992–96); Taliban Rule (1996–2001); War in Afghanistan (2001–2021). A contextual picture emerges of Afghans having a long history of using mobility as a survival strategy or as social, economic and political insurance for improving livelihoods or to escape conflict and natural disasters. Whilst violence has been a principal driver of population movements among Afghans, it is not the only cause. Migration has also been associated with natural disasters (primarily drought) which is considered a particular issue across much of the country – this is associated primarily with internal displacement. Further to this, COVID-19 is impacting upon and prompting migration to and from Afghanistan. Data on refugee and mixed migration movement is diverse and at times contradictory given the fluidity and the blurring of boundaries between types of movements. Various estimates exist for numbers of Afghanistan refugees globally. It is also important to note that migratory flows are often fluid involving settlement in neighbouring countries, return to Afghanistan. In many countries, Afghani migrants and refugees face uncertain political situations and have, in recent years, been ‘coerced’ into returning to Afghanistan with much discussion of a ‘return bias’ being evident in official policies. The literature identified in this report (a mix of academic, humanitarian agency and NGO) is predominantly focused on Pakistan and Iran with a less established evidence base on the scale of Afghan refugee and migrant communities in other countries in the region. . Whilst conflict has been a primary driver of displacement, it has intersected with drought conditions and poor adherence to COVID-19 mitigation protocols. Past efforts to address displacement internationally have affirmed return as the primary objective in relation to durable solutions; practically, efforts promoted improved programming interventions towards creating conditions for sustainable return and achieving improved reintegration prospects for those already returned to Afghanistan.
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