Articoli di riviste: "Slave rebellions"

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Jean, Martine. "The “Law of Necessity”". Journal of Global Slavery 7, n. 1-2 (28 marzo 2022): 177–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00701010.

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Abstract In June 1835, the Brazilian parliament promulgated a stringent law which punished enslaved persons convicted of assassinating their masters with capital punishment. Called the “law of necessity,” the regulation targeted the leaders of slave rebellions and established the death penalty as punishment against slave resistance. Research on the enforcement of the law demonstrated that while the regulation increased public hangings of the enslaved, overall fewer convict slaves were executed because of the law than had their sentences commuted to galé perpétua or a lifetime of penal servitude in public works. Analyzing slave petitions to commute death penalty sentences to penal servitude, this article intervenes in the debates on punishing the enslaved which connects labor history with the history of punishment. The research probes convicts’ understanding of the construction of Brazilian legal culture while analyzing the tensions between slave-owners and imperial authorities on punishing the enslaved.

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Stierl, Maurice. "Of Migrant Slaves and Underground Railroads: Movement, Containment, Freedom". American Behavioral Scientist 64, n. 4 (12 novembre 2019): 456–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219883006.

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This article explores the figure of the “migrant slave” that appears to conjoin antithetical notions—migration, often associated with intentionality and movement, and slavery, commonly associated with coercion and confinement. The figure of the migrant as slave has been frequently mobilized by “antitrafficking crusaders” in debates over unauthorized forms of trans-Mediterranean crossings to EUrope. Besides scrutinizing the depoliticized and dehistoricized ways in which contemporary migrant journeys have come to be associated with imaginaries of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, this article draws other, actual, comparisons between historic slavery and contemporary forms of migration. It argues that there does exist a historical resonance between the former and the latter. By remembering slave rebellions on land and at sea, the article makes the case that if one had to draw comparisons between historic slaves and contemporary migrants, beyond often crude visual associations, one would need to do so by enquiring into moments in which both enacted escape to a place of perceived freedom. It is shown that the fugitive slave escaping on the “underground railroad” resembles most closely the acts of escape via the Mediterranean and its “underground seaways” today.

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Thompson, Alvin O. "Symbolic legacies of slavery in Guyana". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, n. 3-4 (1 gennaio 2006): 191–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002494.

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Focusses on the commemoration and symbolic functions of the slavery past in the Americas, with a particular focus on Guyana. Author explains that while symbolic representations of the legacies of slavery increased in the Americas since the 1960s, the nationalist government under Forbes Burnham since 1970 went further in using the slavery past as its ideological foundation. He discusses how this relates to Guyana's history and ethnic development of 2 main, often opposed groups of African- and Indian-descended groups, calling on their respective slavery or indenture past in emphasizing their national significance. He further describes slavery-related symbolic representations promoted under Burnham, specifically the 1763 slave revolt led by Cuffy, presented as first anticolonial rebellion aimed at liberation, and as a precursor to the PNC government, and other slave rebellions and rebels, such as led by Damon in 1834. He points out how some Indian-Guyanese found that Indian heroes were sidelined in relation to these. Author then describes how the annual commemoration of Emancipation Day continues to refer to the martyrdom of these slave rebels, along with other discursive connections, such as regarding reparations. He also pays attention to the activities of nongovernmental organizations in Guyana up to the present in commemorating the slavery past, often with broader African diaspora connections.

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Thompson, Alvin O. "Symbolic legacies of slavery in Guyana". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, n. 3-4 (1 gennaio 2008): 191–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002494.

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Focusses on the commemoration and symbolic functions of the slavery past in the Americas, with a particular focus on Guyana. Author explains that while symbolic representations of the legacies of slavery increased in the Americas since the 1960s, the nationalist government under Forbes Burnham since 1970 went further in using the slavery past as its ideological foundation. He discusses how this relates to Guyana's history and ethnic development of 2 main, often opposed groups of African- and Indian-descended groups, calling on their respective slavery or indenture past in emphasizing their national significance. He further describes slavery-related symbolic representations promoted under Burnham, specifically the 1763 slave revolt led by Cuffy, presented as first anticolonial rebellion aimed at liberation, and as a precursor to the PNC government, and other slave rebellions and rebels, such as led by Damon in 1834. He points out how some Indian-Guyanese found that Indian heroes were sidelined in relation to these. Author then describes how the annual commemoration of Emancipation Day continues to refer to the martyrdom of these slave rebels, along with other discursive connections, such as regarding reparations. He also pays attention to the activities of nongovernmental organizations in Guyana up to the present in commemorating the slavery past, often with broader African diaspora connections.

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ORR, JOEY. "Radical View of Freedom: An Interview with Dread Scott". Journal of American Studies 52, n. 04 (novembre 2018): 913–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875818001342.

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In 2019, US-based African American artist Dread Scott will present his new performative work, Slave Rebellion Reenactment, just outside the city of New Orleans, Louisiana, USA. It will be a re-performance of the German Coast uprising of 1811, one of the largest rebellions of enslaved people in US history. It is the most recent installment in a slowly growing historical body of knowledge about this little-known history. The story is about a radical idea of freedom that Scott seeks to enliven through recruiting the performers. The potential for organizing and future networks is at the heart of this effort. This text is based upon Joey Orr's interview with Dread Scott on Thursday 12 May 2016, at the Museum of Contemporary Art Chicago.

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Mohammed Sabir, Dilman. "The slave class of Sparta City State in the fifth century B.C". Journal of University of Raparin 11, n. 3 (9 luglio 2024): 815–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(11).no(3).paper33.

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One of the most important social classes of Spartan city-state society was the slaves, known as the Helots. They were the majority of the other classes. As a result of Sparta's colonialist operations, most of its population was enslaved, especially both regions of Laconian and Messenia, this class belonged to the state in terms of ownership, so they were used for many political and economic purposes and whatever heavy responsibilities were on their shoulders, on the other hand they were harshly supervised, because these were basically free people and forced As slaves, they therefore constantly tried to be free and regain their citizenship, until they carried out several rebellions and revolutions, known in human history as the Spartan Slave Revolution in the 5th century BC. This research, shed light on the characteristics of the slave class in the city-state of Sparta and the early stages of slavery in and their differences from other Social classes, then the way they were treated by the rulers of the city-state and revolted this class for their elementary rights, against the rulers of the city-state of Sparta.

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Dal Lago, Enrico. "“States of Rebellion”: Civil War, Rural Unrest, and the Agrarian Question in the American South and the Italian Mezzogiorno, 1861–1865". Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, n. 2 (aprile 2005): 403–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505000186.

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To date, only a handful of scholars, most notably C.L.R. James and Eugene Genovese, have seen slave rebellions and peasant revolts as having anything in common. Fewer scholars still would be prepared to accept the assumption that slaves and peasants were agrarian working classes that shared significant characteristics. Yet, the issues of rural unrest and class formation continue to haunt the historiography of both slave and peasant societies long after James' and Genovese's studies, and have forced several historians to revise and broaden their definitions of class conflict as a means to describe the social transformations of several rural regions. In this essay, I focus on the American South as a case study of a slave society and on the Italian South, or Mezzogiorno, as a case study of a peasant society. Notwithstanding the fundamental differences between the social structures of these two regions, in both cases debates on the class character of rural workers began when leftist historians raised the possibility of applying Marxist categories to their particular historical conditions. In both cases, they were dealing with a ‘south’ characterized by a preeminently agricultural economy and a persistent social and political conservatism. In both cases, too, the debate has moved from broad theoretical positions to the explanation of specific instances of class conflict in a rural setting—the slaves' resistance to their masters and the peasants' resistance to their landlords, respectively—and then on to a criticism of the Marxist approach to the problem.

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Lauro, Sarah Juliet. "Digital Commemorations of Slave Revolt". History of the Present 10, n. 2 (1 ottobre 2020): 257–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21599785-8351850.

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Abstract This article presents, troubles, and ultimately seeks to answer two simple questions: What does the digitization of slave resistance look like, and can it serve as a virtual memorial commemorating historic events where markers are lacking in geographic places, such as locations where slave revolts occurred? In four main parts, this article presents an example of digital commemoration of slave resistance in a now defunct online list of shipboard rebellions; it then contrasts this digital resource to material monuments to slave revolt leaders and to diverse types of museum displays (as at the International Museum of Slavery at Liverpool); the next section profiles online resources about slave revolt, including Vincent Brown’s animated map of slave insurrections in Jamaica and repositories, archives, and databases of newspaper advertisements for runaways, arguing that these resources can sometimes be understood not merely as educational tools but also as digital commemorations of slave revolt. Finally, engaging with theory on monuments, memory, and history, this piece explains why digital commemorations existing in virtual space might productively acknowledge our discomfort with the existent archive and the insurmountable gaps in our knowledge of history.

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Mathews, Nathaniel. "The “Fused Horizon” of Abolitionism and Islam". Journal of Global Slavery 4, n. 2 (6 giugno 2019): 226–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00402003.

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Abstract This article considers slavery and abolition in Muslim societies globally as a historical and historicist problem. I argue that the changes in popular consensus among Muslims about the desirability and permissibility of owning slaves is primarily due to a Gadamerian “fused horizon” of abolitionism and Islam. I theorize one site of its emergence from interreligious African cooperation in New World slave rebellions. By studying slavery as a global process and parochializing the boundaries between the civilizational and regional histories of Islam, Europe, Africa, Asia and the Americas, there emerges a radical critique of slavery and capitalism that combines elements of both abolitionism and Islam. The historical experience of enslaved people provides an experiential and evidential basis for this new hermeneutical horizon.

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Ramos, Donald, Joao Jose Reis e Arthur Brakel. "Slave Rebellions in Brazil: The Muslim Uprising of 1835 in Bahia." Hispanic American Historical Review 74, n. 3 (agosto 1994): 532. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517925.

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Ramos, Donald. "Slave Rebellions in Brazil: The Muslim Uprising of 1835 in Bahia". Hispanic American Historical Review 74, n. 3 (1 agosto 1994): 532–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-74.3.532.

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Carrillo Méndez, Dulce. "Los vestigios del barco negrero en la memoria histórica de los afrodescendientes". Ciencia y Mar 28, n. 83 (3 maggio 2024): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.59673/cym.v28i83.6.

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The black ships were the symbol of the slave trade, and their presence unleashed a series of elements that make up part of Afro-descendant culture. The objective of this essay is to describe the journey of slaves on the black ship, as well as to iden-tify the traces left by this journey in Afro-descendant historical and cultural memory. The journey was cha-racterized by the brutality of the pillage on the coasts of Africa, the mandatory marks and baptisms to which they were subjected. During the journey, rebellions were common, and interpreters helped to calm them. The massacres of the Zong ship and the struggle of the survivors of the Clotilda remain in history to give way to the myths and rituals that endure today in commu-nities and in the memory of Afro-descendants

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Khan, Yasser Shams. "Variant Rebellions: Psychic Compromise in Obi; or, Three-Fingered Jack". Eighteenth Century 62, n. 3 (settembre 2023): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecy.2023.a906886.

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Abstract: This paper explores certain fundamental aspects of melodramatic theatricality used to depict the colonial world on the London stage at the turn of the century. As melodrama was a hybrid of comedy, tragedy, pantomime, and sentimentalism, the juxtaposition of a variety of these compositional strategies opens up the interpretation of John Fawcett's successful pantomime Obi; or Three-Fingered Jack (1800) and its later 1830 melodramatic adaptation by William Murray. As examples of racial melodramas, these plays disrupt the otherwise conventional moral polarity typical of melodramas by situating archetypal melodramatic characters in a morally ambiguous, theatrically conceptualized colonial space. Stage apparatus and performance were but two aspects of melodramatic theatricality that were deployed to recreate the colonial world. The basic argument in this paper explores the contrary pulls within these plays. On the one hand, the spectators' cathartic celebration of the rebels' expulsion at the end of the play entrenches their identification with British imperial ideology by arousing collective feelings of patriotism, thus consolidating the national identity of spectators as British imperialists. On the other hand, the visuals and the music that depict the colonial social order of a slave colony and the heroic feats of the rebel slave opened up a space of possible critique of British imperial ventures. These contrary drives within the melodramatic form are reformulated in terms of a "psychic compromise" in which the act of rebellion is endorsed for its dramatic potential to arouse fantasies of heroic revolt but is ultimately compromised in a larger ideological frame that celebrates the empire and the reconstitution of colonial order. This paper offers insights into the popular cultural perception of the empire, obliquely illuminating the larger historical processes of empire building during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.

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Glassman, Jonathon. "The Bondsman's New Clothes: The Contradictory Consciousness of Slave Resistance on the Swahili Coast". Journal of African History 32, n. 2 (luglio 1991): 277–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025731.

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The most fruitful approaches to the study of slave resistance in the New World have involved examination of the slaves' struggles to create and control institutions of community and kinship in the face of planters' attempts to suppress local social reproduction altogether. Africanists who would attempt similar analysis of rebellious slave consciousness are hampered by the tradition of functionalist anthropology which dominates studies of African culture, especially Miers and Kopytoff's thesis of the integrative nature of African slavery. By contrast, more class-oriented approaches to studies of African slave resistance assume too stark a division between the consciousness of slaves and the consciousness of masters. It is suggested that Gramsci's concepts of hegemony and contradictory popular consciousness can be used to reconcile the cultural sensitivity of the first approach with the concern of the second for issues of domination and struggle. Thus a more nuanced view of slave consciousness might be reached.The case studied involves resistance to the rapid rise of sugar plantations on the northern Tanzania coast in the late nineteenth century. Miers and Kopytoff's model of the ‘reduction of marginality’ is modified to accommodate a process of conflict, as slaves struggled to gain access to institutions of Swahili prestige and citizenship and as their masters struggled to exclude them. Analysis of a large-scale slave rebellion in 1873 reveals that the consciousness of the rebels was couched in the local ‘traditional’ language of a moral economy of patrons and clients. Although this language was expressive of some of the hegemonic ideas of the emergent planter class, it was also openly rebellious. It expressed neither a slave class-consciousness nor simply the ideology of the dominant planter class but was instead a contradictory consciousness of the type that Gramsci discerned in other movements of agrarian rebellion.

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Geggus, David. "The Enigma of Jamaica in the 1790s: New Light on the Causes of Slave Rebellions". William and Mary Quarterly 44, n. 2 (aprile 1987): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1939665.

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Thomas, Sue. "CHRISTIANITY AND THE STATE OF SLAVERY IN JANE EYRE". Victorian Literature and Culture 35, n. 1 (22 gennaio 2007): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150307051418.

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POSTCOLONIAL READINGS OFJane Eyre have often highlighted the historical occlusion of West Indian slavery in the novel. Carl Plasa, for instance, argues thatPenny Boumelha points out that by her reckoning there are “ten explicit references to slavery in Jane Eyre. They allude to slavery in Ancient Rome and in the seraglio, to the slaveries of paid work as a governess and of dependence as a mistress. None of them refers to the slave trade upon which the fortunes of all in the novel are based” (62). While Jane Eyre's allusion to slavery in the seraglio is indeed the most precise historical allusion in the novel, critics working with general schemes of slave and imperial history have not been able to identify or unpack its topical reference to an anomalous moment in the history of British abolition of slavery. Like all of Jane's references to slavery, however, this allusion gains considerably in importance when read against that history, as I will demonstrate in this essay. I will also elaborate the generic and more broadly historical intertextuality of Jane's Gothic narratives of identification with the slave. By doing so, I disclose further meanings of slavery and empire in Jane Eyre, as well as the ways in which Gothic and heroic modes become a means, for Brontë and her characters alike, of articulating fraught racialized identifications and disavowals. Jane's growth of religious feeling, which Barbara Hardy has influentially suggested is taken “for granted” rather than demonstrated (66), is, I argue, grounded in her consciousness of the tensions between slavery and Christianity as they are played out in domestic and imperial spheres at a particular historical moment. That historical moment may be established through Brontë's allusions to slave rebellions and charters, and to a particular edition of Sir Walter Scott's poem Marmion.

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Thomas, Sue. "THE TROPICAL EXTRAVAGANCE OF BERTHA MASON". Victorian Literature and Culture 27, n. 1 (marzo 1999): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106015039927101x.

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AS SUSAN L. MEYER SUGGESTS, “[a]n interpretation of the significance of the British empire in Jane Eyre must begin by making sense of Bertha Mason Rochester, the mad, drunken West Indian wife whom Rochester keeps locked up on the third floor of his ancestral mansion” (252). In Richard Mason’s deposition concerning the marriage of Edward Fairfax Rochester and Bertha Antoinetta Mason in Spanish Town, Jamaica, Bertha is described as the child of Jonas Mason, West India planter and merchant, and Antoinetta Mason, identified only as a Creole. In Rochester’s account of Bertha’s family the “germs of insanity” are passed on by the Creole mother (334; ch. 27). In this essay I retraverse late eighteenth- to mid-nineteenth-century ethnographic discourses about white Creole degeneracy and situate Brontë’s representations of the Creoleness of Bertha and Richard Mason in relation to them, arguing that Jane Eyre demarcates both femininity and masculinity in imperial and racial terms, while also blurring these categories. Brontë, I demonstrate, links the degenerate moral and intellectual character of the white Creole with the cruelties of the slave-labour system in Jamaica, and with historical Jamaican slave rebellions figured through metaphor and allusion. This depiction suggests that Brontë has carefully historicized the relationships among Bertha Mason Rochester, Edward Fairfax Rochester, and Jane Eyre.

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Taylor, Christopher S. "The Emigrant Ambassadors: a foundation for present-day Black Liberation". Race & Class 63, n. 4 (aprile 2022): 107–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03063968221083801.

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In this polemical commentary on Canada, the author argues for the recognition of the crucial role played by West Indian, particularly Barbadian, women – Emigrant Ambassadors − of the 1950s and ’60s who fought in Canada against their supposed subordination in the West Indian Domestic Scheme so as to establish Black women at the forefront of a liberatory struggle and create the conditions on which the present Black Lives Matter Millennials can now build. Using the examples of Jean Augustine (first Black member of Parliament) and Mia Mottley (Barbados’ prime minister), who fought the ordained de-skilling and downward mobility of the neocolonial economic arrangements, he asks that we view them not as individual achievers justifying a neoliberal meritocracy but rather as part and parcel of Black liberatory politics, stretching from slave rebellions to the Black Power movements and fights against racism of the mid-twentieth century.

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Davidson, Neil. "Centuries of Transition". Historical Materialism 19, n. 1 (2011): 73–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920611x564662.

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AbstractThis review of Chris Wickham’s Framing the Early Middle Ages situates the book within the context of his earlier writings on the transition to feudalism, and contrasts his explanation for and dating of the process with those of the two main opposing positions set out in Perry Anderson’s Passages from Antiquity to Feudalism (1974) and Guy Bois’s The Transformation of the Year One Thousand (1989). Although Framing modifies some of Wickham’s earlier positions, it largely sidesteps explicit theoretical discussion for a compellingly detailed empirical study which extends to almost the entire territorial extent of the former Roman Empire. The review focuses on three main themes raised by Wickham’s important work: the existence or otherwise of a ‘peasant’-mode of production and its relationship to the ‘Asiatic’ mode; the nature of state-formation and the question of when a state can be said to have come into existence; and the rôle of different types of class-struggle - slave-rebellions, tax-revolts and peasant-uprisings - in establishing the feudal system.

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Kars, Marjoleine. "Policing and Transgressing Borders: Soldiers, Slave Rebels, and the Early Modern Atlantic". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 83, n. 3-4 (1 gennaio 2009): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002451.

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In 1763, a regiment of mercenary soldiers stationed on the border of Suriname and Berbice in South America, rebelled. The men had been sent to help subdue a large slave rebellion. Instead, they mutinied and joined the rebelling slaves. This paper reconstructs the mutiny from Dutch records and uses it to look at the role of soldiers as border crosser in the Atlantic world. Colonial historians have usually studied soldiers in their capacity of border enforcers, men who maintained the cultural and legal divisions that supported colonial authority. However, as I show, soldiers with great regularity crossed those same borders, threatening the very foundations of colonialism.

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Mishler, Max. "“Improper and Almost Rebellious Conduct”". American Historical Review 128, n. 2 (1 giugno 2023): 648–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhad228.

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Abstract The 1833 Slavery Abolition Act provided for the gradual emancipation of eight hundred thousand human beings. It also confirmed the sovereignty of King-in-Parliament over all people residing in British dominions and resolved a long-standing dispute over whether enslaved people were private property or royal subjects entitled to legal safeguards. This debate first emerged in the late eighteenth century but acquired additional urgency following the 1807 abolition of the slave trade, when attempts to mitigate slavery through the enactment of ameliorative statutes and procedural reforms encouraged enslaved people to petition magistrates for redress in cases of abuse. Slaves vigorously defended their newly granted rights to bodily protection, sustenance, and family preservation through the instigation of legal complaints against overseers, managers, and slave owners. By the 1820s, enslaved litigants across Britain’s empire were publicly and collectively petitioning colonial magistrates to intercede on their behalf. The judicialization of quotidian battles over the terms of enslavement refashioned colonial social relations, affirmed enslaved people’s status as British subjects, and generated volumes of case files that circulated back to the metropole, where the Colonial Office cited them in critical assessments of slave law and where abolitionists used them to press for immediate emancipation. Enslaved people’s legal activism was operationally antislavery; it eroded the power of colonial enslavers and prodded Parliament to pass the 1833 Abolition Act.

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Fogleman, Aaron Spencer. "A Moravian Mission and the Origins of Evangelical Protestantism among Slaves in the Carolina Lowcountry". Journal of Early Modern History 21, n. 1-2 (23 marzo 2017): 38–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342529.

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This article investigates the German Moravian slave mission in South Carolina (1738-1740), including its role in beginning evangelical Protestantism among Lowcountry slaves. It documents responses of planters, townspeople, and especially slaves and shows how the mission was connected to the transatlantic evangelical Protestant awakening. Following Wesley’s brief encounter in 1737 and preceding Whitefield’s visit in 1740 and the subsequent slave revival in Port Royal, the Moravians offered sustained contact with the new religious style. Several slaves responded enthusiastically, including a woman named Diana of Port Royal, who played a leadership role, while others defiantly rejected their message as the religion of barbaric masters. Disease, white resistance after the Stono Rebellion, internal problems, et al. forced the mission to close, but its brief history reveals the interests, struggles, hopes, and fears of slaves, planters, and missionaries in the mid-eighteenth century and how they were connected to other Atlantic and global missions.

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Pinto, Antonio J. "Santo Domingo’s Slaves in the Context of the Peace of Basel: Boca Nigua’s Black Insurrection, 1796". Journal of Early American History 3, n. 2-3 (2013): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00301001.

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This article analyzes the black insurrection of Boca Nigua’s sugar mill in Spanish Santo Domingo in 1796, to show that any slave rebellion must be regarded as a direct consequence of the slaves condition, though external circumstances might favor them. I highlight the importance of those events, which must be identified as the first echo of Saint-Domingue’s revolution, in the eastern part of Hispaniola. First, I describe the theoretical framework of my research. Then, I study the penetration of news of Saint-Domingue’s revolution, and of the French revolutionary ideology in Santo Domingo since 1795. Third, I describe two black uprisings prior to Boca Nigua’s rebellion, as well as the situation within that plantation before the cited events. Finally, I analyze the development and outcome of the rebellion, focusing on the slaves’ plans, on the desertion of one of their leaders, and on the violent repression by colonial government.

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Menon, Parvathi. "Edmund Burke and the Ambivalence of Protection for Slaves: Between Humanity and Control". Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 22, n. 2-3 (21 ottobre 2020): 246–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340151.

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Abstract This article focuses on the period between 1812 and 1834, when the British Empire introduced protection measures to mitigate the suffering of slaves from planter brutality, but also to protect planters from slave rebellion. By examining the impact and influences wielded by Edmund Burke’s Sketch of a Negro Code (1780), this article studies protection as an alliance between the abolitionists and planters who, despite contestations, found in Burke’s Code a means to attain their separate ends. Through the workings of the Office of the Protector, instituted by the imperial authorities in the slave colony of Trinidad, this study examines how it granted slaves the humanity of ‘rights’ against their masters, while also protecting the right to property (in slaves) of the planters. I argue that the paternalistic practice of protection was, as is in the present, at the center of the exploitation of subjugated groups.

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Shamsul Haq Thoker. "Theme of Identity: A Study of Andrea Levy’s The Long Song". Creative Launcher 4, n. 5 (31 dicembre 2019): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2019.4.5.06.

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The Long Song (2010) is a contemporary Caribbean neo-slave narrative written by Andrea Levy. The novel revisits the period of slavery in the early nineteenth century Jamaica depicting the experiences of a slave girl, July at Amity - a sugarcane plantation in Jamaica. Written in the background of a famous Jamaican slave rebellion, the Baptist War erupted in 1831, the abolition of slavery in 1833 and its aftermath, the novel details the life of the slaves on Jamaican plantations before and after the period of emancipation. Replete with the theme of identity, the novel explores the ethnic and cultural backgrounds of the characters on the plantations where the British class system is largely in vogue. Thus, the paper shall explore the identity of the slaves in the Caribbean which is greatly affected by the British social hierarchy. It shall also focus on how the British class system begins to lose its potential and importance in Jamaica after the Baptist War.

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MOUSER, BRUCE. "REBELLION, MARRONAGE AND JIHĀD: STRATEGIES OF RESISTANCE TO SLAVERY ON THE SIERRA LEONE COAST, C. 1783–1796". Journal of African History 48, n. 1 (marzo 2007): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853706002490.

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The Yangekori Rebellion was among the earliest extensive uprisings within Africa to be reported in European documents. This rebellion, which lasted for more than a decade, included domestic and market-bound slaves as well as free persons, all of whom became involved in promoting significant changes in traditional socioeconomic and political patterns. What made this rebellion unique and more informative for the present and for research relating to external slave trading and to rebellion within the diaspora, however, were its complex and local-based context, its multiple centers and its substantial involvement in a timely religious movement intent on transforming coastal society. Also instructive is the synergetic response that occurred among autocratic and otherwise quarrelsome rulers who were responsible for ending this rebellion, for re-establishing landholding patterns, and for defending themselves effectively against socioeconomic and political change.

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Thomas, Philip, e Kenneth S. Greenberg. "Honor and Slavery: Lies, Duels, Noses, Masks, Dressing as a Woman, Gifts, Strangers, Humanitarianism, Death, Slave Rebellions, the Proslavery Argument, Baseball, Hunting and Gambling in the Old South." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 3, n. 3 (settembre 1997): 630. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3034803.

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28

Ownby, Ted, e Kenneth S. Greenberg. "Honor and Slavery: Lies, Duels, Noses, Masks, Dressing as a Woman, Gifts, Strangers, Humanitarianism, Death, Slave Rebellions, The Proslavery Argument, Baseball, Hunting, and Gambling in the Old South." Journal of Southern History 63, n. 3 (agosto 1997): 663. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211677.

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29

Bruce, Dickson D., e Kenneth S. Greenberg. "Honor and Slavery: Lies, Duels, Noses, Masks, Dressing as a Woman, Gifts, Strangers, Humanitarianism, Death, Slave Rebellions, the Proslavery Argument, Baseball, Hunting, and Gambling in the Old South." American Historical Review 102, n. 3 (giugno 1997): 894. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171658.

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30

Morris, Christopher, Kenneth S. Greenberg, Richard E. Nisbett e Dov Cohen. "Honor & Slavery: Lies, Duels, Noses, Masks, Dressing as a Woman, Gifts, Strangers, Humanitarianism, Death, Slave Rebellions, the Proslavery Argument, Baseball, Hunting, and Gambling in the Old South." Journal of American History 84, n. 1 (giugno 1997): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952784.

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31

Bond, Bradley G. "Honor and Slavery: Lies, Duels, Noses, Masks, Dressing as a Woman, Gifts, Strangers, Death, Humanitarianism, Slave Rebellions, the Pro-Slavery Argument, Baseball, Hunting, and Gambling in the Old South". History: Reviews of New Books 25, n. 2 (gennaio 1997): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.9952678.

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32

Lauro, Sarah Juliet. "Dread Scott’s Slave Rebellion Reenactment". TDR: The Drama Review 65, n. 3 (settembre 2021): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1054204321000307.

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Abstract (sommario):

Dread Scott’s two-day Slave Rebellion Reenactment, part recreation and part historical revision, dramatized the 1811 slave rebellion in a more fully developed manner than historical records authored by slaveholders, incorporating a range of strategies used in other artworks depicting slave resistance, including: elisions, caesura, lacuna, off-screen action, obfuscation, abstraction, redaction, and more. These devices safeguard history from appropriation or commodification on the one hand; and on the other, highlight the way slave resistance is neglected in the historical record and commemorative landscape.

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33

Lugar, Catherine. "Slave Rebellion in Brazil". History: Reviews of New Books 22, n. 3 (aprile 1994): 118–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9948976.

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34

Bond, Beverly Greene. "Honor and Slavery: Lies, Duels, Noses, Masks, Dressing as a Woman, Gifts, Strangers, Humanitarianism, Death, Slave Rebellions, the ProSlavery Argument, Baseball, Hunting, and Gambling in the Old South (review)". Civil War History 43, n. 4 (1997): 342–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.1997.0101.

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35

Clinton, Catherine. "Honor and Slavery Lies, Duels, Noses, Masks, Dressing as a Woman, Gifts, Strangers, Humanitarianism, Death, Slave Rebellions, The Proslavery Argument, Baseball, Hunting and Gambling in the Old South (review)". Southern Cultures 4, n. 3 (1998): 89–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scu.1998.0087.

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36

Paquette, R. L. "Honor & Slavery: Lies, Duels, Noses, Masks, Dressing as a Women, Gifts, Strangers, Humanitarianism, Death, Slave Rebellions, the Proslavery Argument, Baseball, Hunting, and Gambling in the Old South. By Kenneth S. Greenberg". Journal of Social History 31, n. 2 (1 dicembre 1997): 441–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/31.2.441.

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37

Sang, Nguyen Van, e Jolanta A. Daszyńska. "The problem of the abolition of slavery and maritime rights on U.S. vessels with regards to British-American relations in the first half of the 19th century". Przegląd Nauk Historycznych 19, n. 2 (30 dicembre 2020): 105–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1644-857x.19.02.04.

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The article analyses the struggle of Anglo-American relations connected to slaves and maritime rights on the sea from 1831 to 1842. The study is based on monographs, reports, treaties and correspondences between the two countries from the explosion of the Comet case in 1831 to the signing of the Webster–Ashburton treaty in 1842. This study focuses on three fundamental issues: the appearance of Comet, Encomium, Enterprise, Hermosa and Creole as international incidents with regards to British-American relations; the view of both countries on the abolition of slavery, maritime rights as well as the dispute over issues to resolve arising from these incidents; the results of British-American diplomacy to release slaves and maritime rights after the signing of the Webster–Ashburton treaty. The study found that the American slave ships were special cases in comparison with the previous controversies in bilateral relations. The American slave vessels sailed to the British colonies due to bad weather conditions and a slave rebellion on board. In fact, Great Britain and the United States had never dealt with a similar case, so both sides failed to find a unified view regarding the differences in the laws and policies of the two countries on slavery. The history of British-American relations demonstrated that under the pressures of the border dispute in Maine and New Brunswick, the affairs were not resolved. In addition, it could have had more of an impact on the relationship between the two countries, eventually p the two countries into a war. In that situation, the diplomatic and economic solutions given to the abolition of slavery and maritime rights were only temporary. However, the international affairs related to the American slave vessels paved the way for the settlement of maritime rights for British-American relations in the second half of 19th century.

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Harris, Karen. "The slave “rebellion” of 1808". Kleio 20, n. 1 (gennaio 1988): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00232088885310051.

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39

Morales Troya, Ana María. "“We Were Like Slaves, All Women. But We Won’t Come Back.” On the Rebellions Sparked by the Disappearance of the Hacienda in an Afro-Ecuadorian Community". New Global Studies 14, n. 2 (13 luglio 2020): 141–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2020-0010.

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AbstractIn Ecuador, there were rebellions of enslaved men and women who organized to free themselves and improve their living conditions from the beginning of slavery. In the memory of past Afro-descendant workers of cane-producing haciendas in the northern Ecuadorian highlands, the Agrarian Reform of 1964 is associated with “the end of slavery” even though slavery was abolished in 1851. Until the 1960s, working conditions on the hacienda were still regarded by the population as akin to slavery. This article discusses a revolt in the ’60s in the Santa Ana hacienda, now an Afro-Ecuadorian community of the same name. Here, the master’s sexual abuse led to a rebellion by a working adolescent. The rebellion led to an insurrection by the workers who, in addition to fighting for the end of the landlord system and the distribution of land, fought for the dismissal and disappearance of the master. Together, these events redefined ideas of development, of private property, and domestic labor especially by women.

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Bezerra Neto, José Maia. "Uma certa tradição rebelde". Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro 184, n. 492 (4 dicembre 2023): 110–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.23927/revihgb.v.184.n.492.2023.52.

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In the article, we consider the rebellious slave tradition associated with the political struggles of the first half of the 19th century as having three diferent moments. Firstly, in the 1820s, when there was a political break with Portugal; secondly, during the regency period in the 1830s, amid the uncertainties surrounding the process of independence and the formation of the National State with a focus on the Cabanagem; and, thirdly, during the consolidation of the independence process between 1840 and 1850, with the end of the slave trade and the preservation of slavery under conservative hegemony. This, to a large extent, is believed to have undermined the rebellious slave tradition.

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Orser Jr, Charles E., e Pedro P. A. Funari. "Archaeology and slave resistance and rebellion". World Archaeology 33, n. 1 (1 giugno 2001): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438240120047636.

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Orser, Charles E., e Pedro P. A. Funari. "Archaeology and slave resistance and rebellion". World Archaeology 33, n. 1 (gennaio 2001): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438240126646.

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43

Hall, Catherine. "A Jamaica of the Mind: Gender, Colonialism, and the Missionary Venture". Studies in Church History 34 (1998): 361–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013759.

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Mary Ann Middleditch, a young woman of twenty in 1833, living in Wellingborough in Northamptonshire and working in a school, confided in her letters her passionate feelings about Jamaica and the emancipation of slaves. The daughter of a Baptist minister, she had grown up in the culture of dissent and antislavery and felt deeply identified with the slaves whose stories had become part of the books she read, the sermons she heard, the hymns she sang, the poems she quoted, and the missionary meetings she attended. In 1833, at the height of the antislavery agitation, Mary Ann followed the progress of William Knibb in Northamptonshire. Knibb, who was born in nearby Kettering, had gone to Jamaica as a Baptist missionary in 1824 and been radicalized by his encounter with slavery. In the aftermath of the slave rebellion of 1831, widely known as the Baptist War because of the associations between some of the slave leaders and the Baptist churches, the planters had organized against the missionaries, burnt their chapels and mission stations, persecuted and threatened those whom they saw as responsible. Faced with the realization that their mission could not coexist with slavery the Baptist missionaries in Jamaica sent William Knibb, their most eloquent spokesman, to England to present their case. Abandoning the established orthodoxy that missionaries must keep out of politics, Knibb openly declared his commitment to abolition. The effect was electric and his speeches, up and down the country, were vital to the effective organization of a powerful antislavery campaign which resulted in the Emancipation Act of 1833.

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Shumakov, Andrey A. "Gabriel’s plot of 1800: the story of the failed uprising". Tyumen State University Herald. Humanities Research. Humanitates 8, n. 3 (2022): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2411-197x-2022-8-3-125-142.

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This article analyzes one of the most significant, yet understudied events in African-American history. The Virginia Conspiracy or the Gabriel Conspiracy of 1800 is considered the most famous case of organizing a mass armed uprising of slaves in the United States. Inspired by the ideas and examples of the American, Great French and Haitian revolutions, black slaves tried not just to raise an uprising and achieve liberation, but actually challenged the slave-owning orders of the entire white South. The scale and geography of the conspiracy leave no doubt that it originally implied a mass armed demonstration, which was to begin simultaneously in several cities of Virginia and spread to neighboring states. The purpose of this study is to analyze and restore the chronicle of the main events related to the Virginia Conspiracy of 1800. The materials of the trial and some periodicals act as a source base, while the author also relies on the research of leading American experts on this topic. The main objectives of the study include: to consider the background of the conspiracy and some issues of Gabriel’s early biography and to study the process of preparing a speech and the immediate implementation of the plan. The article also analyzes the consequences of the events of 1800 for the legislation of Virginia and the entire white South. The main methods are historical-descriptive and comparative-historical, allowing to draw the necessary parallels with similar historical phenomena, such as the Virginia Uprising led by Nat Turner in 1831. The conclusion shows that the slave conspiracy of 1800 was planned in the most careful way, while the reason for its failure was a combination of purely subjective factors. Simultaneously, Gabriel’s failed rebellion demonstrated the vulnerability of the White South in the face of slave uprisings, as well as the high degree of self-organization of the Black community and the beginning of the formation of an African-American identity.

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Kolonitskii, Boris Ivanovich. "‘Rebellious Slaves’ and ‘Great Citizen’". Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 7, n. 1 (2014): 1–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102388-00700001.

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The article treats one of A. F. Kerenskii’s most important speeches, the speech of 29 April 1917, known to historians for its reference to ‘rebellious slaves.’ It examines the speech’s political significance by reconstructing its reception and political currency and by analyzing its effect on the revolution’s political culture. The article compares variants of the speech as reported in the political press, resolutions and collective letters printed in the press, and also Kerenskii’s personal documents bearing on the speech. The article demonstrates that Kerenskii’s speech was a part of his tactical effort to create a coalition government on conditions favorable to him. The speech had a major impact on the political rhetoric of the revolutionary epoch, with various participants in the political arena manipulating Kerenskii’s reference to ‘rebellious slaves’ for their own purposes. The address contributed to the formation of a personality cult, built on Kerenskii’s image as ‘leader of the people.’

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Austin, Gareth. "‘No Elders Were Present’: Commoners and Private Ownership In Asante, 1807–96". Journal of African History 37, n. 1 (marzo 1996): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034770.

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It has been argued here that the impression, given by most of the existing literature, of near-total state dominance over the economic sources of wealth in the Asante economy during 1807–83 is mistaken. Admittedly, there was a large and often thriving state sector in the export–import trade; the state had a share in the production of marketable goods; chiefs had the largest concentrations of slaves and slave-descendants; and inheritance taxes gave the state a powerful instrument for the appropriation of privately generated wealth. But the accumulation of evidence now suggests that the private sector, too, was a major force in the extra-subsistence economy: an economy which included a lively domestic trade, which has been given too little scholarly attention. It appears that it was possible for ordinary commoners to acquire wealth through both external and internal trade, and through production for both export and domestic markets. The widespread acquisition of slaves by commoners, for incorporation in their households, was both a measure of financial achievement and a critical means for enhancing it in future. Death duties amounted normally to a form of progressive taxation rather than to wholesale expropriation.It is suggested that the private sector is most plausibly seen as comprising a relatively small number of producers and traders prosperous enough to be considered as members of the asikafoɔ, the wealthy, plus a mass of people supplying export markets on a small unit scale. It seems reasonable to assume that the strong position of commoners within the post-Atlantic slave trade economy of Asante, and their accumulation of slaves and other forms of wealth, involved a relative decline, at least compared to the second half of the eighteenth century, in the chiefs' share of foreign trade and general wealth. Such a shift, and in particular the emergence of small producers and traders as a major element in the export economy, provides support for Hopkins' interpretation of the nineteenth-century commercial transition in West Africa generally. One qualification to Hopkins' analysis is that, while it allowed for the large-scale application of slave labour within the ‘economy of legitimate commerce’ by former exporters of slaves, it did not explicitly envisage the widespread use of small numbers of slaves and pawns by small producers and traders.The shift in the distribution of income had political consequences. The essay argues that it is necessary to revise the argument, put forward by Wilks, about the emergence of a ‘middle-class’ element in the political conflicts of the last years of Asante independence. In particular, the proposition that such a movement developed primarily amongst the members of a monopolistic state trading company is rejected. In any case, it was a mass of commoners, rather than an ‘organized middle class’, that took the decisive role in the uprising that overthrew Mensa Bonsu in 1883. It is suggested that this was the political climax of the ‘adaptive challenge’ presented by the ending of slave exports: a movement of export-producing commoners, poor and rich alike, against the centralizing monarchy's new and punitive measures to raise revenue. The commoners sought not to overthrow chieftaincy but to use its authority to amplify their protests. Finally, it is suggested that the 1883 rising was the start of a pattern of rebellion by export-suppliers, in alliance with chiefs, against what they saw as organized extortion: a pattern that was to recur in the cocoa hold-ups of the 1930s and the National Liberation Movement of the mid-1950s.

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Sokil, Hanna. "Nomination Problems of Rebel Song". Folk art and ethnology, n. 3 (30 luglio 2022): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/nte2022.03.015.

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Terminological issues are considered as an important aspect of the folklore study. Their clear interpretation helps and Terminological issues are considered as an important aspect of the folklore study. Their clear interpretation helps and makes it easy to carry out the research. We face various definitions of the phenomenon «rebellious folklore» and, in particular, «rebellious song» («antioccupational», «guerilla», «slave», «the folklore of forest guys», «rebellious folklore», etc.) at the modern stage. The definitions «rebellious songs», «the songs of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army», «revolutionary», «Bandera’s songs», «military songs» are used simultaneously. The views of the researchers of this oral vocabulary level are generalized and the authoress visions are expressed. The purpose of the submitted article is to analyze the problems of study and nomination of a rebellious song at the modern period, to determine the questions of terminology and the criteria of genre division.

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Brewer, Holly. "“Hearing Nat Turner”: Within the 1831 Slave Rebellion". Law & Social Inquiry 46, n. 3 (agosto 2021): 910–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2021.29.

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AbstractIn this chef d’oeuvre, Tomlins offers a heuristic for how to extract the words, ideas, and actions of Nat Turner, the Black, enslaved man who led the most important slave rebellion in American history. Tomlins makes such an effort from within a cluster of different kinds of sources, each one a small window on the past, none of which Turner personally wrote. How to see beyond these particularly distorted glass windows on the past is not obvious. Tomlins’s In the Matter of Nat Turner provides a key not only to Turner, and to his powerful sense of how to fracture the fragile legitimacy of the southern slaveholding elite, but also a metaphysics of interpretive strategy that can serve as a theoretical model.

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Anagnost, Adrian. "Dread Scott’s Slave Rebellion Reenactment: Site, Time, Embodiment". RACAR : Revue d'art canadienne 46, n. 2 (2021): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1085421ar.

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Łukaszyk, Ewa A. "Collective Awareness and Lyrical Poetry: The Emergence of Creole Literary Culture in the Archipelago of São Tomé and Príncipe". Interlitteraria 28, n. 2 (31 dicembre 2023): 260–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2023.28.2.6.

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The problem discussed in the article is the emergence of the autonomous literary system on the islands of São Tomé and Príncipe, a former Portuguese slave emporium, as well as coffee and cocoa producing colony. Several concurrent narrations concerning the emergence of the Santomense literary system are presented. One of them accentuates the groundbreaking role of a particular institution, Casa dos Estudantes do Império; other narrations inscribe the literature of the tiny archipelago in a larger system of Portuguese-speaking literature (Lusophony). The author of the present article postulates a radical enlargement of the chronological and cultural perspective, including the legacy of the Angolars (rebellious slaves) and their collective awareness in the genesis of the local literary tradition, in parity with such elements as the legacy of the Portuguese colonizers and free Creole social groups (Forros). It could be a way of overcoming the Eurocentric “chronopolitics” that remained valid also in the postcolonial studies, associating the decolonial processes, on the one hand, with the metropolis as a place where the decolonial thought took shape, and on the other, with the chronology, rhythms, and trends of its literary evolution.

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