Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Shelby High School (Shelby, Ohio)"

Although most teachers are familiar with growth mindsets, many conflate it with other terms or concepts or have difficulties understanding how to best foster growth mindsets in their students. Shelby Clark and Madora Soutter describe how growth mindsets are related to, yet distinct from, intellectual risk-taking and share strategies for fostering both in students. The strategies come from their yearlong research project observing classes and interviewing students and teachers at a high school that uses a discussion-based pedagogy known as the Harkness method.

Background/Context This study builds upon research on teacher professional communities and high school restructuring reforms. It employs a conceptual framework that draws upon theories of “community of practice” and “community of learners.” Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study This study analyzes how teachers’ professional inquiry communities at the high school level constitute a resource for school reform and instructional improvement. Setting This research focused on a reforming, comprehensive urban public high school with site-based management. Population/Participants/Subjects This study investigates the practices of six school-based oral inquiry groups known as Critical Friends Groups (CFGs), which were selected as cases of mature professional communities. Twenty-five teachers and administrators participated as informants. Research Design This research involved a video-based, qualitative case study. Data Collection and Analysis Data included observations of CFG meetings, interviews with teachers and administrators, and document collection. Analysis entailed coding with qualitative software, development of analytic cross-CFG meta-matrices, discourse analytic techniques, and joint viewing of video records with informants. Findings/Results The author explores four particular design features of CFGs—their diverse menu of activities, their decentralized structure, their interdisciplinary membership, and their reliance on structured conversation tools called “protocols”—showing how these features carry within them endemic tensions that compel these professional communities to negotiate a complicated set of professional development choices. Conclusions/Recommendations The findings demonstrate how the enactment of design choices holds particular consequences for the nature and quality of teacher learning and school improvement. Although CFGs enhanced teachers’ collegial relationships, their awareness of research-based practices and reforms, their schoolwide knowledge, and their capacity to undertake instructional improvement, these professional communities offered an inevitably partial combination of supports for teacher professional development. In particular, CFGs exerted minimal influence on teachers’ pedagogical content knowledge. CFGs would benefit from regular and systematic metacognitive and process-oriented reflections to identify how their collaborative practices might optimally advance their “bottom line” goal of improving teacher practice to increase student achievement. Additionally, high schools might pursue multiple and complementary CFG-like professional development opportunities in subject matter departments and interdisciplinary grade-level academy teams. Mid-afternoon sunlight pours into Principal Alec Gordon's living room on this early release day.1 Lounging on chairs and the carpeted floor, 11 members of Revere High School's staff—among them teachers, the principal, an instructional aide, and a counselor—are in the midst of a structured conversation about a collection of student pinhole photographs brought by Lars, an art teacher. As the group talks, some members hold and peruse the black and white matted images. One member muses aloud, “Not that Lars can answer this now, but I wonder what was the purpose of this assignment? Will doing pinhole photographs make students better photographers or is this just a fun exercise?” As required by the protocol structure, Lars sits silently listening to his colleagues’ attempt to make sense of his students’ products, as well as the instructional context that generated them. Prompted by a timekeeper, the facilitator eventually shifts the conversation. “Oh, it's time? It's time. OK, next in this protocol, we reflect on the process as a group. Share what you learned about the student, about your colleagues, about yourself. Use questions from the previous page.” As the group concludes this conversation, their 3-hour monthly meeting comes to a close. They carry cups and plates to the kitchen and gather up the papers that have accumulated in their laps and on the coffee table. Several photocopies of student essays on violence prevention, as well as copies of a Michelle Fine article, get stowed away into briefcases and knapsacks. Lars collects his students’ work, putting pinhole cameras in a bag and rolling up a poster-sized enlargement of a playground shot. Some members assemble on the deck over the water chatting; their laughter floats into the living room. Others congregate by the fireplace to share lingering ideas with Shelby, the health teacher who brought the violence prevention essays. In the dining room, a veteran math teacher approaches a first-year chemistry teacher and asks how his year is going. Meanwhile, some members scurry off, thanking their host and bidding farewell to the group.

High-Order Markov Chains (HOMC) are conventional models, based on transition probabilities, that are used by the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) National Agricultural Statistics Service (NASS) to study crop-rotation patterns over time. However, HOMCs routinely suffer from sparsity and identifiability issues because the categorical data are represented as indicator (or dummy) variables. In fact, the dimension of the parametric space increases exponentially with the order of HOMCs required for analysis. While parsimonious representations reduce the number of parameters, as has been shown in the literature, they often result in less accurate predictions. Most parsimonious models are trained on big data structures, which can be compressed and efficiently processed using alternative algorithms. Consequently, a thorough evaluation and comparison of the prediction results obtain using a new HOMC algorithm and different types of Deep Neural Networks (DNN) across a range of agricultural conditions is warranted to determine which model is most appropriate for operational crop specific land cover prediction of United States (US) agriculture. In this paper, six neural network models are applied to crop rotation data between 2011 and 2021 from six agriculturally intensive counties, which reflect the range of major crops grown and a variety of crop rotation patterns in the Midwest and southern US. The six counties include: Renville, North Dakota; Perkins, Nebraska; Hale, Texas; Livingston, Illinois; McLean, Illinois; and Shelby, Ohio. Results show the DNN models achieve higher overall prediction accuracy for all counties in 2021. The proposed DNN models allow for the ingestion of long time series data, and robustly achieve higher accuracy values than a new HOMC algorithm considered for predicting crop specific land cover in the US.

AbstractInequities in urban greenspace have been identified, though patterns by race and socioeconomic status vary across US settings. We estimated the magnitude of the relationship between a broad mixture of neighborhood-level factors and residential greenspace using weighted quantile sum (WQS) regression, and compared predictive models of greenspace using only neighborhood-level, only individual-level, or multi-level predictors. Greenspace measures included the Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI), tree canopy, and proximity of the nearest park, for residential locations in Shelby County, Tennessee of children in the CANDLE cohort. Neighborhood measures include socioeconomic and education resources, as well as racial composition and racial residential segregation. In this sample of 1012 mother–child dyads, neighborhood factors were associated with higher NDVI and tree canopy (0.021 unit higher NDVI [95% CI: 0.014, 0.028] per quintile increase in WQS index); homeownership rate, proximity of and enrollment at early childhood education centers, and racial composition, were highly weighted in the WQS index. In models constrained in the opposite direction (0.028 unit lower NDVI [95% CI: − 0.036, − 0.020]), high school graduation rate and teacher experience were highly weighted. In prediction models, adding individual-level predictors to the suite of neighborhood characteristics did not meaningfully improve prediction accuracy for greenspace measures. Our findings highlight disparities in greenspace for families by neighborhood socioeconomic and early education factors, and by race, suggesting several neighborhood indicators for consideration both as potential confounders in studies of greenspace and pediatric health as well as in the development of policies and programs to improve equity in greenspace access.

This study examined the effects of bullying on the lives of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) students age 18 to 25 who attended high schools in Shelby County, Tennessee. A qualitative research method was utilized to examine and determine the perception of fifty-three lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgendered youth homophobic experiences while attending high school. The study obtained the perceptions of LGBT youth based on the following questions: (1) What do LGBT youth believe are the reasons for homophobic bullying?, (2) How do acts of homophobic bullying affect, mentally and emotionally, the lives of those involved?, (3) And what types of homophobic bullying are evident in public high schools in Shelby County, Tennessee?

Although there has been a plethora of research conducted to document the effects of homophobic bullying on the lives of LGBT youth, no research could be found that investigated the effects of homophobic bullying on the lives of LGBT youth attending high school in Shelby County, Tennessee. Furthermore, most anti-bullying policies in schools in Shelby County, Tennessee do not include bullying against LGBT youth.

The study found that LGBT believed they experienced homophobic bullying because they were gay or presumed to be gay. Some LGBT youth felt the homophobic bullying they experienced caused poor grades, depression, and low self- esteem.

The study provides the information that will assist high school administrators and staff in combating homophobic bullying and discrimination against LGBT youth. Protecting LGBT students mean making changes to some anti-bullying policies that may exist in some schools. Schools must establish clear comprehensive policies which specifically address homophobic bullying. All schools should implement safe school policies that encompass the welfare of all students.

This chapter introduces Arnold Thurman, the basketball coach at all-white Bagdad High School in Shelby County. Thurman had played basketball at Berea College with African American players, and he welcomed black schools into the KHSAA. But Thurman faced resistance from the Bagdad fans and from at least one of his players. Thurman told his principal that if Bagdad were ever to achieve its goal of playing in the state tournament, it would have to play teams with African American players. Thurman became the first white coach to schedule a game with Lincoln Institute. Gilliard began constructing his team along the lines of Tennessee State, whose coach, John McLendon, favored a fast-breaking offense and a pressing defense. The integration of Kentucky's public schools progressed modestly in the 1957–1958 school year and avoided the unrest that erupted elsewhere, such as in Montgomery, Alabama, and Little Rock, Arkansas.

Scruggs played around Cleveland County through his schoolboy and teen years, wherever and whenever there was a spot available. Not yet a professional, he played with his brother at a fish camp, or open-air restaurant, on the broad river near the Flint Hill neighborhood. Times were hard and Earl got a job at Lily Mills in Shelby to help support his mother. He continued to play locally with groups such as the Orange Blossom Hillbillies and the Carolina Wildcats. Playing during breaks at the mill gave him his first sense that others would enjoy his music. Graduating from Boiling Springs High School, he took a job with regional favorites, the Morris Brothers, and then worked with Lost John Miller and the Allied Kentuckians in Knoxville as his last job before joining Bill Monroe on the Grand Ole Opry.

This chapter describes Lincoln Institute's run through the Thirtieth District and the challenges it faced in the Eighth Region tournament. Lincoln defeated powerful Oldham County on a last-second shot by Crayton and then breezed to an 85–64 victory in the title game against Carrollton High School. But racism reared its ugly head when Carrollton's players and fans came out onto the floor and refused to let the Lincoln players cut down the nets, a customary practice for the winning team. Two police officers stood by and did nothing as a near riot ensued between the Carrollton fans and the Lincoln supporters, many of whom were white fans from Shelby County. The Carrollton team was suspended and placed on probation by the KHSAA for its actions, and the Homeless Tigers headed to the state tournament.