Articoli di riviste sul tema "Sex role – scandinavia"

The author considers some of the ‘blind spots’ of the ‘Scandinavian-centric’ hypotheses on the emergence of the Old Russian state. He shows that adherents of the ‘Scandinavian-centric paradigm’ very often resort to ad hoc explanations without noticing the critical contradictions in their constructions. If we collect partial statements of the Scandinavian-centred hypotheses, we see how they begin to contradict each other. For example, according to Elena Melnikova, Old Russian ‘варѧгъ’ comes from Scandinavian ‘væringi’, which in turn comes from Greek ‘βάρaγγοι’, and Greek ‘βάρaγγοι’ in turn comes from the Old Russian ‘варѧгъ’. In the context of the processes leading to the formation of the Old Russian state, the author critically evaluates the ideas of the ‘Scandinavian control over the Baltic-Volga trade route’ and ‘Scandinavian colonies’ in Eastern Europe. The local polities of early medieval Eastern Europe, whether Slavic, Baltic or Finnish, obviously possessed sufficient power and military potential to close off uncontrolled movement along the river routes to the Scandinavians if they so wished. The author also raises the question of the initial political status and real role in the formation of the Old Russian state of the emerging settlements specialized in trade in Ladoga and Gnezdovo.

“Vikings”, the Viking Age and Viking RomanticismThe aim of this article is to take a critical look at the term “Vikings”, both as it was used in the time now referred to as the Viking Age, and as it is used today. It will also examine the degree to which Scandinavian activity during the Viking Age can justify this name being given to the epoch.With regard to the term “Vikings”, it is pointed out that, from the term’s earliest known occurrence in Anglo-Saxon glossaries around AD 600 up until some point in time around 1300 when it seems to disappear from the Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian languages, with Icelandic as a possible exception, it was unequivocally used in reference to pirates. In this respect it had no ethnic or geographic connotations but could, in Anglo-Saxon or Norse sources, be used in reference to anyone who behaved as a pirate, anywhere: Israelites crossing the Red Sea, Muslims encountering Norwegian crusaders in the Mediterranean, Caucasian pirates, Estonian and Baltic pirates in the Baltic Sea. Accordingly, a “Viking” was, in the earliest sources, not yet synonymous with a Scandinavian.Furthermore, those who have attempted to derive an etymology for the word have omitted to take into consideration that at an early stage – in the first centuries AD – it was borrowed into Slavonic with the meaning: hero and warrior. Consequently, these attempts were unsuccessful.After having disappeared as a living word, it subsequently emerged from obscurity when Danish and Swedish historians began to compete with respect to creating the most glorious past for their respective countries and, in the process, became aware of the Icelandic sagas as a possible source. However, these historians no longer understood Old Icelandic and had to have the texts translated. The year 1633 saw the first major translation into Danish of Snorri’s Heimskringla. It is apparent from this that the translator was convinced his readers would not know what a “Viking” was. Consequently, explanatory additions were inserted at virtually all its occurrences. These clearly demonstrate that, for the translator, the word still meant pirate and was, as yet, still not synonymous with a Scandinavian.A “Viking” first became a Scandinavian with the advent of Romanticism, primarily thanks to the two Swedish poets Erik Gustaf Geijer (1783-1847), with the poem Vikingen, and Esaias Tegnér (1782-1846), with his new version of the Old Norse Friðþjófs saga hins frœkna. With the publication of these two works “Viking” became for the first time a household word and was now used exclusively in reference to Scandinavians; with this meaning it rapidly spread to other languages. Around the middle of the 19th century the word also began to be used in this sense by archaeologists and historians.Soon the word “Viking” also became linked with the term for a period, the Viking Age, a period which was characterised by increasing Scandinavian activity outside Scandinavia. As the archaeological evidence could not, at that time, yet be dated with any precision, it was the evidence from written sources with respect to attacks on monasteries in the British Isles towards the end of the 8th century AD which, just as is still the case, came to mark the beginning of the Viking Age. While the written sources are today more or less the same as they were in the 19th century, the archaeological record continues to expand rapidly and the potential for dating is constantly being refined. As a consequence, we now know that Scandinavians were active both in the British Isles to the west and along the East European rivers long before the attacks on the above-mentioned monasteries.Although the activities of Scandinavians in the east have never played a major role in general Viking studies, it is perhaps there that they had their most radical consequences for posterity.Dendrochronological dates now show that Scandinavians settled at Staraja Ladoga around AD 750 from where, at an early point in time, they continued along the Volga towards the Caliphate. Later, however, towards the end of the 9th century, the route along the Dnepr to Byzantium became of greater importance. It was here that Scandinavians, known as “Rus”, by establishing military bases intended to safeguard the trade route and, by forging alliances with the local populations, established the principality to which they gave their name and which subsequently became Russia: Undoubtedly the most marked consequence of Scandinavian activity during the Viking Age.These trade-related bases, together with several rapidly growing trading places in the Scandinavian and Baltic areas, were part of a major long-distance trade network which conveyed goods between east and west. A characteristic feature of these trading places was that, apart from the local population, Scandinavians were the only group to be represented at more or less all of them. It seems that this long-distance trade network was based around Scandinavians. If justification is to be found for Scandinavian activity giving its name to an epoch in European history it must be in the form of this long-distance trade network, rather than war and plunder. At the same time, the temporal boundary for this period should be shunted back to the early 8th century.It is clear that our use of the term “Vikings” in reference to Scandinavians of that period is erroneous. In principle it should, in a research perspective, be abandoned in favour of “Scandinavians” or narrow contemporaneous ethnically- or geographically-based terms. But is this possible given that “Viking” has today become one of the most successful brands for Scandinavians and Scandinavia, and with powerful associated commercial interests?John LindCenter for MiddelalderstudierSyddansk Universitet

Abstract Background. A role for genetic factors in chronic lymphocytic leukemia (CLL) is unequivocal based on evidence from multiply affected families, from case series, twin and case-control studies, and population-based registry studies. Similar characteristics have been observed for non-Hodgkin lymphoma (NHL) and Hodgkin lymphoma (HL). Population-based studies have found CLL, NHL and HL to co-occur in families. A few hospital-based series have explored survival outcomes in familial vs. sporadic CLL patients based on the hypothesis that genetic mechanisms involved in the causation of familial lymphomas might influence survival, however these have been based on small numbers with inconsistent findings. We have conducted a large study in Scandinavia including more than 41,000 lymphoma patients to quantify survival outcomes among familial vs. sporadic patients. Methods. We used the population-based central Cancer and Multigenerational Registries in Sweden and Denmark to identify all CLL (n=7749), NHL (n=25801), and HL (n=7476) patients diagnosed 1958–2001, with linkable first-degree relatives. All relatives were linked with the Cancer Registries to obtain information on CLL, NHL, and HL. Using Cox proportional hazard models, we calculated hazard ratios (HRs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) as measures of overall survival for CLL, NHL, and HL patients with vs. without family history of lymphoma. Results. We found 85 (1.1%) CLL, 207 (0.8%) NHL, and 96 (1.3%) HL patients with family history of lymphoma. Overall survival was similar for CLL (HR=1.24, 95% CI 0.93–1.67), NHL (HR=0.97, 95% CI 0.80–1.16), and HL (HR=0.78, 95% CI 0.51–1.19) patients with vs. without family history of lymphoma. Risk-estimates were similar when we calculated overall survival by age at lymphoma diagnosis (above vs. below median age), year at diagnosis (before vs. after 1987), and by sex. Consistent with the literature, including all CLL, NHL and HL patients, older age (p<0.001) and male gender (p<0.001) was associated with poorer survival. However, when analyses were restricted to patients with family history of lymphoma, only older age (p<0.005) remained significant. Conclusions: Survival patterns were similar for CLL, NHL, and HL patients with vs. without family history of lymphoma, suggesting that familial lymphomas do not have an altered clinical course. Overall, there is no evidence at this time to modify therapeutic strategies for patients with CLL, NHL, or HL based solely on family history.

To understand the school’s role in society and its works, it became essential to reevaluate its functions and importance for society after the aggressive attack of the COVID-19 pandemic. Thus, a new educational space design represents a powerful and required tool for stimulating creativity and increasing concentration, motivation, and assimilation of knowledge for future generations. The article will use appreciative inquiry as a method that works with perspective ideas readings doted by high positive human sensitivity. It also represents a powerful tool for the students’ opinions about the teaching spaces and environments. To improve the performance of educational institutions and schools, considering the sustainability concepts and biophilic designs has become an urgent necessity within the Scandinavian countries and in the world in general. The scientific research and theoretical analysis within the biophilic theory have been conducted to see how the designer can integrate the nature components holistically in the educational environment based on spatial, visual, and ecological integration concepts. The study aims to develop knowledge about applying biophilia as a phenomenon in educational institutes of Scandinavia where the students among others are the main decision-maker. The article’s main finding is that students dream of free open teaching spaces integrated with nature, where the biophilic theory frameworks are suitable to form this sustainable model that enables educational institutions and schools to improve their performance within different stages of the study.

A modern field project in archaeology is a co-operative enterprise serving an extensive and diverse public. We can no longer afford to disturb the bones of our ancestors under the mantle of serendipity or academic intuition. The archaeologist, as the one person destined ever to see the evidence at first hand, strives for the virtue of enlightened impartiality, and sets off like an explorer, constrained by communal responsibilities and armed with a list of questions furnished by a wide variety of clients. Since Sutton Hoo has been hailed as the most vivid and instructive set of archaeological evidence for the seventh-century yet identified, Anglo-Saxon questions dominate this lengthy agenda. What was the status of the great ship burial discovered there in 1939? What was the role of the cemetery in which it lay? Why was it sited in that particular place, on a scarp above the River Deben in south-east Suffolk (see pi. V)? Was it the burial ground of kings, and were they kings of East Anglia? Was it a national centre or an overdeveloped version of the local mortuary culture? Is it diagnostic of a formative kingdom, or out of joint with the times, the outstation of a religious and political affiliation alien to the hinterland? What was its connection with Scandinavia and the Scandinavians? Were its people Anglo-Saxon, or Anglian or Saxon or British or multi-racial? Was it typical or unique?

The cult of St. Olaf among sea merchants and its manifestation in testaments of Lübeck Bergenfahrer St. Olaf was one of the most vivid symbols of religious life in the northern part of medieval Europe. Many churches devoted to him were scattered across Scandinavian countries and his resting place in Nidaros (Trondheim) cathedral attracted numerous believers. As a patron saint of Norwegian kings and various organizations he seems to be a religious icon that permeated into some lay aspects of life, including the economic sphere. Although relatedness of his cult to sea is apparent in the oldest liturgical texts, Scandinavian sources pointed out in this article provide no certain evidence proving its relevancy to sea trade. However, in the Late Middle Ages St. Olaf’s cult gained popularity among the Bergenfahrer – Lübeck sea merchants strongly involved in the commercial activity in Bergen. Testaments left by the Bergenfahrer constitute a set of evidence that illuminates the role that St. Olaf’s cult played among this group of merchants. This role seems to be twofold: St. Olaf’s cult was a symbol which shaped corporate identity of the Bergenfahrer, contributing to the organisational sphere of their activity, and provided spiritual support which shaped personal identity of individual merchants.

The 13th volume of The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies reflects some of the research presented at the 12th International conference on Baltic and Nordic studies titled "Rethinking multiculturalism, multilingualism, and cultural diplomacy in Scandinavia and The Baltic Sea Region," which will be held on May 27-28, 2021, under the auspices of the Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies. RethinkMulti-Kulti2021 was called to reflect on multiculturalism, multilingualism, and cultural diplomacy in Scandinavia and the Baltic Sea Region 10 years after German Chancellor Angela Merkel predicted the end of German multicultural society. Many politicians with Conservative leanings praised the confirmation that the half-century-cherished multi-kulti "utterly failed," and far-right gurus interpreted it as an omen. Furthermore, Merkel's track record as a committed democratic-minded politician, EU leader, and proponent of migrant integration has garnered near-universal support for this argument. Furthermore, in academia, Merkel's assertion has never been adequately questioned, but rather taken for granted. Meanwhile, policies governing multiculturalism and multilingualism in the EU and EEA have been stuck in a rut, particularly in what Fareed Zakaria properly refers to as illiberal democracies. The purpose of the conference was not to resurrect the political objective behind multi-kulti, but rather to critically reassess the role of multiculturalism, multilinguism, and cultural diplomacy from the viewpoint of Scandinavia and the Baltic Sea Region. We see Scandinavia and the Baltic Sea Region as interrelated and partially overlapping by a plethora of historical, cultural, and social channels, hence papers dealing with multiculturalism, multilinguism, and cultural diplomacy as reflected in these regions and wider Europe were planned. Papers on connections, liaisons, affiliations, divergences, animosity, legal or de facto statuses of cultures and languages in Scandinavia and the Baltic Sea Region were also presented during the conference. How multilingualism, multiculturalism, and cultural diplomacy prospered or muddled through transitions from liberal nations to far-right or far-left governments and back were also addressed. The volume's first issue focuses on lingualism, bilingualism, and multilingualism as a path to diversity and how individuals reflected on it. Kari Alenius looks at the telling case of the Sámi minority in northern Finland and the disputes over whether or not to grant it wide autonomy, which was ultimately determined in favor of opponents of the proposal. Johanna Domokos examines the case studies of two contemporary multilingual writers, Sabira Sthlberg from Finland and Tzveta Sofronieva from Bulgaria, to demonstrate how they aspire to address cross-culturally to readers of all languages, backgrounds, and locations, concluding that "the reader is empowered to take part in not only piecing together but creating a better 'new' world." Sabira Sthlberg is the author and coauthor of two articles that address multiculturalism in a very solid and original manner. The first follows the partly mythical and partly tourist-tracking journey of international traveller and well-known Swedish-language author Göran Schildt, who sailed on his yacht Daphne in the Black Sea and the Danube Delta in the summer of 1963 as one of the first cracks in the curtain separating the two opposing ideological blocs. The latter, co-signed with Dorijan Hajdu, focuses on the relationships between family members, as expressed particularly in Swedish and Serbian language, allowing for a highly comprehensive knowledge of diversity from inside. Finally, Adél Furu's most recent article in our journal examines educational trends in the context of Russian and Estonian second language training in Finland, observing the shift from language loss to language maintenance. We hope that all of these pieces will spark new thought on the subject and help our readers better comprehend multiculturalism and multilinguism as they were perceived and implemented in Europe, particularly in our and the previous century.

The Co, Hf, Ce, Cr, Th, and REE systematics are analyzed for modern sediments collected by a bottom grab during the 67th and 68th cruises of R/V “Akademik Mstislav Keldysh” and samples taken in the Barents Sea bays and inlets. Our results indicate that most modern bottom sediments are composed of fine silicoclastic material enhanced with a suspended matter of the North Cape current, which erodes the western coast of Scandinavia, and due to bottom erosion of some marine areas, as well as erosion of rock complexes of the Kola Peninsula, Novaya Zemlya, and Franz Josef Land (local provenances). Material from Spitsbergen also probably played a certain role. In the southern part of the Barents Sea, clastic material is supplied by the Pechora River.

During the ninth century, Iona’s ancient role as the administrative and jurisdictional center of a united, pan-Gaelicfamilia Iaewas brought to an end when it was superseded in Ireland by Kells and in what was to become known as Alba by Dunkeld. This process, which effectively created two distinct Columban churches, has traditionally been viewed as a direct consequence of the disruptive, sometimes destructive, presence of Scandinavian raiders in the Irish Sea and around the western isles. It has long been presumed that their depredations, which gained especial attention from annalists and chroniclers when a monastery was pillaged, “drove a wedge” between Ireland and northern Britain and so established ade factoschism in both secular and ecclesiastical Gaelic society. However, as John Bannerman has highlighted, the effect of the Scandinavian incursions on the Columban Church and its eventual dichotomy has been exaggerated, with the period of actual raiding relatively short-lived.

From its emergence in the 7th century until its fall in 965, the Khazar Khaganate played a decisive role among the tribes and peoples settled in Eastern Europe. The Pax Khazarica contributed to the stabilization of ethnic and political relations in the region, which in turn gave the khaganate a high status in contacts with the Byzantine Empire and the Abbasid Caliphate. The Khazars benefited from the favorable geographic location and the benefits they gained from participating in long-distance trade. With the arrival of Scandinavian newcomers and the development of their settlement in the northern and north-eastern part of the Ruthenian lands (the area around Lake Ladoga and the upper Volga basin), contacts with them played an increasingly important role in the history of the Chaganate in the 9th-10th centuries. Oleg’s taking of power in Kiev and the territorial development of the Ruthenian state was a crucial moment. Although the Khazars maintained a strong position among the peoples and tribes of Eastern Europe during the first half of the 10th century, it was not without difficulties. The reason was the growing activity of the Scandinavians not only among the Slavs who settled in the basin of the Dnieper, Oka and the upper Volga, but also in the lands that were the immediate hinterland of the khaganate (Black Sea region, the mouth of the Volga and the Caspian region). In addition to merchant expeditions, the Varangians organized - with great panache and range - raids of a looting nature (e.g. Prince Igor’s campaigns). It cannot be ruled out that they inuenced the nature of the relationship between the Khazars and their dependent tribes in Eastern Europe. The collapse of the Khaganate, which took place as a result of the war campaigns undertaken by Prince Sviatoslav (965, 969), may indicate a more significant (than previously assumed) internal weakening of the Khazar state. Undoubtedly, it was related to the change in the current system of political and ethnic relations in Eastern Europe, and the actions of the Kiev princes played a decisive role. Another reason was the change in the course of the existing long-distance trade routes, and thus the reduction of the influence that the Khazars obtained from their control. Despite the progress in research on the history of the khaganate, little is known about its relations with the Scandinavians settled in Eastern Europe, as well as with Slavic tribes, including those remaining outside the Khazar sphere of influence, and the consequences of the fall of Khazar domination for the region’s economy. The research conducted so far shows that the influence of the Khazars, although not confirmed in all spheres, was more intense, as evidenced by the reception of the kagan title in relation to the Ruthenian rulers in the 10th-11th centuries.

More than 90% of oceanic heat enters the Arctic Ocean with the Norwegian Current. In this paper we examine the mechanisms of variability of the oceanic heat flux in the Norwegian Current (across the Svinoy section in the southern Norwegian Sea) in 1993–2019. GLORYS oceanic reanalysis with a spatial resolution of 1/12° is used. It is found that the variability of oceanic heat flux is associated with that of water transport, which, in turn, is associated with variability of the sea level gradient across the Norwegian Current. It is shown that an increase in water transport of the Norwegian Current is a result of a decrease of the atmospheric pressure over the central part of the Norwegian Sea. The latter intensifies the southwesterly winds along the Scandinavian Peninsula. The sea level gradients across the Norwegian Current, formed by the winds, are primarily associated with Ekman pumping towards the coast, as well as with the wind stress curl. Both have a significant impact on the variability of water transport through the section. Another factor is variability of the steric sea level gradient, which significantly affects the water transport during the period of a rapid temperature rise of in the Norwegian Current (1995–2005).

Abstract Charles Darwin’s theories were already introduced in Scandinavia in the early 1860s, whereas his two major works, On the Origin of Species (1859) and The Descent of Man (1871), were translated by Danish writer J.P. Jacobsen in the 1870s. Jacobsen acts as an important intermediary both as a scientist and, probably, the first Danish writer whose work is influenced by Darwin’s thoughts. But also in the writings of other authors of the time, e.g. Herman Bang, at least the name “Darwin” infrequently occurs as is also the case with the symbolist writers of the 1890s, e.g. Viggo Stuckenberg and Sophus Claussen. However, not until after 1900 does Darwin serve as an artistic inspiration and a positive role model. This happens in an overpowering manner in the fictional and essayist works of the Danish Nobel Prizewinner Johannes V. Jensen. Jensen’s Darwinism was not countered until the so-called “livsanskuelsesdebat” - a philosophical debate - during the 1920s with the eloquent poet and dramatist Helge Rode as his acute opponent. Hereafter, Darwin’s role in Danish literature decreases significantly unless one wishes to see Peter Høeg’s novel from 1996, Kvinden og aben (The Man and the Ape) as the last example of a Darwin-influence on a literary text.

Animals make up one of the most common motif groups in south Scandinavian Bronze Age rock art, with depictions of pigs and horses, as well as wild animals like red deer and wild boar, occurring in almost all rock art areas. Despite their ubiquity, their treatment in previous research has been inadequate. In this article, the display of animals in the rock art tradition is mapped out and discussed from a perspective based in human-animal relations and social semiotics. The animal figures are analyzed in terms of species, sex, human practice and regional articulations, as well as in relation to the wider archaeological record. The results reveal that animal motifs probably had a dual role during the Bronze Age, showing both the biological reality and the social and symbolic values that were connected to animals. In addition, the animals depicted in rock art also worked as carriers of semiotic resources, which manifested human social and societal ideas and ideals.

This paper presents the results of observations concerning the phenomenon of parthenogenesis among European mites of the suborder Uropodina. An analysis of the sex ratios of 66 Polish species revealed that 18 of them (more than one fourth of the examined species) consisted only of females. The authors observed no significant relationship between geographical distribution and the lack of males in the population. Populations consisting entirely of females were observed among widely distributed species as well as among species characterized by narrow geographical ranges. Nonetheless, an increase in the number of parthenogenetic species, especially as a percentage of Middle European and Scandinavian fauna, was also discernible. Species that reproduced without males were associated with forest litter and soil, whereas bisexual species "eagerly" inhabited various relatively unstable and temporary micro environ ments (for instance, dead wood, birds' or small mammals' nests). The authors aim to define the biological role of occasionally appearing males for the species consisting almost entirely of females and discuss ecological and evolutionary aspects of parthenogenesis in mites of the suborder Uropodina.

Genetic factors are considered to play an important role in determining the susceptibility to the occurrence, clinical course, and functional outcome of an acute ischemic stroke (IS). Undercarboxylation of specific vitamin K-dependent proteins, due to genetic polymorphisms ofVKORC1, can affect both vascular calcification and thrombogenicity. We sought to determine the association ofVKORC1−1639G>Apolymorphism with IS incidence, age of onset, severity of disease, and functional outcome after an acute IS.VKORC1−1639G>Apolymorphism was determined in 145 consecutive patients with first ever IS and 145 age- and sex-matched control subjects of Greek Caucasian origin using PCR-RFLP. Stroke severity and functional outcome were assessed on admission and at one month after stroke, respectively. Frequency ofVKORC1−1639G>Agenotypes did not differ between IS patients and controls (, ). Moreover, carriage of theAallele was not associated with age of stroke onset, severity of disease (Scandinavian stroke scale score 32.2 versus 32.9, resp., ), or poor outcome at 1 month post-stroke (52.9 versus 64.4%, resp., ). In conclusion,VKORC1−1639G>Apolymorphism is not a genetic determinant of IS occurrence, age of onset, severity, or functional outcome of disease in a Greek population.

The current issue of Revista Română de Studii Baltice și Nordice / The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies combines the publication of scientific articles highlighting issues of identity, memory, culture, translation and economy of the Nordic and Baltic area with an educational section featuring the innovative syllabi of disciplines to be taught at the summer school of Nordic and Baltic Studies, which is the core of the project “A piece of culture, a culture of peace” (CoolPeace), and a corpus of scientific articles. The project is financed under the measure “inter-institutional cooperation projects” of the EEA grants and is intended to strengthen the institutional cooperation at the level of higher education sector between all the partners involved: Valahia University of Târgoviște as the Project Promoter, the University of Agder, the University of Oslo, the Embassy of Lithuania in Romania, Peace Action Training and Research Institute of Romania and the Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies. The Programme Operator of the EEA Scholarship Programme in Romania is ANPCDEFP (the National Agency for Community Programmes in the Field of Education and Vocational Training). The embassies of Finland, Norway and Sweden in Romania are cultural partners in this endeavour. Two of the articles published in this issue were presented at the Sixth international conference on Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania entitled Historical memory, the politics of memory and cultural identity: Romania, Scandinavia and the Baltic Sea Region in comparison, hosted by the Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies, Faculty of History and Political Sciences of Ovidius University of Constanța and International Summer School of The University of Oslo, Norway, in Constanța, Romania, on May 22-23, 2015, and financed within the Fund for Bilateral Relations at National Level. The 2015 conference focused on historical memory, the politics of memory and cultural identity, on historical narratives, including competing narratives, and on the use of history in identity politics. Places of commemoration, autobiographies, biographies and memoirs, empiric or theoretical research relevant to the conference’s topic stood also at the heart of the meeting. While concentrating on the three subjects underlined in the title of the conference, it also sought to approach other topics of interconnection between Romania, the Black Sea region and Scandinavia and Baltic Sea Region such as the role of women in shaping the society, energy, geography and environment, economics and trade, international relations.

Abstract Despite the highest competition among the big EU seaports – gateways and hubs, such as Rotterdam, Antwerp, Hamburg or Valencia, etc. which stand for the Core Ports in the European Union (EU) Trans-European Transport Network (TEN-T) Core and Comprehensive Network, the present paper addresses challenges and raises potentials immanent in Small and Medium-Sized Ports (SMSPs) in the EU. Environmental responsibility and digital efficiency – Europe’s twin to a green and digital economy paves the way for SMSPs to improve innovation capacity, upgrade demanded future skills and competencies, accelerate EU policies compliant operational, environmental, digital, social and market performance. The paper deploys a multi-case study approach. Using an ecosystem approach, the paper reveals potentials and pinpoints to key short- and long-term challenges pursuant to SMSPs in the three different EU macro-regions – Baltic Sea Region, Adriatic-Ionian Sea Region and Mediterranean Sea Region along the three TEN-T Core Network Corridors Orient-East Med, North Sea-Baltic and Scandinavian-Mediterranean. Departing from the role model – Baltic Sea Region – ports of Kaunas, Klaipeda & Wismar are connected via TEN-T corridors with ports of Bari and Corfu. In this vein, knowledge, skills and best practices are transferred from the North Europe to the South and vice versa using the concepts of co-creation and servitisation. Illustrated case studies reveal how all SMSPs are capable to kick-start environmental and digital transition through co-creation and servitisation mindset in a SMSP ecosystem conceptualisation.

Abstract. An analysis of observational data in the Barents Sea along a meridian at 33°30´ E between 70°30´ and 72°30´ N has reported a negative correlation between El Niño/La Niña-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) events and water temperature in the top 200 m: the temperature drops about 0.5 °C during warm ENSO events while during cold ENSO events the top 200 m layer of the Barents Sea is warmer. Results from 1 and 1/4-degree global NEMO models show a similar response for the whole Barents Sea. During the strong warm ENSO event in 1997–1998 an anticyclonic atmospheric circulation is settled over the Barents Sea instead of a usual cyclonic circulation. This change enhances heat loses in the Barents Sea, as well as substantially influencing the Barents Sea inflow from the North Atlantic, via changes in ocean currents. Under normal conditions along the Scandinavian peninsula there is a warm current entering the Barents sea from the North Atlantic, however after the 1997–1998 event this current is weakened. During 1997–1998 the model annual mean temperature in the Barents Sea is decreased by about 0.8 °C, also resulting in a higher sea ice volume. In contrast during the cold ENSO events in 1999–2000 and 2007–2008 the model shows a lower sea ice volume, and higher annual mean temperatures in the upper layer of the Barents Sea of about 0.7 °C. An analysis of model data shows that the Barents Sea inflow is the main source for the variability of Barents Sea heat content, and is forced by changing pressure and winds in the North Atlantic. However, surface heat-exchange with atmosphere can also play a dominant role in the Barents Sea annual heat balance, especially for the subsequent year after ENSO events.

Abstract. We present transient simulations of the last glacial inception using the Earth system model CLIMBER-X with dynamic vegetation, interactive ice sheets, and visco-elastic solid Earth responses. The simulations are initialized at the middle of the Eemian interglacial (125 kiloyears before present, ka) and run until 100 ka, driven by prescribed changes in Earth's orbital parameters and greenhouse gas concentrations from ice core data. CLIMBER-X simulates a rapid increase in Northern Hemisphere ice sheet area through MIS5d, with ice sheets expanding over northern North America and Scandinavia, in broad agreement with proxy reconstructions. While most of the increase in ice sheet area occurs over a relatively short period between 119 and 117 ka, the larger part of the increase in ice volume occurs afterwards with an almost constant ice sheet extent. We show that the vegetation feedback plays a fundamental role in controlling the ice sheet expansion during the last glacial inception. In particular, with prescribed present-day vegetation the model simulates a global sea level drop of only ∼ 20 m, compared with the ∼ 35 m decrease in sea level with dynamic vegetation response. The ice sheet and carbon cycle feedbacks play only a minor role during the ice sheet expansion phase prior to ∼ 115 ka but are important in limiting the deglaciation during the following phase characterized by increasing summer insolation. The model results are sensitive to climate model biases and to the parameterization of snow albedo, while they show only a weak dependence on changes in the ice sheet model resolution and the acceleration factor used to speed up the climate component. Overall, our simulations confirm and refine previous results showing that climate–vegetation–cryosphere feedbacks play a fundamental role in the transition from interglacial to glacial states characterizing Quaternary glacial cycles.

AbstractThe physical mechanisms whereby the mean and transient circulation anomalies associated with the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO) drive winter mean precipitation anomalies across the North Atlantic Ocean, Europe, and the Mediterranean Sea region are investigated using the European Centre for Medium-Range Weather Forecasts interim reanalysis. A moisture budget decomposition is used to identify the contribution of the anomalies in evaporation, the mean flow, storm tracks and the role of moisture convergence and advection. Over the eastern North Atlantic, Europe, and the Mediterranean, precipitation anomalies are primarily driven by the mean flow anomalies with, for a positive NAO, anomalous moist advection causing enhanced precipitation in the northern British Isles and Scandinavia and anomalous mean flow moisture divergence causing drying over continental Europe and the Mediterranean region. Transient eddy moisture fluxes work primarily to oppose the anomalies in precipitation minus evaporation generated by the mean flow, but shifts in storm-track location and intensity help to explain regional details of the precipitation anomaly pattern. The extreme seasonal precipitation anomalies that occurred during the two winters with the most positive (1988/89) and negative (2009/10) NAO indices are also explained by NAO-associated mean flow moisture convergence anomalies.

In this study, the role of AD 1258 Samalas mega volcanic eruption in the summer hydroclimate change over Europe and the corresponding mechanisms are investigated through multi-member ensemble climate simulation experiments based on the Community Earth System Model (CESM). The results show that the CESM simulations are consistent with the reconstructed Palmer Drought Severity Index (PDSI) and the historical records of European climate. Europe experiences significant summer cooling in the first three years after the Samalas mega volcanic eruption, peaking at −3.61 °C, −4.02 °C, and −3.21 °C in year 1 over the whole Europe, Southern Europe, and Northern Europe, respectively. The summer surface air temperature (SAT, °C) changes over the European continent are mainly due to the direct weakening of shortwave solar radiation induced by volcanic aerosol. The summer precipitation over the European continent shows an obvious dipole distribution characteristic of north-south reverse phase. The precipitation increases up to 0.42 mm/d in year 1 over Southern Europe, while it decreases by −0.28 mm/d in year 1 over Northern Europe, respectively. Both simulations and reconstructions show that the centers with the strongest increase in precipitation have always been located in the Balkans and Apennine peninsulas along the Mediterranean coast over Southern Europe, and the centers with the strongest precipitation reduction are mainly located in the British Isles and Scandinavia over northwestern Europe. The negative response of North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO) with significant positive sea level pressure (SLP) anomaly in the north and negative SLP anomaly in the south is excited in summer. The low tropospheric wind anomaly caused by the negative phase of NAO in summer affects the water vapor transport to Europe, resulting in the distribution pattern of summer precipitation in Europe, which is drying in the north and wetting in the south. The knowledge gained from this study is crucial to better understand and predict the potential impacts of single mega volcanic eruption on the future summer hydroclimate change in Europe.

Abstract This study investigates the dominant modes of the interannual variability of the northern Eurasian winter snowfall during 1982–2020 and explores their potential influencing factors and the associated physical processes. The first and second empirical orthogonal function (EOF) modes feature coherent snowfall anomalies over the high latitudes of Eurasia and western Siberia, respectively. Further analyses indicate that the anomalous atmospheric circulations play a major role in forming the snowfall variability, which could be further attributed to the influences of the atmospheric teleconnection patterns and Arctic sea ice variations. Specifically, the anomalous circulations related to the first EOF mode are mainly contributed by the effects of the teleconnections of the Polar–Eurasian and Scandinavian patterns. The formation of the second EOF mode has a close connection with the North Atlantic Oscillation and the Eurasian pattern. In addition, the sea ice variations over Baffin Bay exert a considerable influence on the snowfall anomalies related to the second EOF mode by exciting a wave train–like anomalous circulation. This effect is further verified by a numerical simulation. An empirical statistical model based on the above influencing factors can well explain the temporal evolutions of the two dominant modes, verifying the important value of our results to improve the understanding of interannual variability of northern Eurasian winter snowfall.

This paper explores the differences between gender regimes in Europe, with an emphasis on EU policies, the Nordic women-friendly welfare states, and the former socialist policies of South Eastern European (SEE) countries. The main premise is that culture and differing institutionalization of gender equality contribute to different perceptions of women?s role in society and to a different perception of gender equality in general. The paper examines the theoretical standpoints and historical background of different gender regimes in Europe. Gender equality indices are analyzed in order to investigate if any patterns exist among European countries with distinct cultural, political, and social backgrounds. Nordic countries are overachievers in gender equality in Europe, mainly due to the prevailing egalitarianism and institutionalization of women-friendly welfare policies, which can serve as a good benchmark for wider Europe, especially for countries from South East Europe. However, cultural differences exist between Scandinavian and other European countries, which cannot be considered homogeneous. The paper raises important issues of gender equality such as multiculturalism and immigration, questioning to what extent future EU enlargements will increase the risk of greater gender inequality in the EU.

Abstract The author summarizes evidence of large professional armies in the service of the rulers of early medieval polities in Northern and Eastern Europe. Following František Graus, the author refers to that institution as “grand retinue” (Czech velkodružina, German Staatsgefolge). The rulers maintained these troops mainly by paying in cash collected as tribute from the populace. The late 10th-early 11th-century Poland and the “North Sea Empire” of Cnut the Great (1016-1035) provide the most compelling evidence on the grand retinue. In the 10-11th centuries Rus’, the princes also had armies of military servants, referred to as otroki (a Slavic word) or – more specifically – grid’ (term borrowed from Old Norse). Such troops played a major role during the emergence of the centralized political framework, but have disappeared or degenerated as early as the 12th century. Rus’ian records describe them as prosperous in the 11th century and show their decline during the 12-13th centuries. I interpret the Rus’ian “grand retinue” as an institution based on Scandinavian models, a result of the “transfer of knowledge” that occurred in Northern and Eastern Europe during the 10-11th centuries.

Abstract The highest frequency of late-winter cold-air outbreaks in East and Southeast Asia over 50 years was recorded in 2005, when three strong successive cold surges occurred in the South China Sea within a span of 30 days from mid-February to mid-March. These events also coincided with the first break of 18 consecutive warm winters over China. The strong pulsation of the surface Siberian Mongolia high (SMH) that triggered these events was found to result from the confluence of several events. To the east, a strong Pacific blocking with three pulses of westward extension intensified the stationary East Asian major trough to create a favorable condition for cold-air outbreaks. To the west, the dominance of the Atlantic blocking and an anomalous deepened trough in the Scandinavian/Barents Sea region provided the source of a succession of Rossby wave activity fluxes for the downstream development. An upper-level central Asian anticyclone that is often associated with a stronger SMH was anomalously strong and provided additional forcing. In terms of the persistence and strength, this central Asian anticyclone was correlated with the Arctic Oscillation (AO) and North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO) only when SMH is weak (warm winters). During strong SMH seasons (cold winters) the correlation vanishes. However, during late winter 2005 the central Asian anticyclone was strengthened by the Atlantic blocking through both the downstream wave activities and a circulation change that affected the Atlantic and west Asian jets. As a result, the period from mid-February to mid-March of 2005 stands out as a record-breaking period in the Asian winter monsoon.

A large part of the articles published in the current issue of Revista Română de Studii Baltice şi Nordice / The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies have been initially presented at the Fourth International Conference on Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania: Empire-Building and Region-Building in the Baltic, North and Black Sea areas held at Ovidius University Of Constanța in May 2013. The conference approached the North in the wider perspective of regional cooperation intra- and extra-Nordic muros. The North is regarded as a springboard of regional cooperation which has a strong though faltering historical and cultural background and an obvious European dimension. The downfall of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the process of European integration (whether some of the Nordic countries belong to the EU or not, they are all part and parcel of the process and deeply affected by it) have encouraged the development of regional cooperation in Northern Europe. Belonging to the Northern dimension of the EU meant not only maintaining a regional identity with deep roots in history and culture and making the others acknowledge it, but also strengthening the influence of Nordic countries within and outside the EU and fostering other regional cooperation initiatives in the Baltic Sea area and outside it. Patterned on the Nordic regional cooperation, the Baltic States of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia strengthened their regional cooperation and envisaged deepening their ties to surrounding areas, especially with the Nordic countries. Alongside the Nordic countries, they also gradually turned into a model for the Danubian and Black Sea countries. In this respect, the conference addressed themes such as: the empire building, region-building, national/nationalist, cultural construction discourses present in these regions; the historic development of these regional initiatives and/or organizations and the relations between them; political, cultural and diplomatic relations between Baltic and/or Nordic states, on the one hand, and the Black Sea countries, on the other hand; the relations between the EU integration and different Baltic, North and Black Sea regional structures; education and leadership in the context of regionalization in the Baltic Sea and Black Sea areas; linguistic unity and diversity in Scandinavia and the Baltic states; Nordic and Baltic identity through cultural diversity; water protection in the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea Region and the role of agriculture; inter- and intra-regional comparisons.

The article deals with the last book of the well-known English writer A. S. Byatt Peacock & Vine (2016) in the context of her oeuvre (novels, stories, essays). It is proved that the controversial reviews by British critics are caused by the character of the genre and the author’s mythology. The book combines biographies of two artists and an essay on design of the turn of the 19th–20th centuries. It is concluded that A. S. Byatt uses her particular method of analogy at different levels of poetics. She juxtaposes biographies and oeuvres of William Morris and Mariano Fortuny with the help of such universals as the North and the South, which acquire a complicated character due to their being represented through national (or more specifically, cultural) images and symbols. The emphasis is not so much on the life as on the oeuvre of the designers – first and foremost, their houses and fabrics as seen by Byatt herself and through her biography and oeuvre. Her main principle lies in conceiving something of her own through something of the other’s, and vice versa. While the figure of Morris in Byatt’s novel The Children’s Book (2009) was fitted in the social, political, and psychoanalytical contexts of the epoch, the book Peacock & Vine ‘illuminates’ the artist’s life both with his own works and Fortuny’s experiments with colors and light. The main evaluation criteria are color (light) and proportion (contexture), distinctive for both the artists’ design and Byatt’s style. However, in verbal interpretation of floral and animalistic ornaments (vines and pomegranates, peacocks and phoenixes, lions and dragons), one can see a comprehensive dialogue between paganism and Christianity, past days and modernity, a man and a woman, two famous designers, ars nouveau and ars deco. Illustrations (photographs, drawings, reproductions) together with the verbal text of the biographical essay make an organic whole of the book, which emphasizes a special role of paratext in Byatt’s works. Searching for words to represent visual images is a special task for an author of a biographical essay that she was conscious about in her works. In the book Peacock & Vine, Byatt acquires the accuracy and clarity of the language she was dreaming of when working over the novel Still Life (1985). At the same time, simplicity and complexity of her style have become an integral part of her own mythology. The Englishman Morris, being passionate about the Middle Ages and the North, travelled to Iceland and conceived of the Scandinavian saga as a real history. In the Byatt’s book he is compared with the Spaniard Fortuny, who had a penchant for Classical Antiquity and the Mediterranean world, lived in Paris and Venice, and conceived of the Scandinavian saga only through the prism of the Wagner Theatre. As to the Byatt’s love to Scandinavian mythology, it goes back to her war-time childhood, which is reflected in her book Ragnarok: The End of the Gods (2011).

Abstract. The IPCC AR6 report outlines a general consensus that anthropogenic climate change is modifying the frequency and intensity of extreme events such as cold spells, heat waves, storms or floods. A pertinent question is then whether climate change may have affected the characteristics of a specific extreme event or whether such event would have even been possible in the absence of climate change. Here, we address this question by performing an attribution of some major extreme events that occurred in 2021 over Europe and North America: the Winter Storm Filomena, the French spring cold spell, the Westphalia floods, the Mediterranean summer heat wave, Hurricane Ida, the Po Valley tornado outbreak, Medicane Apollo and the late-autumn Scandinavian cold spell. We focus on the role of the atmospheric circulation associated with the events and its typicality in present (factual world) and past climate conditions (counterfactual world) – defined using the ERA5 dataset 1950 to present. We first identify the most similar sea-level pressure patterns to the extreme events of interest in the factual and counterfactual worlds – so-called analogues. We then compute significant shifts in the spatial characteristics, persistence, predictability, seasonality and other characteristics of these analogues. We also diagnose whether in the present climate the analogues of the studied events lead to warmer/cooler or dryer/wetter conditions than in the past. Finally we verify whether the El Niño–Southern Oscillation and the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation may explain interdecadal changes in the analogues' characteristics. We find that most of the extreme events we investigate are significantly modified in the present climate with respect to the past, because of changes in the location, persistence and/or seasonality of cyclonic/anticyclonic patterns in the sea-level pressure analogues. One of the events, Medicane Apollo, appears to be a black swan of the atmospheric circulation, with poor-quality analogues. Our approach, complementary to the statistical extreme-event attribution methods in the literature, points to the potentially important role of the atmospheric circulation in attribution studies.

Krister Stendahl represents, to my mind, the very best of Scandinavian-style “realistic interpretation” of the Bible, resolutely faithful in his exegesis to the historical situation of the text and its author but then marvelously insightful in eliciting from the text a fresh and sometimes surprising address to contemporary issues in church and society. As is well known, it is precisely Stendahl's interest in relations between Jews and Christians (Jewish and Gentile) that has made so much of his New Testament work so stimulating and innovative. As it happens, though, his research has tended to concentrate geographically on that large sweep of territory “from Jerusalem and as far round as Illyricum.” What I want to do in this article in his honor is to explore an area relatively untouched by my teacher—Alexandria—in an effort to see if anything can be said of Jewish-Christian relations there in the first century. In doing this I must perforce extend our investigation mainly to noncanonical sources. Even so the task is formidable, for the first-century Alexandrian church is, as Stendahl says, something “about which we know nothing.” What follows is, therefore, largely a matter of inference, at least insofar as it bears upon first-century Christianity in Alexandria. Insofar as it bears upon first-century Judaism, that giant among Jewish exegetes and philosophers, Philo Judaeus, will play a substantial role.

This article focusses on the representation of homeland in two Scandinavian novels: Amal Aden’s Min drøm om frihet (2009) and Jonas Suchanek’s Do danska (2014). Both novels can be considered migrant literature, i.e., literature written by authors who have themselves experienced migration. Another thing that these novels have in common is that their authors construct the image of their original homeland through their own memories. Typically, the idealizing memories are reinforced as the characters are confronted with negative experiences in the new country, where they do not feel assimilated, as we can see it in Aden’s novel. In Suchanek’s novel, nostalgia plays an important role, namely the historical fact that his homeland has actually disappeared (the protagonist emigrated from the communist Czechoslovakia and returns to a completely new post-revolutionary country).Both novels demonstrate the concept of homeland not only as a geographical place, but also in terms of the cultural aspects associated with it, be it friends or food. At the same time, the concept of polygamy of place, which is often mentioned in the context of globalization, does not seem to work very well. Especially in Aden’s novel, the protagonist’s relationship with her original homeland and the new homeland oscillates between topophilia and topophobia. Essential to the memories of the homeland, then, are the triggers that take the characters in both novels back to a time before their migration, creating a sense of discomfort and nostalgia.

Migration routes of birds throw light on orientation performance at different geographic scales, over distances ranging from a few kilometres to more than 104 km. Detailed knowledge about the flight routes may be used to test predictions about optimal orientation according to theoretical principles and about the use of compasses based on celestial or magnetic cues. Ringing recoveries demonstrate that the migratory journey of many species, such as the wheatear and willow warbler, is divided into successive legs with different main orientation. Autumn and spring migration routes are often different, sometimes diverging on a continental scale. Aerial radiotracking of whooping cranes in North America and satellite tracking of brent geese migrating from Iceland across the Greenland ice cap point to the significant role of large-scale topography for the shaping of migration routes. Compass and position control are also required, e.g. during long passages across featureless sea or ice, but how these elements are integrated into the birds' orientation system remains unclear. Radar studies from the Arctic Ocean illustrate the importance of map projections for interpreting flight paths and suggest that birds accomplish approximate great circle orientation. Gradual course changes shown by migrating knots monitored by radar in Scandinavia are at variance with expected changes if the birds were to use a star, sun or magnetic compass over longer distances. Accurate recording of short flight segments shows how flying birds respond to visual, audible and electromagnetic cues, and also documents orientation precision and capacity to integrate rapidly shifting courses into a consistent resulting orientation. Analyses of flight patterns are crucial for understanding how birds find and follow their migration routes over different ranges of geographical scale.

I welcome Axel Christophersen's effort to offer a new approach to the study of Scandinavian medieval urban communities, and his outline of an ‘urban archaeology of social practice’. His presentation of a theoretical framework and language offers many insights as to how archaeologists can analyse the way people constructed their social lives through practice. It is exciting to see studies that grapple with the complexities of everyday life in urban settings. This article makes a significant contribution in its explicit approach to a theory of practice that archaeologists can use to explore and describe social change. Christophersen draws heavily on the work of Shove, Pantzar and Watson as detailed in their 2012 bookThe dynamics of social practice. Everyday life and how it changes; I was unfamiliar with this work until reading this essay and I am impressed with the way this framework offers a language and a concrete approach to understanding how practices emerge, evolve and disappear. My goal here is not to revisit the details of this argument, but rather to push on some select issues raised in the paper. I first discuss the way that Christophersen frames his arguments against a processual archaeological approach, suggesting that his effort to provide an alternative might be unintentionally minimizing a more critical approach to everyday life. Next, I discuss the role and place of unintended consequences in Christophersen's argument. And finally I examine the way that Christophersen's approach might be more fully operationalized with data, providing some examples from my own work in eastern Africa.

The Atlantic multidecadal oscillation (AMO) is the leading mode of Atlantic sea surface temperature (SST) variability at multidecadal time scales. Previous studies have shown that the AMO could modulate El Niño–Southern Oscillation (ENSO) variance. However, the role played by the AMO in the tropical Atlantic variability (TAV) is still uncertain. Here, it is demonstrated that during negative AMO phases, associated with a shallower thermocline, the eastern equatorial Atlantic SST variability is enhanced by more than 150% in boreal summer. Consequently, the interannual TAV modes are modified. During negative AMO, the Atlantic Niño displays larger amplitude and a westward extension and it is preceded by a simultaneous weakening of both subtropical highs in winter and spring. In contrast, a meridional seesaw SLP pattern evolving into a zonal gradient leads the Atlantic Niño during positive AMO. The north tropical Atlantic (NTA) mode is related to a Scandinavian blocking pattern during winter and spring in negative AMO, while under positive AMO it is part of the SST tripole associated with the North Atlantic Oscillation. Interestingly, the emergence of an overlooked variability mode, here called the horseshoe (HS) pattern on account of its shape, is favored during negative AMO. This anomalous warm (cool) HS surrounding an eastern equatorial cooling (warming) is remotely forced by an ENSO phenomenon. During negative AMO, the tropical–extratropical teleconnections are enhanced and the Walker circulation is altered. This, together with the increased equatorial SST variability, could promote the ENSO impacts on TAV. The results herein give a step forward in the better understanding of TAV, which is essential to improving its modeling, impacts, and predictability.

The 2018 summer drought in Europe was particularly extreme in terms of intensity and impact due to the combination of low rainfall and high temperatures. However, it remains unclear how this drought developed in time and space in such an extreme way. In this study we aimed to get a better understanding of the role of land–atmosphere interactions. More specifically, we investigated whether there was a change in water vapor originating from land, if that caused a reduction in rainfall, and by this mechanism possibly the propagation and intensification of the drought in Europe. Our first step was to use remote sensing products for soil moisture content (SMC) and the normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) to see where the 2018 drought started and how it developed in time and space. Our SMC and NDVI analysis showed that the 2018 drought started to impact the soil and vegetation state in June in Scandinavia and the British Isles. After that it moved towards the west of Europe where it intensified in July and August. In September, it started to decay. In October, drought was observed in Southeast Europe as well. Based on the observed patterns we divided Europe into six regions of similar spatiotemporal characteristics of SMC and NDVI. Then, we used a global gridded dataset of the fate of land evaporation (i.e., where it ends up as precipitation) to investigate whether the drought intensification and propagation was impacted by the reduction in water vapor transported from the regions that first experienced the drought. This impact was investigated by identifying the anomalies in the water vapor originating from land recycling, imports, and exports within Europe during the spring, summer, and autumn seasons. From these regions we identified four drought regions and investigated the changes in water vapor originating from source regions on the development of drought in those regions. It was found that during the onset phase of the 2018 drought in Europe that the water vapor originating from land played an important role in mitigating the precipitation anomalies as, for example, the share of land evaporation contributing to precipitation increased from 27% (normal years) to 38% (2018) during July in the west of Europe. Land evaporation played a minor role in amplifying it during the intensification phase of the drought as the share of land evaporation contribution to precipitation decreased from 23% (normal years) to 21% (2018) during August in the west of Europe. These findings are somewhat in contrast to similar studies in other continents that found the land surface to play a strong amplifying role for drought development. Subsequently, we found that the relative increase in the amount of land water vapor originating from eastern half of Europe played a role in delaying the onset and accelerating the decay of the 2018 drought in the west of Europe.

The Gulf Stream (GS) ocean front releases intense moisture and heat to the atmosphere and regulates storm tracks and zonal jets in winter. The large-scale sea surface temperature (SST) anomaly in the central North Atlantic provides important feedback to the atmosphere in winter, but the role played in this feedback by the GS front inside the SST anomaly has not been extensively studied. In this study, two sets of ensemble experiments were conducted using a global community atmosphere model forced by SST in boreal winters from 2000 to 2013. The regional averaged SST and its variation in the experiments were identical, with the only difference being the strength of the SST front in the GS region. The large-scale SST anomaly in the central North Atlantic in our model provides feedback to the atmosphere and excites a wave train that extends across Eurasia. With the inclusion of the strong GS front, the first center of the wave train in the North Atlantic is strengthened by approximately 40%, and the wave activity flux toward downstream is highly intensified. When the large-scale SST anomaly is combined with a strong GS front, greatly increased water vapor is released from the GS region, resulting in a 50% increase in moisture transport toward Western Europe. In this scenario, precipitation and diabatic heating both increase greatly on the western Scandinavian Peninsula. With the release of deep diabatic heating, a strong upward wave activity flux is triggered, and the wave train excited by the large-scale SST variation is significantly intensified. These findings suggest that the strong SST front in the large-scale SST anomaly in the central North Atlantic significantly amplifies its feedback to the atmosphere in winter.

Abstract. Emissions from the marine transport sector are one of the least-regulated anthropogenic emission sources and contribute significantly to air pollution. Although strict limits were introduced recently for the maximum sulfur content in marine fuels in the SECAs (sulfur emission control areas) and in EU ports, sulfur emissions outside the SECAs and emissions of other components in all European maritime areas have continued to increase in the last two decades. We have used the air quality model CAMx (Comprehensive Air Quality Model with Extensions) with and without ship emissions for the year 2006 to determine the effects of international shipping on the annual as well as seasonal concentrations of ozone, primary and secondary components of PM2.5, and the dry and wet deposition of nitrogen and sulfur compounds in Europe. The largest changes in pollutant concentrations due to ship emissions were predicted for summer. Concentrations of particulate sulfate increased due to ship emissions in the Mediterranean (up to 60 %), the English Channel and the North Sea (30–35 %), while increases in particulate nitrate levels were found especially in the north, around the Benelux area (20 %), where there were high NH3 land-based emissions. Our model results showed that not only are the atmospheric concentrations of pollutants affected by ship emissions, but also depositions of nitrogen and sulfur compounds increase significantly along the shipping routes. NOx emissions from the ships, especially in the English Channel and the North Sea, cause a decrease in the dry deposition of reduced nitrogen at source regions by moving it from the gas phase to the particle phase which then contributes to an increase in the wet deposition at coastal areas with higher precipitation. In the western Mediterranean region, on the other hand, model results show an increase in the deposition of oxidized nitrogen (mostly HNO3) due to the ship traffic. Dry deposition of SO2 seems to be significant along the shipping routes, whereas sulfate wet deposition occurs mainly along the Scandinavian and Adriatic coasts. The results presented in this paper suggest that evolution of NOx emissions from ships and land-based NH3 emissions will play a significant role in future European air quality.

Abstract. The Northeast Atlantic possesses an energetic and variable wind and wave climate which has a large potential for renewable energy extraction; for example along the western seaboards off Ireland. The role of surface winds in the generation of ocean waves means that global atmospheric circulation patterns and wave climate characteristics are inherently connected. In quantifying how the wave and wind climate of this region may change towards the end of the century due to climate change, it is useful to investigate the influence of large scale atmospheric oscillations using indices such as the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO), the East Atlantic pattern (EA) and the Scandinavian pattern (SCAND). In this study a statistical analysis of these teleconnections was carried out using an ensemble of EC-Earth global climate simulations run under the RCP4.5 and RCP8.5 forcing scenarios, where EC-Earth is a European-developed atmosphere ocean sea-ice coupled climate model. In addition, EC-Earth model fields were used to drive the WAVEWATCH III wave model over the North Atlantic basin to create the highest resolution wave projection dataset currently available for Ireland. Using this dataset we analysed the correlations between teleconnections and significant wave heights (Hs) with a particular focus on extreme ocean states using a range of statistical methods. The strongest, statistically significant correlations exist between the 95th percentile of significant wave height and the NAO. Correlations between extreme Hs and the EA and SCAND are weaker and not statistically significant over parts of the North Atlantic. When the NAO is in its positive phase (NAO+) and the EA and SCAND are in a negative phase (EA−, SCAND−) the strongest effects are seen on 20-year return levels of extreme ocean waves. Under RCP8.5 there are large areas around Ireland where the 20-year return level of Hs increases by the end of the century, despite an overall decreasing trend in mean wind speeds and hence mean Hs.

Abstract. Emissions from the marine transport sector are one of the least regulated anthropogenic emission sources and contribute significantly to air pollution. Although strict limits were introduced recently for the maximum sulfur content in marine fuels in the SECAs (sulfur emission control areas) and in the EU ports, sulfur emissions outside the SECAs and emissions of other components in all European maritime areas have continued to increase in the last two decades. We have used the air quality model CAMx with and without ship emissions for the year 2006 to determine the effects of international shipping on the annual as well as seasonal concentrations of ozone, primary and secondary components of PM2.5 and the dry and wet deposition of nitrogen and sulfur compounds in Europe. Our results suggest that emissions from international shipping affect the air quality in northern and southern Europe differently and their contributions to the air concentrations vary seasonally. The largest changes in pollutant concentrations due to ship emissions were predicted for summer. Increased concentrations of the primary particle mass were found only along the shipping routes whereas concentrations of the secondary pollutants were affected over a larger area. Concentrations of particulate sulfate increased due to ship emissions in the Mediterranean (up to 60 %), in the English Channel and the North Sea (30–35 %) while increases in particulate nitrate levels were found especially in the north, around the Benelux area (20 %) where there were high NH3 land-based emissions. Our model results showed that not only the atmospheric concentrations of pollutants are affected by ship emissions, but also depositions of nitrogen and sulfur compounds increase significantly along the shipping routes. NOx emissions from the ships especially in the English Channel and the North Sea, cause a decrease in the dry deposition of reduced nitrogen at source regions by moving it from the gas-phase to the particle phase which then contributes to an increase in the wet deposition at coastal areas with higher precipitation. In the western Mediterranean region on the other hand, model results show an increase in the deposition of oxidized nitrogen (mostly HNO3) due to the ship traffic. Dry deposition of SO2 seems to be significant along the shipping routes whereas sulfate wet deposition occurs mainly along the Scandinavian and Adriatic coasts. The results presented in this paper suggest that evolution of NOx emissions from ships and land-based NH3 emissions will play a significant role in the future European air quality.

Abstract. Average monthly precipitation, the original Palmer Drought Severity Index (PDSI) and a recent adaptation to Europe, the Self Calibrated PDSI (scPDSI) have been used here to analyse the spatial and temporal evolution of drought conditions in the Mediterranean during the 20th century. Monthly, seasonal and annual trends were computed for the period 1901–2000 and also for the first and second halves of this period. The statistical significance of trends was obtained with a modified version of the Mann-Kendall test that accounts for serial auto-correlation. The results show a clear trend towards drier conditions during the 20th century in most western and central Mediterranean regions, with the exceptions of northwestern Iberia and most of Turkey that reveal an increase of moisture availability. A Generalized Extreme Values (GEV) analysis was applied to the maximum and minimum regional values of scPDSI, with results pointing towards a significant decline of absolute extreme values in central areas (Italy and Balkans) and a less clear picture emerging in western (Iberia) and eastern (Turkey) realms. The inter-annual variability of the scPDSI index series is shown to be more realistic than the corresponding PDSI version, fitting better the drought episodes sequence and magnitude described in the literature for each sub-region. We assess the decadal and inter-annual variability of the scPDSI for each sub-domain and evaluate the role played by the major teleconnection patterns, and by several sea surface temperature (SST) anomalies. The main driver of scPDSI in western and central Mediterranean areas is the winter North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO) pattern that is also relevant during the following spring and summer seasons with anti-correlation values below −0.60. The second most important mode corresponds to the Scandinavian Pattern that is significantly associated to the scPDSI between winter and summer over central Mediterranean (correlation values around 0.50). Finally, the teleconnection and SST analysis has allowed us to calibrate a stepwise regression model, enabling the forecasting of summer drought conditions six months in advance. The final model obtained is capable of reproducing the observed scPDSI time series fairly well, with a correlation coefficient of 0.79 (0.77 after cross-validation) and a significant gain over climatology (SSc=59%), while the corresponding result against persistence is more modest (SSp6=11%).

The Rubjerg Knude Glaciotectonic Complex is a thin-skinned thrust-fault complex that was formed during the advance of the Scandinavian Ice Sheet (30 000 – 26 000 B.P.); it is well exposed in a 6 km long coastal profile bordering the North Sea in northern Denmark. The glaciotectonic thrust-fault deformation revealed by this cliff section has been subjected to detailed structural analysis based on photogrammetric measurement and construction of a balanced cross-section. Thirteen sections are differentiated, characterising the distal to proximal structural development of the complex. The deformation affected three stratigraphic units: the Middle Weichselian arctic marine Stortorn Formation, the mainly glaciolacustrine Lønstrup Klint Formation and the dominantly fluvial Rubjerg Knude Formation; these three formations are formally defined herein, together with the Skærumhede Group which includes the Stortorn and Lønstrup Klint Formations. The Rubjerg Knude Formation was deposited on a regional unconformity that caps the Lønstrup Klint Formation and separates pre-tectonic deposits below from syntectonic deposits above. In the distal part of the complex, the thrust-fault architecture is characterised by thin flatlying thrust sheets displaced over the footwall flat of the foreland for a distance of more than 500 m. Towards the proximal part of the complex, the dip of the thrust faults increases, and over long stretches they are over-steepened to an upright position. The lowest décollement zone is about 40 m below sea level in the proximal part of the system, and shows a systematic step-wise change to higher levels in a distal (southwards) direction. The structural elements are ramps and flats related to hanging-wall and footwall positions. Above upper ramp-hinges, hanging-wall anticlines developed; footwall synclines are typically related to growth-fault sedimentation in syntectonic piggyback basins, represented by the Rubjerg Knude Formation. Blocks and slump-sheets constituting parts of the Lønstrup Klint Formation were derived from the tips of up-thrusted thrust sheets and slumped into the basins. Mud diapirs are a prominent element in the thrust-fault complex, resulting from mud mobilisation mainly at hanging-wall flats and ramps. Shortening during thrust-fault deformation has been calculated as 50%. Only about 11% of the initial stratigraphic units subjected to thrust faulting has been lost due to erosion. The thrust-fault deformation was caused by gravity spreading of an advancing ice sheet. Overpressured mud-fluid played an important role in stress transmission. The average velocity of thrust-fault displacement is estimated at 2 m per year, which led to compression of a 12 km stretch of flat-lying sediments, c. 40 m in thickness, into a thrust-fault complex 6 km in length. The thrust-fault complex is truncated by a glaciotectonic unconformity, formed when the advancing ice sheet finally overrode the complex. When this ice sheet melted away, a hilland-hole pair was formed, and meltwater deposits derived from a new ice-advance (NE-Ice) filled the depression. The NE-Ice overran the complex during its advance to the main stationary line situated in the North Sea. When this ice in turn melted away (c. 19 000 – 15 000 B.P.), the glacial landscape was draped by arctic marine deposits of the Vendsyssel Formation (new formation defined herein).

Pedersen, S.A.S. 2005: Structural analysis of the Rubjerg Knude Glaciotectonic Complex, Vendsyssel, northern Denmark. Geological Survey of Denmark and Greenland Bulletin 8, 192 pp. The Rubjerg Knude Glaciotectonic Complex is a thin-skinned thrust-fault complex that was formed during the advance of the Scandinavian Ice Sheet (30 000 – 26 000 B.P.); it is well exposed in a 6 km long coastal profile bordering the North Sea in northern Denmark. The glaciotectonic thrust-fault deformation revealed by this cliff section has been subjected to detailed structural analysis based on photogrammetric measurement and construction of a balanced cross-section. Thirteen sections are differentiated, characterising the distal to proximal structural development of the complex. The deformation affected three stratigraphic units: the Middle Weichselian arctic marine Stortorn Formation, the mainly glaciolacustrine Lønstrup Klint Formation and the dominantly fluvial Rubjerg Knude Formation; these three formations are formally defined herein, together with the Skærumhede Group which includes the Stortorn and Lønstrup Klint Formations. The Rubjerg Knude Formation was deposited on a regional unconformity that caps the Lønstrup Klint Formation and separates pre-tectonic deposits below from syntectonic deposits above. In the distal part of the complex, the thrust-fault architecture is characterised by thin flatlying thrust sheets displaced over the footwall flat of the foreland for a distance of more than 500 m. Towards the proximal part of the complex, the dip of the thrust faults increases, and over long stretches they are over-steepened to an upright position. The lowest décollement zone is about 40 m below sea level in the proximal part of the system, and shows a systematic step-wise change to higher levels in a distal (southwards) direction. The structural elements are ramps and flats related to hanging-wall and footwall positions. Above upper ramp-hinges, hanging-wall anticlines developed; footwall synclines are typically related to growth-fault sedimentation in syntectonic piggyback basins, represented by the Rubjerg Knude Formation. Blocks and slump-sheets constituting parts of the Lønstrup Klint Formation were derived from the tips of up-thrusted thrust sheets and slumped into the basins. Mud diapirs are a prominent element in the thrust-fault complex, resulting from mud mobilisation mainly at hanging-wall flats and ramps. Shortening during thrust-fault deformation has been calculated as 50%. Only about 11% of the initial stratigraphic units subjected to thrust faulting has been lost due to erosion. The thrust-fault deformation was caused by gravity spreading of an advancing ice sheet. Overpressured mud-fluid played an important role in stress transmission. The average velocity of thrust-fault displacement is estimated at 2 m per year, which led to compression of a 12 km stretch of flat-lying sediments, c. 40 m in thickness, into a thrust-fault complex 6 km in length. The thrust-fault complex is truncated by a glaciotectonic unconformity, formed when the advancing ice sheet finally overrode the complex. When this ice sheet melted away, a hilland- hole pair was formed, and meltwater deposits derived from a new ice-advance (NE-Ice) filled the depression. The NE-Ice overran the complex during its advance to the main stationary line situated in the North Sea. When this ice in turn melted away (c. 19 000 – 15 000 B.P.), the glacial landscape was draped by arctic marine deposits of the Vendsyssel Formation (new formation defined herein).

Each of the words of this topic needs a special commentary. Our study aims to shed some more light on the problem of typology of the magic texts as a special cultural phenomenon that obtains a constant character. NAME. By the ‘name’ in charm tradition we mean two different types of usage of a personal name: (a) ‘background name’ and (b) ‘subject name’. By (a) we mean a traditional use of names of sacred Christian figures as well as of pagan mythological characters that create a specific background of the magic formula. It serves as an indicator of the compiler’s/user’s Christian or pagan character. But, in fact, it is very difficult to draw a strict distinction between the paganism and a so-called ‘naive Christianity’ in the primary sources (esp. in Slavic and, in particular, in Russian). Some further discussion can be provided by a more detailed analysis of a number of ‘background names’ used in charms. At the same time, being unique for the user, the names of celestial bodies, forces of nature, ‘daughters of the sea’ (in Irish lorica) etc. can fulfill the role of the ‘background name’. By (b) the ‘subject name’ we mean a proper name of an individual for (against) whom the magic text is once composed (pronounced, written etc). WRITTEN TRADITION. Two different types of usage of the term are possible. On the one hand, we are dealing with a so called ‘naive recording’ (remembering) of the oral text, probably, for the purpose of its further (oral) reproduction. In this situation, we suppose, the use of the ‘subject name’ is impossible. On the other hand, the written tradition of magic texts presumes (and includes) a manufacturing of specific magical ‘artefacts’ (tablets, amulets, Old Russian ‘nauzes’ etc.). In this case the name fulfills its specific function. It creates a proper magical object (cf. Plotius, Caer, Mikhej of a Novgorod birchbark etc). The idea that the magical texts that use 1 sg. poss. pron. (me) as a subject may be reproduced orally (or in a written form) should be given some consideration. Me-tradition (not widespread in Russia) supposes the poly-functional use of a charm. CHARM. By this term we mean both an incantation (a spell as a text and as a language artifact) and a magical action (a rite, including the manufacturing of an object with specific characters, for example, magical runes of Old Scandinavia). The comparison between Mediaeval Irish and Russian charm traditions is possible due to the typological relation that exists between Irish and Russian cultures in the early period when Christianity coexisted with paganism. The more detailed analysis can be presented as a schema or a table, embracing all situations of the use of ‘charms’ in a traditional culture”.

Bombus wurflenii Radoszkowski, 1860 belongs to the subgenus Alpigenobombus and is one of the 40 bumblebee species that occur in Ukraine. This Boreal-Alpine species has a disjunctive range and is confined to the mountains and hills of Europe. It occurs in Scandinavia, in central and southern Europe (the Cantabrian Mountains, the Pyrenees, the Alps, the Apennines, the Balkans, the Carpathians). It is also known from the far east of Europe (the Ural Mountains), and from the north-eastern Turkey and the Caucasus (Rasmont, Iserbyt, 2010-2012; Rasmont et al., 2015). All scenarios of future distribution of Bombus wurflenii project a moderate reduction of suitable areas by 2050. By 2100 the climatic niche space of the species would be even more restricted. With low dispersal capability and since Bombus wurflenii is a specialized species linked to cold boreal and alpine-subalpine conditions, it would suffer substantially from global warming (Rasmont et al., 2015). Bombus wurflenii is a medium sized bumblebee. It is highly adapted for “nectar robbing”, i. e. perforating holes at the base of long flower corollas to reach the nectar. To do this, it uses its modified mandibles, each with six denticles on outer margin . In Ukraine the species is represented by the subspecies B. wurflenii mastrucatus Gerst. and occurs in the Ukrainian Carpathians only. It inhabits mountain forests from a height of 500 m a. s. l. to the subalpine zone inclusive. The highest number of population of the species is observed within the altitude range of 800-1100 m above sea level (Konovalova, 2010). B. wurflenii is nesting underground, using the abandoned nests of rodents in beech, beech-spruce and spruce forests, in polonynas, meadows and also on rocky slopes in the subalpine. The emergence of queens from hibernation happens in late spring and early summer. The development of small colonies lasts until July-August, culminating in the emergence of new reproductive generation. In the Carpathian highlands B. wurflenii is considered a common one. However, during last decades, the destruction of both nesting sites and forage flora of this species due to excessive recreational pressure, is a serious factor threatening the persistence of its population. For this reason, B. wurflenii has been included into the Red Book of the Ukrainian Carpathians as vulnerable one, also taking into account a relatively limited area inhabited by populations of the species. The species plays a significant role in the pollination of high mountain flora. A feeding diet of this bumblebee in the Ukrainian Carpathians includes at least 23 plant species belonging to 16 families (unpublished data of the author). Among its favourite forage plants are: Centaurea phrygia subsp. carpatica (Porcius) Dostál, Cirsium waldsteinii Rouy, Gentiana asclepiadea L., Rhododendron kotschyi Simonk., Vaccinium spp., Aconitum spp. In the entomological collection of the State Museum of Natural History, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, 42 specimens of B. wurflenii have been deposited. Only one specimen belongs to an old historical collection. It was collected from the Tatry Mts. in Poland on 30.07.1905 and identified by J. Snieżek. From the present territory of Ukraine B. wurflenii was recorded for the first time in 1939 in Chornohora mountain range, at an altitude of 1500 m a.s.l. (Fudakowski et al., 1939). The recent part of the collection includes specimens, found from 2000 to 2006 in mountain regions of Ivano-Frankivska and Zakarpatska provinces of Ukraine (fig. 1). The recent collection of B. wurflenii represents all three castes of the species: 1 queen, 32 workers and 8 males. Bumblebees were collected during June, July and August within altitudes of 800-1700 m a.s.l. in the following physiographic regions: UC: PlChr: Chornohora massif; UC: PlChr: Svydovets massif; UC: OCVV: Gg: Outer Gorgany range. The vast majority of specimens have been collected in protected territories: Carpathian Biosphere Reserve (Chornohora protected massif, Svydovets protected massif) and Carpathian National Nature Park.

Background: While the diagnosis of traumatic brain injury (TBI) is a clinical decision, neuroimaging remains vital for guiding management on the basis of identification of intracranial pathologic conditions. CT is the mainstay of imaging of acute TBI for both initial triage and follow-up, as it is fast and accurate in detecting both primary and secondary injuries that require neurosurgical intervention, also has a limited resolution capacity in detecting non-hemorrhagic lesions and those lesions located in the posterior fossa. MRI is more sensitive for the detection of certain intracranial injuries (e.g., axonal injuries) and blood products 24-48 hours after injury, but it has limitations (e.g., speed, accessibility, sensitivity to motion, and cost). The evidence primarily supports the use of MRI when CT findings are normal and there are persistent unexplained neurologic findings or at sub-acute and chronic periods. Radiologists should understand the role and optimal imaging modality to a conventional MRI protocol with minimum sequences that reduces study time in order to be able to complete examination fast with patient. The use of examination CT and a combination of MRI protocols consisting of T1, T2, FALIR and T2* in emergency department to help with the good diagnosis of brain trauma classification treatment planning and assessing response to treatment. Objective: The role of helical CT scan and MRI T2 star weighted image to classification brain injury. Method: This project is based on cross-sectional design. The population of this study were100 patients the population of this study were patients with brain trauma that have been indicated for CT and MRI test in emergency department period of sampling which was during September 2023 to February 2024. Epidemiological data were collected at admission: age, sex, TBI mechanism, presence of m TBI, moderate and severe extra-cranial injury, post-resuscitation level of consciousness expressed by GCS and its motor subscale, and pupil examination. Findings from the admission CT scan were recorded following the Traumatic Coma Data Bank classification and MRI had been done through 72h week and 2week depending on stability of patients. questionnaire was designed and copied by the researcher. Examination had done on CT scan (Philips Multiva System 64 slice) in a supine position using a standard brain protocol, as part of the initial clinical assessment, according to the Scandinavian Guidelines for Head Injury Management. MRI examinations was performed using MRI 1. 5 T scanner (Philips MULTIVA systems) using a phase array head coil at the radiology department. The data had encoded and then entered into the statistical program (SSPS version 26). Results: A total 100 were patients with brain trauma that have been indicated for CT and MRI investigated in emergency department radiographically. The age of each study samples was normally distributed and ranged from 6 to 60, 7 to 55, and 10 to 60 years with a mean of 34. 6±17 for mild group, 30. 05±13. 7 for moderate group and 10 to 60 for sever group respectively after the inclusion and exclusion criteria, without significant differences between them (P-value= 0. 454) which reflecting the matching purpose of samples collection. All the 100 participants who completed, CT identified radiographic TBI in were true positive diagnostic accuracy (60%) while missed diagnostic were 40case. In MRI were true positive diagnostic accuracy (92%) while missed in 8 cases with the most common injuries being skull fracture, concision, intracranial hemorrhage, subdural hematoma, and subarachnoid hemorrhage, diffuse axonal injury, trauma axonal injury. Using CT as the criterion standard in mild TBI, through 24h the sensitivity (0. 7%) and Specificity (29. 6%). MRI 1 through 72h after TBI had the sensitivity (86. 7%) and Specificity (100%). MRI 2 through week after TBI had the sensitivity (6. 7%) and Specificity (43. 5%). MRI 3 through 2 weeks after TBI had the sensitivity (25. 1%) and Specificity (64. 7%). Using CT as the criterion standard in moderate TBI, after brain injury through 24h the sensitivity (54. 5%) and Specificity (33. 4%). MRI1 were sensitivity (0. 9%) and Specificity (24. 1%). MRI 2 were sensitivity (87. 3%) and Specificity (97. 8%). MRI 3 were sensitivity (0. 5%) and Specificity (33. 4%). Using CT as the criterion standard in severe TBI, after brain injury through 24h the sensitivity (100%) and Specificity (57%). MRI 1 were sensitivity (0. 8%) and Specificity (75. 2%). MRI 2 were sensitivity (0. 6%) and Specificity (30%). MRI 3 were sensitivity (100%) and Specificity (100%). Conclusion: MRI is a reasonable alternative to CT to identify radiographically evident TBI in clinically stable patients. MRI is a very sensitive technique for diagnosing DAI and ATI in moderate and severe TBI. For proper diagnosis, we recommend performing a conventional MRI in the sub-acute phase (within the first 4 weeks of the trauma) that includes at least T1, T2, FLAIR and gradient echo sequences in the different slice planes that reduces study time in order to be able to complete examination fast as soon as an MRI in patients with TBI.

In general, the over sea height is cumulative factor, which can influence significantly the farm conditions. This effect consists of temperature (mean year temperature), rain (sum of rainfulls), sunshine (total period of sunshine) and so on, in terms of climate, which can influence the dairy cow keeping directly and indirectly. Direct effects can influence the welfare of dairy cows in terms of hot stress for example, which could decrease a mastitis resistance of cows or their milk yield in simply way. Indirect effects can influence the dairy cows and their milk production (milk yield and milk composition and quality) by typical kinds of forages and preserved rough fodders, by their botany composition and nutritional quality. In general it is possible to say, that increasing over sea height decreases economical efficiency of dairying. On the other hand the higher over sea height is sometimes linked with pastoral system of dairy cow rearing and nourishment and more often with possibility to ecological and biodynamical agriculture application. In the fact, the mountain and submountain localities are named as less favourable areas (LFAs) in terms of agriculture efficiency and sustainability under the Czech Republic conditions. Despite of above mentioned facts, the pastoral system of dairying plays very important role for tourism development in different countries such as Alpine or Scandinavien countries, Ireland, The Netherlands or in particular in New Zealand.It could be very good to know the incidentaly possible impacts of over sea height of dairy cow rearing localities on milk quality, composition and its technological properties because of discussions about incidental dairy subsidies. Of course, in some countries including the Czech Republic, the governmental production subsidies or governmental environmental subsidies are partly linked with over sea height of localities of dairy farms, according to different calculation formulas as well.The individual milk samples, feedstuff samples (total mixed ration (TMR) on feeding trough) and mean excrement samples were collected at seven dairy cow herds and two main milked breeds of cattle (in the CR) for three years. Bulk milk samples were collected as well. It was done two times per year in winter (February, Marz) and summer (August, September) seasons. The herds were localised in lowland (N; ≤ 350 m of o.s.h.) and highland (P; > 350 m of o.s.h.) areas. The breed effect (H = Holstein and C = local Bohemian spotted cattle based on Simmental breed) was good balanced between N and P areas. The milk yields of herds varied from 5500 to 10000 kg of milk per lactation. The different but typical varieties of nourishment and feeding systems of dairy cows were applied in the herds: N = alfalfa silage with maize silage; P = clover-grass silage, grass silage with maize silage and grass pasture as well. The concentrates were feeded according to milk yield and nutrition demand standards.Investigated chemical-compositional, physical, health and technological parameters in individual milk samples were as follows: daily milk yield (ML; kg of milk per day); fat content (Tuk; g/100ml); lactose content (Lak; g/100g of monohydrate); solids non fat (STP; g/100g); somatic cell count (PSB; tis./ml); urea content (Mo; mg/100ml); acetone concentration (Ac; mg/l); acidity, concentration of H ions (pH); electrical conductivity (Vod; mS/cm); alcohol stability (Alk; consumption of 96% ethanol to milk protein coagulation point); titratable acidity (SH; ml NaOH solution 2,5 mmol/l); time for enzymatic coa- gulation (Čas; sec.); rennet curds firmnes (PEV; mm in contrary sense); subjective estimation of rennet curds quality (KV; from 1st = good to 4th = bad); volume of the whey at rennet precipitation (SYR; in ml); crude protein content (HB; Kjeldahl total N×6,38; g/100g); casein content (KAS; Kjeldahl casein N×6,38; g/100g); true protein (ČB; Kjeldahl protein N×6,38; g/100g); whey protein (SB; difference ČB-KAS; g/100g); non protein nitrogen matter (NNL; non protein nitrogen×6,38; HB-ČB; g/100g); ratio of urea nitrogen in non protein nitrogen (MNN; %); fat/crude protein ratio (T/HB); casein numbers as % ratio casein in crude protein and true protein (KAČ-HB and KAČ-ČB).Investigated hygienical and microbiological parameters in bulk milk samples, in preserved rough fodder (total mixed ration (TMR) on the feeding trough) samples and in mean excrement samples were as follows: milk - all parameters are expressed in CFU/ml; TRM = termoresistent microorganisms; SAG = Streptococcus agalactiae; SAU = Staphylococcus aureus; BCE = Bacillus cereus; BLI = Bacillus licheniformis; BAO = other bacilli; BAC = total bacilli (mostly aerobic termoresistent sporulated microorganisms); excrements – similar as milk TRM, BCE, BLI, BAO and BAC, results are expressed in CFU/ml solution, which was prepared by dilution of 1 g of material in 100 ml of distilling water; preserved rough fodders – the same parameters and conditions as at excrements. The hygienical parameters were chosen in consideration of hypothesis about possibility to affect milk hygiene and bacterial contents of excrements by the quality of feedstuff (forages or preserved forages – TMR on the feeding trough) sources and their microbial contamination.The 30 hard natural model cheese productions were processed from milk of four farms (two N and two P). These cheeses were fermented for 120 days and after that were evaluated for sensorical properties (taste and flavour; 1 = good, 5 = bad). The conditions for cheese processing were identical in all cases.The obtained values of some milk parameters (PSB, Ac and all microbiological data) were logarithmically transformed at their statistical evaluation because of their not normal frequency distribution.Differences between N and P areas are shown and tested in tab. I and II in terms of climate. The differences were mostly significant. Differences in milk composition, quality and properties, which were linked with areas are shown in tab. III. More significant effects were observed at milk technological properties such as Alk, Čas and PEV (P < 0,05, P < 0,01 and P < 0,05), where the advantages are at N area for Čas and PEV and at P area for Alk. Significant effects were observed at nitrogen phase of milk (NNL and MNN: P < 0,001 and P < 0,05) as well. These last mentioned are without practical importace.TRM and BAC (BCE) microbiological parameters can be linked beside hygienic practice of milking also with preserved rough fodder quality, which could depend on climate and over sea height conditions. Despite of this hypothesis, all investigated differences between N and P areas within bulk milk, feedstuffs and excrements were statistically no significant (P > 0,05; tab. IV). It is possible to produce the preserved rough fodders at very good level of quality in less favourable areas with today preservation technologies as well, without dependence on over sea height.The cheese sensorical quality (tab. V) was a little better in P area with higher variability (37,8% in comparison to 30,5% in N area). It is probably possible to explain by positive effects of feeding of grass silages with higher dry matter contents and with excellent nutrition digestibility and utilisation of nutrients (including effects of their botany species composition and their aromatic compounds and beta-carrotens), which were produced from young grass regularly under excellent fermentation conditions at one of investigated P farms (tab. V; n. 1). Of course, this above mentioned effect was statistically no significant in terms of N and P areas (P > 0,05), because of smaller difference and higher variability of quality parameter in P area, which were 0,07 and 37,8%. It was probably caused by different bacterial contamination still after milk pasteurization (thermoresistent bacteria). The long period differences within sensorical cheese quality between individual farms were mostly also statistically no significant (P > 0,05). Only in one case the difference was statistically significant (P < 0,02), just within P area. Under specific conditions there could be an advantage at cheesemaking.The mentioned results supported the necessity to keep the primary milk production in highland less favourable areas beside lowland areas, because of good balanced structure of agriculture in the country as well.

The cultural development and contacts on Bornholm during the late Palaeolithic and MesolithicThis paper presents the current status of research concerning the late Palaeolithic and Mesolithic cultures on the island of Bornholm in the Baltic Sea. Due to the island’s geographical position between Scandinavia and continental Europe, it can reveal important regional knowledge of all cultures throughout prehistoric times. The article also discusses subjects relating to island-archaeology, such as migration and possible isolation. Furthermore, the results show an updated picture of the settlement pattern on Bornholm during the Mesolithic. Finally, the archaeological finds reveal cultural as well as social contacts between hunter/gatherer societies in the Western Baltic and Bornholm. During the last few decades, the Mesolithic research on Bornholm has been focusing on the Maglemosian Culture. Systematic surveys in search of Maglemosian settlements were not conducted until the early 1980s. As an added bonus from these surveys, some late Palaeolithic and late Mesolithic sites were registered on Bornholm for the first time. Today, more than 125 Maglemosian settlements are recorded, but most of them are still a result of surface collections. Unfortunately, the preservation of organic material is not good on these sites, as they are found on Late Glacial shoreline deposits, i.e. on sandy soil. The Mesolithic habitants were forced to adapt and adjust to a very different raw material situation, and this gives the lithic industry during the Maglemosian Culture an extremely small and microlithic appearance. The lithic material from the Maglemosian Culture on Bornholm reveals some important regional aspects, which have similarities with Maglemosian settlements in Scania. These similarities are primarily caused by the same size of the raw nodules. The raw materials from Bornholm are all from the Maastrichtien and located in secondary deposits brought to the island with the different glaciers from the Quaternary Period. The most common flint type is »kugleflint« (nodular flint), often of good quality and not larger than four to six cm. The second most common material is the Kristianstad flint, which is dark grey and quite coarse and often up to 10-15 cm in size. The other two flint types are grey Danien, which is coarse to fine grained and tends to vary between four to six cm to around 10-15 cm in size. The use of local raw materials makes it easier to find the lithics from the Maglemosian Culture (Figs. 1 & 10). Many of the registered Mesolithic sites are a result of several survey projects.The first survey project concentrated on inland sites located abnormally far from any water resources. We retrieved information from old maps about the old bogs and lakes, which had been drained through the last 100 years. By raising the ground water level on modern maps using GIS, it was possible to recreate the size of the former inland lakes and hereby reconstruct the landscape and the lake. The majority of the Maglemosian sites turned out to be located exactly on the edge of these former lakes. The second survey project involved sites lying near the different creeks on Bornholm. These sites were repeatedly visited during all the phases of the Maglemosian Culture. What caused the habitants to return to a certain area over a 1000 years period? One of the reasons could be the access to migrating salmon and trout. Recent biological research of the trout population from the Kobbe and Bagå creeks indicates that a large number of migrating trout still migrates up the major streams, which may coincide with some of the Maglemosian hotspots. The geographical development in the Baltic region can be divided into some main stages, the Baltic Ice Lake stage, 12000-9300 cal BC, the Yoldia Sea stage, 9300-8500 cal BC, and the Ancylus Lake stage, 8500-7000 cal BC, (Figs. 2 A-D). From the Baltic Ice Lake stage until the beginning of the Ancylus Lake stage, approx. 8200 cal BC, the island was either the northern part of a peninsula covering an area from Rügen in Germany to Bornholm, or an island with a substantial land bridge towards Rügen. In the following phases, from 8200-7200 cal BC, the sea level of the Ancylus Lake was low, and due to continued transgressions, the land bridge was flooded and several smaller islands were created between Pomerania, Rügen, and Bornholm. The size and geographical spreading of these smaller islands is still heavily debated. However, it is clear that Bornholm became an island some time during the Boreal period. The late Palaeolithic finds occur randomly on some Maglemosian sites on the island (Fig.3). A particularly interesting find is the elk antler harpoon found in Vallensgård Mose (Fig. 6). This double rowed harpoon is of a type known from both the Ahrensburg and the Sviderian Cultures. So far, the only excavated Palaeolithic site on Bornholm is in Vallensgård Mose (“mose” is a peat bog). The assemblage from Vallensgård Mose consists of lithic material, found in a layer, which was cryoturbated during permafrost in the Dryas III. The lithic material consists of blade and flake cores, flakes, blades, one end scraper and one tanged point. The raw material is high quality Senonian flint (Figs. 4-5). The typological dating and technological observations from the blade core suggests that the Vallensgård Mose material belongs to the Bromme, the Swiderian, or the Ahrensburgian Period. The question as to which technological complex the Vallensgård material belongs remains open and can only be answered through future excavations of the site. The key to an understanding of the settlement pattern during the late Palaeolithic cultures is the fact that reindeer tend to migrate along fixed routes. However, is it possible to relate an actual reindeer migration route to Bornholm? The datings prove that reindeer were present throughout the entire Late Glacial. The reindeer remains found on Bornholm display no certain signs of human working (cut marks and marrow fracturing). If we consider the datings of reindeer remains from Bornholm, an actual reindeer migration route to or through Bornholm can neither be established nor excluded. The absence of the Ahrensburgian Culture on Bornholm could be caused by the smaller size of the raw materials on Bornholm. This could have forced the Ahrensburgian lithic production to adapt a new technology, which had a Mesolithic character. A climatic explanation for the absence of Ahrensburg material could also be made – for instance that the harsh climate around the Baltic Ice Lake frightened off the Ahrensburg humans, as argued by Svante Björck. According to him, we should expect no scenarios with human activity near the shores of the Baltic Ice Lake. However, this is contradictive to the find of a longitudinally split metatarsal from elk from the bay of Køge Bugt. The faunal picture from the Preboreal containing reindeer elks and beavers proves that Bornholm had a complete package of migrating animals during this period. The reindeers and elks became extinct in the early Boreal when Bornholm became an island. The isolation did not have any effect on other larger mammals, such as red deer, roe deer, and wild boar, which migrated to Bornholm during the late Preboreal and the early Boreal. These animals had the ability to reproduce and adapt to a warmer climate and a denser forest during the Boreal and the Atlantic period. These faunal changes had an impact on the hunter-gatherers who migrated to the island during the Preboreal. A limited number of finds have been registered from the Preboreal phase (9.500-8.000 Cal. BC.) on Bornholm. At Lundebro, a few microliths and blanks were found, which show similarities with the early Mesolithic Barmose Phase, (Figs. 7-8). The pieces are up to three times broader on the average than the typical blades from the Middle and Later Maglemosian phases on Bornholm. This proves that the later habitants on Bornholm were forced to adapt and adjust to a very different raw material situation. From the later Boreal phases, a large number of Maglemosian settlements with different topographic characteristics have been registered. Two different types of coastal sites have been observed on Bornholm, with major difference in accumulation, use, and exploitation of the settlement area (Figs. 7, 20-21). Kobbebro was settled repeatedly, which resulted in a 70 cm thick cultural layer. Less than 500 m from Kobbebro, two other sites – Melsted and Nr. Sandegård – have been excavated. At these sites, a different picture of a coastal site type with separate flint concentrations emerges. All the sites are dominated by microliths, which indicates that hunting played an important role. The coastal sites have been located 100 to 200 metres from the Ancylus Lake, which played an important economic part, as indicated by the repeated habitation. Seal hunting could have taken place in the Ancylus Lake during the Maglemosian Culture, as the ringed seal migrated into the Gulf of Bothnia during the late glacial period. The inland settlements on Bornholm are located on higher elevated grounds near a lake, a stream, or a forced passage. So far, they are only known from surface finds. Another type of settlements is the observation site, which revealed differences in size and duration. The larger site Loklippen is located on elevated ground approx. 115 m above the sea, with a broad outlook over the Vallensgård Mose and near a forced passage, where hunters shoot their pray even today (Figs. 12-14). A big surprise was the fact that the inhabitants of the Loklippen site used quartz as raw material. This rather untraditional, yet systematic, flake production indicates that they were forced to use unconventional materials such as quartz. Quartz assemblages dominate the early Mesolithic settlements in Central and Northern Sweden, with the settlement of Hjälmsjön as the southernmost site dominated by a quartz material. This could prove a direct contact between hunter-gatherers in Bornholm and in Scania, as revealed by the systematic production of quartz flakes. A smaller type of observation site was excavated at Smedegade in Klemensker. This site had a more typical appearance compared to other observation sites and covered an area of four to eight square metres. The site had a limited lithic assemblage and so it was interpreted as a short-term hunting station. However, the situation at Loklippen proves that certain observation sites were more frequently used. The last type of site is the transit camp, which lies on a sandy plateau near a spring and a creek, where the conditions for water transportation, fishing, hunting, and gathering are favourable. Ålyst and Hullegård are two such sites that were visited repeatedly during the Maglemosian Culture, and so contain a complex of smaller or larger settlements. The main lithic production is blades for the production of microliths (Figs. 19-20, 24). The microliths at Ålyst can be dated typologically from the beginning of the Boreal phase (8000 cal BC) until the end of the Boreal period (7000 cal BC) (Fig. 22). Finds from Ålyst indicate that there was also a more permanent settlement that lasted for up to one or two months. It became clear when visible structural evidence representing two oval-shaped huts was found (Figs. 16-18). The two huts show remarkable similarities as to orientation, size, entrance area, fireplaces, and pits, as well as to the combination of lithic tool types. However, differences are seen with respect to the microliths. Lanceolates with lateral retouch and triangular microliths dominate in Hut I, while the microlith inventory of Hut II was confined to lanceolates with lateral retouch. The two huts are probably not contemporary, which can be established by future C-14 dating of the different features from the huts. There are also problems concerning the flint concentrations in the two huts: are they altogether contemporary with the huts? To prove this hypothesis, it is necessary to do extensive refitting between the flint concentrations, the postholes, and the pits both inside and outside the huts. The huts are 7 x 4 m, which gives them an inner area of 30 square metres. The Ålyst huts are thus of a middle size hut structure, compared to the rest of the Maglemosian huts from Northern Europe. Could the oval shaped huts be a normal hut type connected to the Maglemosian Culture in the Western Baltic? If we look at some of the huts found in the Western Baltic, there are indeed parallels to the oval shaped hut at Tingby and Årup in Scania and at Wierzhowo 6 in the north eastern part of Poland, (Figs. 9 & 19). The similarities are particularly remarkable between the Ålyst huts and the Årup hut. These hut structures show similarities in orientation, dimensions, position of the postholes, lithic material, typological dating, etc. (Fig. 18). The striking parallel gives rise to interesting questions about cultural influences and regionalism during the Early Mesolithic in the Western Baltic. The connection between Årup in North-Eastern Scania and Ålyst on Bornholm should be considered as more than chance. However, at the present it is still unclear whether the oval-shaped hut type has a special geographical or topographical distribution in southern Scandinavia. The settlement pattern on Bornholm is influenced by a regional mobility strategy connected to the special geographical conditions on the peninsula. These observations also illustrate the regional differences between the Maglemosian societies and their ability to change mobility patterns and to adapt to the local situation. This opens up for the discussions regarding the coastal vs. inland problem in Southern Scandinavia. The discussion should consider the geographical differences, which could lead to a different mobility strategy in each region of the Maglemosian Culture. Especially the sites from Holmegård, Sværdborg, and Lundby are located closer to the Ancylus Lake than to the Kattegat coast during the Maglemosian Culture. This location could lead to a commuting strategy between the inland lakes and the Ancylus Lake, with sporadic contacts to the marine areas as indicated by several objects of marine origin and the imported flint. This hypothesis – which is supported by the Carbon-13 values from Zealand and from the Barum Woman in Scania – indicates a mobility strategy orientated towards the Ancylus Lake rather than towards the marine coast along Kattegat. All the areas surrounding the Ancylus Lake, including Bornholm, probably had similar mobility and settlement patterns orientated towards the freshwater lake. The settlement pattern around the inland lakes changed drastically in the late Maglemosian Period when Bornholm had become an island. The main difference on Bornholm between the settlement pattern of the island and the settlement patterns from the earlier periods is the apparently deliberate rejection of the inland as a habitation zone and the concentration of settlements in the coastal zone. A possible explanation for this major change could be that some important resources were lost as the larger inland lakes became overgrown and filled with sediments. A similar pattern and decline in site number has been observed around some of the flat-bottomed lakes on Zealand, such as Barmose, Lundby, Sværdborg, and Holmegård. Part of the repeated settlement pattern on Bornholm proves that some of the creeks were used through more than a thousand years during the Maglemosian Culture. This may have had both historical and ecological causes. Some locations may be recognized as specifically orientated towards a certain gender, or a specific season. Furthermore, some sites could be devoted to the exploitation of specific resources of primarily symbolic or mythological rather than economical causes. However, it is clear that the island was occupied and used by hunter-gatherers who shared a landscape with territorial and ideological components. The repeated use of certain hotspots in the landscape could indicate bordered territories determined by the creeks. One family group would hunt and fish in one particular creek, whereas others were connected to another creek. Unfortunately, it is impossible at the present to locate these territorial borders due to the incomplete picture of the site distribution. The settlement patterns presented in this paper must be regarded as preliminary and subject to later modifications, mainly because the dating base for the sites is their content of microliths. As for Bornholm, a preliminary regional microlithic typology with four phases has been suggested (Fig. 22). However, we face serious problems in fine-tuning the typo-chronology of the Maglemosian Culture. If this phase could be split into minor segments, the sites would appear much more sporadic compared to the current picture of the habitation. The repeated settlement pattern and the fact that the typological and functional expressions are unchanged during the Maglemosian Culture indicate that the societies on Bornholm had a continuing social and cultural contact with other groups or tribes within the Maglemosian Culture. Towards the end of the Maglemosian Culture, the habitation became sporadic, and the possibilities of creating contact with other cultural groups became limited and difficult because Bornholm was an island. It is however important to keep in mind that Bornholm seems to have never been completely isolated, and that it had a continuous social and cultural contact with the later Kongemose and Ertebølle Cultures. This is currently supported by the fact that the first Kongemose site (Sandemandsgård) has been registered at Bornholm (Figs. 23-24). Furthermore, a submerged site was located on Southern Bornholm at Boderne at a depth of four to five metres (Figs. 23 & 25). This indicates a now submerged landscape around Bornholm, which was settled in the Mesolithic. The use of this submerged landscape and its impact on the settlement pattern is currently uncertain. These arguments demonstrate that Bornholm was never out of sight or out of mind for the hunter-gatherers of the Kongemose and early Ertebølle Cultures. During the following late Ertebølle Period, a large habitation along the Littorina coast is registered on the island. One of these sites is Troldskoven, which is of particular interest as it is the only settled cave site in Denmark (Figs. 23 & 26). It was found by a coincidence when a German tourist excavated the site in 1939 and collected a large lithic material. The material was subsequently lost under the World War II. During the following years, the site was more or less forgotten until we took an interest in the cave.In 2004, we conducted a small survey and dry sieving of the surface of the cave and found lithic material. This could indicate that the cave was inhabited during the Early Ertebølle Culture. However, it is not possible to conclude any final dating of the assemblage until more investigations of the cave have been conducted. Another important late Ertebølle site on Bornholm is Grisby. This site demonstrates fishing and hunting – in particular on marine mammals. The artefacts from Grisby include imported lithic artefacts, Limhamn axes, and groove-decorated ceramics with an elongated cylinder-shaped base (Fig.27). All these artefacts are characteristic of the East Scandinavian Ertebølle sites, which were part of an established network across the Baltic Sea. These factors could be the basis of a swift transition to the Neolithic.To sum up, Bornholm in the late Palaeolithic was the northern part of a peninsula or an island with a substantial land bridge, which covered an area from Rügen and Pomerania to Bornholm. The settlement in the late Palaeolithic is sporadic, although the excavated site in the bog Vallensgård Mose indicates possible contacts with Rügen. This material presumably belongs to either the Bromme or the Ahrensburgian Culture in the Allerød or Dryas III. During the Dryas III and Preboreal, faunal remains of reindeer and elks have been registered on Bornholm, but there is no evidence of settlements in the Ahrensburg Culture and only little evidence from the earliest Maglemosian Culture. In the following Boreal phases, a large migration to the island along with a warmer climate and a changed fauna has been registered. During the late Maglemosian Culture, Bornholm became an isolated island and the settlement pattern changed. The number of inhabited sites was reduced and the settlements concentrated near the coast. In the Maglemosian Culture, it has been possible from the archaeological material to observe continuous social and cultural contacts with other Maglemosian societies in the Western Baltic, as exemplified by the changes in flint technology and the similarities concerning the hut structures in this region. These facts illustrate how geographic developments challenge a hunter/gatherer group exceedingly and prove their ability to adapt to changed conditions, as seen during the Maglemosian Culture in the Baltic region. During the following Kongemose and early Ertebølle cultures, the island had a sporadic habitation, but new finds, especially underwater sites, could change the impression of the settlement distribution. In the late Ertebølle Culture, an increasing number of coastal sites have been registered on the island, and this clearly proves cultural contacts with Scania. Finally, the consistent contacts between Bornholm, Scania, Rügen, and Pomerania could be one of the main reasons why the process of neolithisation seems to have been swift compared to other parts of Southern Scandinavia. The prehistory on Bornholm also has its peculiarities with an exotic quartz production during the Maglemosian Culture and the first cave site attached to the Ertebølle Culture observed in Denmark. In this article, we have described how the geographical changes have challenged the Mesolithic hunter-gatherers to the extreme. One of their most important faculties was the ability to exploit and maintain cultural as well as social contacts with other Late Palaeolithic and Mesolithic societies in the Baltic region.Claudio Casati og Lasse SørensenAfdeling for ArkæologiSaxo-InstituttetKøbenhavns Universitet

Character education is very basic education for young children to instill moral values to prevent unacceptable behavior. Children can absorb good character if they are in a supportive environment, for this reason, schools should understand and implement character education in the learning process. This research aims to see how teachers apply the character values of responsibility, honesty, discipline, love and affection, caring, courage, independence, hard work, cooperation, courtesy, justice, self-control, and tolerance. This survey method research uses two types of mixed data (Mixed method) with data collection techniques through observations, types of tasks, and performance assessments. The respondents for this research were 49 teachers involving 112 children. The results of research with a regression model of 0.7895 shows that the variables Responsibility, Honesty, Discipline, Caring, Courage, Independence, Hard Work, Cooperation, Politeness, Fairness, Self-Control, and Tolerance can explain the diversity of children's characters by 78.95%. while the rest is explained by other variables outside the model. Character values can be taught optimally in the school environment based on the teacher's ability to implement them. Through character education at school, children can also instill a positive outlook on life. Keywords: Teacher competency, Character Strengthening, Early Childhood References: Adi, H. C., Zulvia, M., & Asyha, A. F. (2020). Studi Kompetensi Guru dan Linieritas Pendidikan dalam Peningkatan Prestasi Belajar Siswa di Sd Negeri 1 Gunung Tiga Dan Sd Negeri 1 Ngarip Lampung. Al-Tadzkiyyah: Jurnal Pendidikan Islam, 10(2), 245–255. https://doi.org/10.24042/atjpi.v10i2.5140 Akdeniz, C. (2016). The relationship between elementary school teachers’ personality types and their learning and instructional strategies. International Journal of Curriculum and Instruction, 41(36). Anggraini, N. (2021). Peranan Orang Tua Dalam Perkembangan Bahasa Anak Usia Dini. Metafora: Jurnal Pembelajaran Bahasa Dan Sastra, 7(1), 43. https://doi.org/10.30595/mtf.v7i1.9741 Backman, E., & Barker, D. M. (2020). Re-thinking pedagogical content knowledge for physical education teachers – implications for physical education teacher education. Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy, 25(5), 451–463. https://doi.org/10.1080/17408989.2020.1734554 Canales, A., & Maldonado, L. (2018). Teacher quality and student achievement in Chile: Linking teachers’ contribution and observable characteristics. International Journal of Educational Development, 60, 33–50. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2017.09.009 Castillo-Gualda, R., Herrero, M., Rodríguez-Carvajal, R., Brackett, M. A., & Fernández-Berrocal, P. (2019). The role of emotional regulation ability, personality, and burnout among Spanish teachers. International Journal of Stress Management, 26(2), 146–158. https://doi.org/10.1037/str0000098 Coyne, I. (2009). Research with Children and Young People: The Issue of Parental (Proxy) Consent. Children & Society, 24, 227–237. Davidson, M., Khmelkov, V., & Lickona, T. (2010). The Power of Character: Needed for, and Developed from, Teaching and Learning. In T. Lovat, R. Toomey, & N. Clement (Eds.), International Research Handbook on Values Education and Student Wellbeing (pp. 427–454). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-8675-4_26 Fabbro, A., Fabbro, F., Capurso, V., D’Antoni, F., & Crescentini, C. (2020). Effects of Mindfulness Training on School Teachers’ Self-Reported Personality Traits As Well As Stress and Burnout Levels. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 127(3), 515–532. https://doi.org/10.1177/0031512520908708 Flanagan, A. M., Cormier, D. C., & Bulut, O. (2020). Achievement may be rooted in teacher expectations: Examining the differential influences of ethnicity, years of teaching, and classroom behaviour. Social Psychology of Education, 23(6), 1429–1448. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11218-020-09590-y Gordon, H. R. D., & Yocke, R. (1999). Relationship Between Personality Characteristics and Observable Teaching Effectiveness of Selected Beginning Career and Technical Education Teachers. Journal of Career and Technical Education, 16(1). https://doi.org/10.21061/jcte.v16i1.707 Haslip, M. J., Allen-Handy, A., & Donaldson, L. (2020). How urban early childhood educators used positive guidance principles and improved teacher-child relationships: A social-emotional learning intervention study. Early Child Development and Care, 190(7), 971–990. https://doi.org/10.1080/03004430.2018.1507027 Jovanović, J., Gašević, D., Dawson, S., Pardo, A., & Mirriahi, N. (2017). Learning analytics to unveil learning strategies in a flipped classroom. The Internet and Higher Education, 33, 74–85. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.iheduc.2017.02.001 Kim, H., & Sasaki, J. Y. (2017). 26—Intercultural similarities and differences in personality development. In J. Specht (Ed.), Personality Development Across the Lifespan (pp. 419–434). Academic Press. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-804674-6.00026-0 Puspitasari, Taufiq Satria Mukti, Supriyanto, & Muhammad Munadi. (2021). Character Building Through the Synergy Between Parents and School in Indonesia. Proceedings of the International Conference on Engineering, Technology and Social Science (ICONETOS 2020), 16–21. https://doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210421.003 Rokhman, F., Hum, M., Syaifudin, A., & Yuliati. (2014). Character Education for Golden Generation 2045 (National Character Building for Indonesian Golden Years). Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences, 141, 1161–1165. Roth, V., & Christine, A.-. (2020). What May Characterise Teaching in Preschool? The Written Descriptions of Swedish Preschool Teachers and Managers in 2016. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 64(1), 1–21. https://doi.org/10.1080/00313831.2018.1479301 Sudaryanti. (2015). Pentingnya Pendidikan Karakter bagi Anak Usia Dini. Jurnal Pendidikan Anak, 1(1). https://doi.org/10.21831/jpa.v1i1.2902

Watching (screen viewing) has become a common activity carried out in early childhood. Generally, children aged 2-5 years do watching activities for about 3 hours more a day. This study aims to see how watching activities together can increase attachment between parents and children. This study uses a qualitative approach that produces descriptive data in the form of written words or messages from people and observed behavior and uses observation, interview, or document review methods. Observations were made on co-viewing activities carried out by a child and his parents at home because this activity was found to have an impact on the attachment relationship between the two parties. The selected respondent is one of the parents of a 3-year-old child (G) (Mrs. B). Data collection was carried out at the residence of Mrs. B and G for several weeks. The data collection techniques used were interviews and observations. The results show that watching activities together has a positive impact on the attachment between parents and early childhood. This can be seen from the characteristics of the safe attachment that children have after watching the activities together, after previously the attachment they had characterized as an avoidant attachment. It can also be seen how parents have a big role in the formation of this secure attachment. Keywords: secure attachment, co-viewing watching activities, parent-children interaction References: Arianda, V., Salim, I. K., & Ruzain, R. B. (2022). Secure Attachment (Kelekatan Aman) Ibu dan Anak dengan Perkembangan Sosial Emosional Pada Anak. Journal of Islamic and Contemporary Psychology (JICOP), 1(2), 67–74. https://doi.org/10.25299/jicop.v1i2.8603 Barr, R., Zack, E., Garcia, A., & Muentener, P. (2008). Infants’ Attention and Responsiveness to Television Increases with Prior Exposure and Parental Interaction. 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Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 53(2), 317–335. https://doi.org/10.1080/08838150902908270 Hiniker, A., Suh, H., Cao, S., & Kientz, J. A. (2016). Screen Time Tantrums: How Families Manage Screen Media Experiences for Toddlers and Preschoolers. Proceedings of the 2016 CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems, 648–660. https://doi.org/10.1145/2858036.2858278 Holloway, D., Green, L., & Livingstone, S. (2013). Zero to eight: Young children and their internet use (pp. 10–13). LSE, London and EU Kids Online. Iskandar, T. P., & Nadhifa, R. A. F. (2021). Fenomena Penggunaan Youtube Channel Pada Anak Usia Dini di Masa Pendemic Covid-19 [The Phenomenon of Using Youtube Channels in Early Childhood During the Covid-19 Pandemic.]. Jurnal Ilmiah LISKI (Lingkar Studi Komunikasi), 7(2). http://journals.telkomuniversity.ac.id/liski Kabali, H. K., Irigoyen, M. M., Nunez-Davis, R., Budacki, J. G., Mohanty, S. H., Leister, K. P., & Bonner, R. L. (2015). Exposure and Use of Mobile Media Devices by Young Children. PEDIATRICS, 136(6), 1044–1050. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2015-2151 Keene, J. R., Rasmussen, E. E., Berke, C. K., Densley, R. L., Loof, T., Adams, R. B., Mumma, G. H., & Marshall, A. (2019). The effect of plot explicit, educational explicit, and implicit inference information and coviewing on children’s internal and external cognitive processing. Journal of Applied Communication Research, 47(2), 153–174. https://doi.org/10.1080/00909882.2019.1581367 Kirkorian, H. L., Pempek, T. A., Murphy, L. A., Schmidt, M. E., & Anderson, D. R. (2009). The Impact of Background Television on Parent-Child Interaction. Child Development, 80(5), 1350–1359. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2009.01337.x Lemish, D., & Rice, M. L. (1986). Television as a talking picture book: A prop for language acquisition. Journal of Child Language, 13(2), 251–274. Cambridge Core. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305000900008047 Moleong, L. J., & Surjaman, T. (1989). Metodologi penelitian kualitatif. Remadja Karya. https://books.google.co.id/books?id=YXsknQEACAAJ Papalia, D. E., Olds, S. W., & Feldman, R. D. (2007). Human Development. McGraw-Hill. https://books.google.co.id/books?id=tGHmxgEACAAJ Pempek, T. A., Demers, L. B., Hanson, K. G., Kirkorian, H. L., & Anderson, D. R. (2011). The impact of infant-directed videos on parent–child interaction. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 32(1), 10–19. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.appdev.2010.10.001 Pempek, T. A., Kirkorian, H. L., & Anderson, D. R. (2014). The Effects of Background Television on the Quantity and Quality of Child-Directed Speech by Parents. Journal of Children and Media, 8(3), 211–222. https://doi.org/10.1080/17482798.2014.920715 Pires de Sá, F. (2015). The co-viewing 2.0: Detaching from History and Applying in the New Media Age. КУЛТУРА/CULTURE, 5(11). Rachmat, I. F. (2019). Pengaruh Kelekatan Orang Tua Dan Anak Terhadap Penggunaan Teknologi Digital Anak Usia Dini [The Influence of Attachment of Parents and Children to the Use of Digital Technology in Early Childhood]. Jurnal Jendela Bunda Program Studi PG-PAUD Universitas Muhammadiyah Cirebon, 6(1), 14–29. https://doi.org/10.32534/jjb.v6i1.546 Santrock, J. W. (2009). Child Development. McGraw Hill. https://books.google.co.id/books?id=I58GLwAACAAJ Sims, C. E., & Colunga, E. (2013). Parent-Child Screen Media Co-Viewing: Influences on Toddlers’ Word Learning and Retention. Cognitive Science, 35. Skaug, S., Englund, K. T., & Wichstrøm, L. (2018). Young children’s television viewing and the quality of their interactions with parents: A prospective community study. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 59(5), 503–510. https://doi.org/10.1111/sjop.12467 Tamis-LeMonda, C. S., & Rodriguez, E. T. (2015). Parents’ Role in Fostering Young Children’s Learning and Language Development. In Encyclopedia of the Centre of Excellence for Early Childhood Development (CEECD). Toth, S. L., & Cicchetti, D. (2013). A Developmental Psychopathology Perspective on Child Maltreatment. Child Maltreatment, 18(3), 135–139. https://doi.org/10.1177/1077559513500380 Vaala, S. E., & Hornik, R. C. (2014). Predicting US Infants’ and Toddlers’ TV/Video Viewing Rates: Mothers’ Cognitions and Structural Life Circumstances. Journal of Children and Media, 8(2), 163–182. https://doi.org/10.1080/17482798.2013.824494 Vandewater, E. A., Bickham, D. S., & Lee, J. H. (2006). Time Well Spent? Relating Television Use to Children’s Free-Time Activities. Pediatrics, 117(2), e181–e191. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2005-0812 Zimmerman, F. J., Christakis, D. A., & Meltzoff, A. N. (2007). Television and DVD/Video Viewing in Children Younger Than 2 Years. Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine, 161(5), 473–479. https://doi.org/10.1001/archpedi.161.5.473

The “anatomy” of the rosette fibulaRosette or thistle fibulas have always attracted attention by virtue of their size and exclusiveness. They are richly decorated with, for example, gilt sheet metal and inlaid pieces of coloured glass. Also in terms of craftsmanship these are complicated pieces as each fibula consists of 40-60 different individual components. It was apparently only women of high status who were buried with one or, in rare instances, two examples. In Oscar Almgren’s classic work on the Northern European fibula types, rosette fibulas are assigned to his group VII – fibulas with a high catch plate – and thereby to the Late Roman Iron Age (AD 150/160 – 375). There is general agreement today that rosette fibulas in Denmark should be dated primarily to C1b (AD 210/220 – 250/260), i.e. generally a short period of use of just one to two generations, and neither has any wear been observed on these artefacts. Rosette fibulas are widespread across a very large area: Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Northeast Germany, Poland, the Baltic countries and Moldavia. The present article involves a systematic examination of their method of manufacture and material composition with the aim of distinguishing both geographic groups and possible workshop districts. As a basis for this, an overview has been produced of Danish rosette fibulas, defined here as having at least two rosettes. Denmark is represented by the greatest number, with 60 examples. Of these, 58 originate from inhumation graves, one from a cremation grave and one from a pit. Their geographic distribution is not even but is linked with particular areas such as Northern Jutland around the Limfjord, Southwestern Jutland and the southern part of Central Jutland, Eastern Funen, Eastern Zealand and the southwestern part of Bornholm (fig. 1). In the list of finds, numbers 1-24 are from Jutland, 25-29 are from Funen, 30- 57 from Zealand and 58-60 are from Bornholm. In the rest of Scandnavia these artefacts are rare, with seven examples from Norway and nine from Sweden. In studies of rosette fibulas it is practical to focus separately on functional and ornamental aspects. The former comprises the elements of spring, bow and pin, which are necessary in order for the fibula to be used as a simple safety pin, but also the technique and the metals used is included here. The ornamentation comprises, conversely, many different elements such as, for example, the upper and lower surfaces of the box-shaped spring cover as well as the various rosettes terminating in moulded knobs. Furthermore, the tension lugs, which sit between the spring and the ends of the spring cover. The ornamentation of the bow comprises rosettes and cuffs whereas the catch plate may be fitted with a band and ornamentation on the actual catch itself. The decorative parts are normally made of sheet metal, which is often gilded (figs. 2a, b).Correspondence analysesThe most important results of a series of correspondence analyses show that the material can be divided up into four geographic groups (figs. 9-10). Group 1 is very homogeneous and has its primary distribution on Zealand. Almost half (46%) of all the examples from Zealand fall into this group. They are very well preserved and are represented by many variants. They are made of silver, and other special features are that the bow and catch plate are cast in one piece. The upper surface of the spring cover is constructed of three successive vaulted rosettes (form 1), which are also seen on the bow. The rosettes are wreathed with flattened silver discs and the moulded knobs are encased within sheet silver. Group 2 is similarly represented primarily by examples from Zealand and should be considered as a sub-group of group 1. Group 3 is represented by a few fibulas from Jutland and a single example from Funen. Most of these are poorly preserved and therefore only present in a few variants. Characteristic features, which should be highlighted, include three rosettes on the spring cover, the bow and the catch plate cast in one piece, a flat silver disc around the rosettes and a bow of bronze. The choice of metal follows primarily the Jutish tradition in which bronze is most prominent, whereas the manufacture is according to the tradition on Zealand. In the analysis, this cluster locates itself mid between groups 1 and 2 on the one side and group 4 on the other. Group 4 has its distribution in Jutland as 62.5% of all the fibulas from Jutland fall here. There are also two from Funen. The most important features are that the bow and catch plate are not cast in one piece and the bow consists typically of bronze plated with babbitt metal, whereas the catch plate is often of silver and is, in several cases, ornamented with engraved lines. The pin itself is of bronze or copper, the same applies to the tension lugs. The upper surface of the spring cover comprises a rectangular bronze band clad with a rosette that sits as a central feature around the lower end of the bow. The bow is ornamented with flat rosettes and typically with a domed roundel of blue glass. Basically it is, as already suggested, possible to speak of two traditions, an Eastern Danish and a Jutish. With regard to the identification of possible workshop groups, it can be tentatively concluded that there was one on Zealand and two in Jutland. The five rosette fibulas from Funen show, conversely, no indication of the existence of independent workshops but should be seen rather as a mixture of Jutish and Zealand craft traditions.Typological classification of rosette fibulas and their distributionOn the basis of the primary studies, a typological classification has been carried out of the 36 best examples within six types. As the number of examples is modest, the classification should be taken with some reservation. Only the dominant types will be dealt with in more detail here; these are types 1 and 4. Again, it is the geographic distribution that is apparent, in that type 1 appears on Zealand whereas type 4 is Jutish. Due to its special construction, type 3 is similarly commented upon. The distribution of the other types is, conversely, very scattered as is apparent from the table (fig. 11). Type 1 is defined by having five vaulted rosettes. They are attached by way of a cast pin or a long through rivet and terminating in a moulded knob. The bow and catch plate are cast in one piece. Type 4 is characterised by having three rosettes, including the central rosette. The two rosettes on the bow have inlaid glass roundels or are made of vaulted sheet metal. The spring cover is most often rectangular. Type 3 comprises just three examples. These are characterised by the angle of the bow being greater than 90 degrees, they lack the high catch plate and have a triangular catch-plate cover with a hook to take the pin. The rosettes are soldered to the edge of the spring cover, and they can be circular or semi-circular and of sheet metal with or without blue glass inlays. All three examples come from Southwestern Jutland. Rosette fibulas have a very wide geographic distribution, from Norway in the north to the Black Sea in the south, and from Jutland in the west to the Baltic countries in the east. These spectacular ornaments must have belonged to the elite and their distribution indicates the extensive nature of the various networks at that time and therefore give a good insight into the extent of social mobility. One potential form of contact could have been marital alliances. These may have played an important role for the aristocracy in its wish to maintain their social status as well as their economic and political power. In other aspects of the archaeological record there are indications that women from the aristocratic Himlingeøje families were apparently married off to men in Tuna in Sweden. Rosette fibulas of Scandinavian type have, furthermore, been found in the Ukrainian-Rumanian Moldau area north of the Black Sea, which is perhaps also an indication of marital alliances. Unfortunately, the distinctive and easily recognisable rosette fibulas were only in use for a short period of 30-50 years, after which it again becomes more difficult to evaluate the extent of exchange within the large Germanic area. The work presented here is based on primary observations of most of the rosette fibulas from Denmark. It demonstrates clearly that there is much new information to be obtained from these elitist ornaments. At the same time, the importance is demonstrated yet again of renewed and primary studies of the existing archaeological record. Neither is there any doubt that more sophisticated methods of scientific analyses will, in the future, definitely be able to reveal much more new information and thereby contribute to a better and more sophisticated understanding of the significance of rosette fibulas as an important social marker within the aristocratic environs of the Iron Age.Annagrete Skjødt †Redigeret af Jørgen LundInstitut for Antropologi, Arkæologi, og LingvistikAarhus Universitet

Sacrificial Tradition and Religion during the Early Iron Age in South Scandinavia – with Special Reference to Settlement SacrificesSacrificial customs and religion during the Early Iron Age (500 BC–400 AD) has occupied archaeologists from the infancy of archaeology. Most would probably agree that the religion was primarily fertility related, originating as it was in the existing peasant society. The literature does not reflect any disagreement about the religion of the Early Iron Age being polytheistic and consequently concerned a variety of gods. However, it is still unknown how the religion was integrated in the everyday life, and under which conditions it was practiced.The research interest and the overall synthesis framework have especially addressed sacrifices in bogs and wetlands (for instance weapon sacrifices, bog bodies, deposited earthenware, anthropomorphic wooden figures, domestic animals, cauldrons, ring sacrifices, etc.). Strongly simplified, the existing consensus may be expressed in one single sentence: The overall society-related sacrificial traditions develop from being almost exclusively connected with wetland areas during the Early Iron Age (until c.400 AD) to being primarily connected with dry land after this time, cf. Fig. 1.The question is whether – based on the intense data collection over the recent decades – archaeology can or should maintain this very simple picture of the development of the sacrificial traditions and the religions during the Iron Age? Is it possible that we – rooted in for instance narrow definitions of sacrificial finds, habitual thinking, and a “delusion” consisting of the numerous well-preserved, well-documented, spectacular, and impressive finds of bog sacrifices – fail to see numerous forms of deposits, which (as opposed to the impressive finds of sacrifices in bogs) are hidden in the archaeological material?The settlements of the Iron Age have been excavated in large numbers over the recent decades, and it is the ritual finds from these localities that provide the background for this article.The ritual deposits from the settlements can be divided into two superior groups distinguished by the physical context. One comprises sacrifices made to constructions, which are characterized by being directly connected to a specific structure; the other encompasses settlement sacrifices that are to a higher degree characterized by an overriding affiliation to the settlement. The establishment of a sacrifice definition suitable for scanning the archaeological material for relevant finds is of vital importance. As the definition should not beforehand restrict the search through the material, it is important not to narrow the basis by concentrating only on the physical characteristics of the individual artefacts. The general idea behind the present presentation is that the different ritual dimensions of a society are internally connected as they function within the same overall conventions and, as a consequence, make up parts of a general mental structure, which can leave physically recognizable traces across the different ritual dimensions, cf. Fig. 2. This principal viewpoint creates a theoretical starting point for my work and the established definition of sacrificial finds: All intentionally deposited objects, which analytically show significant similarities as regards their physical appearance and/or their deposition context with other recognized ritual objects/contexts, and which are closely connected to these in time and space, should, when analysed, be considered sacrificial finds.The British religious historian, Ninian Smart, describes religion as consisting of seven thematically describing situations, which – albeit not completely unconnected – may be described individually:1) A dogmatic and philosophical dimension, comprising doctrine systems.2) A mythical and narrative dimension, comprising tales of the deities, of the creation, etc.3) An ethical and judicial dimension, comprising the consequences of the religion in relation to the shaping of the life of the individual.4) A social and institutional dimension comprising organisations and institutions that tie together the individual religious society.5) An empirical and emotional dimension comprising the individual’s experience of god and the divine.6) A ritual and practical dimension comprising prayer, sacrifices, worship, etc.7) A materiel dimension comprising architecture, art, sacred places, buildings, and iconography.As archaeologists, we have a very limited possibility of investigating the very thoughts behind the practiced religion. It is therefore natural to concentrate to a higher extent on the overall setting for it – the ritual dimension and the materiel dimension respectively. The ritual dimension and in particular its sacrificial aspect is traditionally divided into groups characterised by their significance level within the religion as such.1) The first and most “important” group consists of cult rituals. These are characterized by being calendar rites based on the myths of the religion or the history of the people, and by playing a part in the events of the year.2) The next group comprises transition rites (rite de passage), which follow the life cycle of the individual.3) The last group comprises rites of crises, which serve the purpose of averting danger, illness, etc.It is important to realize that the two first ritual groups are predictable cyclic rituals addressing the gods, the myths, and/or the people/the individual respectively. Only the third and least central group of rituals is determined by non-predictable and “not-always” occurring incidences. On this background, it becomes central to analyse, which category one is facing when one wants to assess its importance for the religion as such, in order to evaluate the primary character of the religion.In an attempt to understand the overall importance of a specific ritual practice, one cannot ignore a very complicated problem, which is to evaluate whether the sacrifices were practiced by single individuals or by a larger group of people as part of more common and society-supporting rituals. The issue of the relation between different sacrifice types and the groups causing these has been addressed repeatedly. Often, narrow physical interpretation frames as to who sacrificed what are advanced (i.e. Fig. 3). However, the question is how suitable are these very narrow and rigid interpretation models? As mentioned above, a sacrifice is defined by the intention (context) that caused it rather than by the specific physical form of the object!The above mentioned methodical and theoretical issues provide the background for the author’s investigation of the archaeological sources, in which he focused especially on the relationship between ritual actions as they are expressed in bog deposits and in burial grounds and measured them against the contemporary finds from the settle­ments.The analysis of the archaeological material is based on those find groups (sacrifices of cauldrons, magnificent chariots, humans, animals, metals, and weapons), which have traditionally been presented as a proof that society supporting and more community influenced ritual sacrifices were carried out beside the bogs.The examination of the material supports that sacrifices of cauldrons, magnificent chariots, humans, animals, and earthenware are found in both settlements and wetlands (Figs. 4-12), and that the deposits seem to follow superior ritual conventions, i.e. Fig. 2. The sacrifices were not made in fixed sacred places but in a momentary sacred context, which returns to its daily secular sphere once the rituals have been carried out. Often, the ceremony consists of a ritual cutting up of the sacrificed object, and the pars pro toto principle occurs completely integrated in connection with both burial customs, wetland sacrifice customs, and settlement sacrifice customs. Sacrifices often occur as an expression of a rite de passage connected to the structures, fields, or infrastructure of the village. However, the repeated finds of earthenware vessels, humans, and animals in both wetland areas and in the villages indicates that fertility sacrifices were made regularly as part of the cyclic agricultural world. This places the find groups in a central position when it comes to understanding the religious landscape of the Early Iron Age. In a lot of respects, the settlement finds appear as direct parallel material to the contemporary wetland-related sacrificial custom and so one must assume that major religious events also took place in the settlements, for instance when a human or a cauldron was handed over to the next world. Both the selection of sacrificial objects, the form of depositing, and the preceding ceremonial treatment seem to follow superior ritual structures applying to both funerary rites and wetland sacrifices in Iron Age society.Often, the individual settlement-related sacrificial find seems to be explained by everyday doings, as largely all sacrifice-related objects of the Early Iron Age have a natural affiliation with the settlement and the daily housekeeping. However, it is clear that if the overwhelming amount of data is made subject to a comprehensive and detailed contextual analysis, settlement related find groups and attached action patterns appear, which have direct parallels in the ritual interpretation platform of the bog context. These parallels cannot be explained by pure practical or coincidence-related explanation models!As opposed to ploughed-up Stone Age axe deposits or impressive bronze depots from the Bronze Age and gold depots from the Late Iron Age, a ploughed-up collection of either earthenware, bones, human parts, etc. are not easily explained as sacrificial deposits. However, much indicates that the sacrificial settlement deposits of the Iron Age were not placed very deeply, and so they occur in the arable soil of later times. We must therefore assume that these very settlement-related sacrificial deposits from the Early Iron Age are extremely underrepresented in the available archaeological material. In order to clarify the sacrifice traditions in the Early Iron Age settlements, it is therefore necessary to have localities, which comply with a very rarely occurring find situation. The sites must have fine preservation conditions for bone material and, equally important, thick, continuously accumulated deposits of culture layers, as these preserve the usually shallowly deposited sacrifices. Further, it would be a great advantage if the site has a high degree of settlement continuity, as under optimal conditions, the investigation should comprise the activities of several centuries on the same spot.The Aalborg area holds Early Iron Age localities, which meet all of the above-mentioned conditions – for instance the settlement mound of Nr. Tranders, from which a few results will be pointed out. Time wise, the locality covers all of the Pre-Roman Iron Age and the fist part of the Early Roman Iron Age. Around ten farm units have been excavated from the settlement, each of which can be traced across a period of several hundred years. The houses were constructed with chalk floors (cf. Fig. 13), which give optimal preservation conditions for bone material, and the culture deposits assumed a thickness of up to 2 metres. Around 150 houses were excavated at this site (cf. Fig. 14). The author systematically checked the comprehensive find material, and starting from the theoretical and methodical approach presented in this article, was able to isolate 393 sacrificial deposits – a very comprehensive material in comparison with the sacrificial wetland sites!In 279 cases, it was possible to isolate sacrifices in connection with constructions. These comprised such different items as Stone Age axes, fossils, dress pins, a bronze fibula, iron knives, iron arrowheads, a bronze ring, an iron axe, various pottery sacrifices, amber, bone stilettos, bone spearheads, a bone arrowhead, complete animal skeletons, animal skulls and jaws, various animal bones, an infant, humane skull fragments, etc. (cf. Fig. 15). Just as the sacrificed objects themselves vary, so does the sacrifice intensity in the different constructions. Thus, houses without any registered construction sacrifices occur, whereas other constructions showed up to 5-15 sacrifices. These intense sacrifice activities are mainly connected with the later settlement phases from the Late Pre-Roman and the Early Roman Iron Age.The most ordinary find groups are different animal bones, pottery, Stone Age axes, fossils, and various pointed or edged tools. It is a characteristic of the construction sacrifices that they almost never show any signs of having been burnt prior to the depositing. The fact that all finds are not comparable merely because they are related to a construction is obvious, as the find group comprises as different objects as a sea urchin and an infant! Whereas the first should probably be considered an amulet, human sacrifices are traditionally considered a far more radical and ultimate act, and thus a sacrifice concerning a wider circle than the individual household. The highly varied sacrifice material causes the traditional link between construction sacrifices and an extremely narrow celebrant group to be reassessed. The excavations at Nr. Tranders also stress the fact that the amount of registered construction sacrifices are highly dependant on the preservation conditions and context registration as well as an open mind towards ritual interpretations in a traditionally secular research setting.In 114 cases, it was possible to determine settlement sacrifices at Nr. Tranders (cf. Fig. 16). The variation between the sacrificed objects closely follows the above described construction sacrifice and bog sacrifice traditions – both as regards temporary intensity in the centuries around the birth of Christ and which objects were deposited. From a superior view, the settlement sacrifices are characterized by often having been deposited in small, independent sacrificial pits, which were merely dug down a few centimetres from the surface level of the time, and rarely more than 25 cm. This very limited deposition depth emphasizes the enormous problems and distorting factors, which are probably the reason why the settlement sacrifices are so anonymous in most Iron Age settlements. They were simply ploughed away! The dominating sacrificial animal in the settlements was the sheep, often a lamb. However, the dog, the horse, and the cow also occur frequently in the material, whereas the pig is rarely included in the finds. To judge from both settlement and structure sacrifices, the distribution of sacrificial animals seem to be a direct mirror image of the life basis of the Early Iron Age society in the Aalborg area.One ritual element in particular, however, fundamentally separates the group of settlement sacrifices from those connected to structures, namely fire. Whereas fire does not seem to be part of the ritual make-up concerning structure sacrifices, both burnt and unburnt sacrifices appear in the settlement sacrifice material (cf. Fig. 17 & 18). This condition is especially obvious when examining the deposited animal and human bones. The two maps on Fig. 19 show the finds of burnt and unburnt bone deposits respectively. On the background of these two plots (x, y, and z coordinates) the following analysis has been made: (interpolation “unburnt”)-(interpolation “burnt”), cf. Fig. 20. The analysis clearly points out that the relation between burnt and unburnt bone deposits is time related: the burnt deposits were made in the time before the birth of Christ, whereas the unburnt deposits were made during the following centuries. If this is related to the contemporary development of the grave custom in North Jutland, it is noteworthy that we can establish an obvious parallel development. Thus, the burial custom also changes around the beginning of the birth of Christ from a cremation grave custom to an inhumation grave custom. This coincidence probably indicates that within the two different religious and ritual contexts, the “ritual language” is to some degree identical when it comes to passing on humans and sacrificial animals.Irrespective of the superior sacrificial context – a bog, a lake, a field, a meadow, a structure, or a settlement – both the sacrifice intensity and the sacrificed objects seem to be based on objects from the daily household. As shown in the case of Nr. Tranders, the sacrifices occur in such large numbers on settlements with optimal preservation conditions that it is impossible to maintain the thesis that the Iron Age people had an especially one-sided preference for performing the sacrificial rituals in connection with wetland areas.As a supplement to the archaeological evidence, archaeologists have often sought support in historical accounts written by Romans in the centuries around the birth of Christ. The Roman historian Tacitus’ description of the religious activities of the Teutons is particularly describing and geographically differentiated. He mentions some general features such as the Teutons mainly worshipping Mercury (Mercury is the god of fertility, shepherds, etc.) and that they consider it a sacred duty even to bring him a human sacrifice on fixed days (i.e. a sacrifice cycle). Hercules and Mars (gods of strength and war) can only be reconciled with the allowed animal sacrifices. Besides, the Teutons consider it incompatible with the grandness of the heavenly powers to close them in behind walls and give them human features (cf. the lacking iconography). Tacitus´ overall description of the religion of the Teutons is thus primarily dealing with fertility sacrifices in relation to Mercury and the sacrifice of humans on certain days, i.e. a sacrifice cycle.More specifically, Tacitus describes the religious practice performed by tribes in South Scandinavia and North Germany at the time immediately succeeding the birth of Christ:“Nor in one of these nations does aught remarkable occur, only that they universally join in the worship of Nerthus; that is to say, the Mother Earth [Nerthus is phonetically concordant with the name Njord, a fertility goddess known from Norse mythology]. Her they believe to interpose in the affairs of man, and to visit countries. In an island of the ocean stands the wood Castum: in it is a chariot dedicated to the Goddess, covered over with a curtain, and permitted to be touched by none but the Priest. Whenever the Goddess enters this her holy vehicle, he perceives her; and with profound veneration attends the motion of the chariot, which is always drawn by yoked cows. Then it is that days of rejoicing always ensue, and in all places whatsoever which she descends to honour with a visit and her company, feasts and recreation abound. They go not to war; they touch no arms; fast laid up is every hostile weapon; peace and repose are then only known, then only beloved, till to the temple the same priest reconducts the Goddess when well tired with the conversation of mortal beings. Anon the chariot is washed and purified in a secret lake, as also the curtains; nay, the Deity herself too, if you choose to believe it. In this office it is slaves who minister, and they are forthwith doomed to be swallowed up in the same lake. Hence all men are possessed with mysterious terror; as well as with a holy ignorance what that must be, which none see but such as are immediately to perish.”Traditionally, the text is solely related to the numerous bog finds from the period. The question is, however, whether this is appropriate? Even a very limited analysis of the content of the text clearly reveals that the described religious exertion and the traces it must have left in the archaeological material can only be partly described from the numerous sacrificial bogs. The account of Nerthus may be split into two separate parts. One part that describes the common religious actions and another part comprising rituals carried out by a narrower group of people. The ritual mentioned with a severely limited circle (priest and slaves) comprises the washing of the goddess’ chariot by a lake and the succeeding sacrifice of the slaves chosen for the task. Far larger does the participant group appear throughout the rest of the Nerthus story. At first, there is a short mentioning of Nerthus driving about to the different tribes! This may be interpreted in such a way that the rituals described comprise actions, which take place where people are primarily moving about, i.e. in the villages! Perhaps the larger settlements of the Early Iron Age play a central part in relation to such common society-supporting ritual traditions. Tacitus decribes the physical context to be able to change its rules and norms at this sudden religious activity (cf. “They go not to war; they touch no arms.”) and in this way change sphere from an everyday, secular context to a religious context – a sacrosanct condition arises. The settlement thus enters different spheres at different times! Tacitus´ account of the execution of and the setting for the practiced ritual structure thus closely follows the structure known from archaeological excavations of bogs and settlements.How, then, does the religious practice of the Early Iron Age – and its sacrificial part in particular – appear on the background of the analyses above? (Fig. 22). May the sacrificial activity in actual fact be divided into two overriding groups, as was previously the tradition – individual structure sacrifices on settlements and both common and individual sacrifices in wetland areas – or is it necessary to revise and differentiate this view of Early Iron Age religion and the sacrificial customs in particular?The very unbalanced picture of the ritual displays of the society, involving chosen bogs as an almost “church-like” forum, is neither expressed in the archaeological material nor in the few written sources. On the contrary, the sacrificial activity appears as a very complex area, completely connected to the time and the regional development of the society of which it was part. Sacrificial objects primarily comprising everyday objects in the form of food, earthenware, animals, and humans did not differ from the secular culture until the actual ritual act took place.Considering the fact that the sacrificial objects comprised a wide range of everyday items, it is perhaps not so strange that the context in which the objects were sacrificed also varied considerably. It thus seems as if the conventional sacrificial customs were attached to the complete active resource area of the settlements, both in the form of wetland areas, and to the same degree of settlements. The conditions concerning burial sites, field systems, grazing areas, border markings, etc. still appear unclear, although it can be established that here, too, ritual activities took place according to the same conventions.The exertion of the rituals constituted a just as varied picture during the Early Iron Age as did the choice of sacrificial objects and place of sacrifice. Thus, we see objects deposited intact, as pars pro toto, smashed, burnt, etc. In spite of this very complex picture, patterns do seem to occur. There are thus strong indications that the rituals connected to settlement sacrifices of humans and animals during the Early Iron Age are closely connected with the rituals attached to the burial custom, and as such mirror a conventional communication form between humans and gods. Conversely, it seems as if structure sacrifices through all of the Early Iron Age primarily occur unburnt and that the ritual make-up connected to the finds of structure sacrifices is thus detached from the previously mentioned types of sacrifice, whereas the actual selection of the sacrificial objects seem to follow the same pattern.It is a characteristic of the ritual environments of the Early Iron Age that they appear momentary and as part of the daily life in the peasant community. Much thus indicates that permanent sacred environments and buildings did not exist to any particularly large degree. This does not imply that people would not return to the same sacred sacrificial places but rather that in between the sacrifices, these places formed part of the daily life, just as all the other parts of the cultural landscape.The examination of both published and unpublished material shows that the settlements were parallel contexts to the wetland areas and that these two contexts probably supplemented each other within the religious landscape of the Early Iron Age. In the light of the sacrificial find material there is no need to make a strong distinction between the religious societal roles of the settlements as opposed to the wetlands. The context (wetland and settlement) cannot in itself be understood as a useful parameter for determining whether we are dealing with large collective society-supporting ritual sites or sites connected to a minor village community. The question is whether the variation of sacrificial contexts should be related to different deities and myths, i.e. the mythical and narrative dimension of the religion, rather than to the size of the group of participants. On a few settlements, metal vessels, chariots, and humans were sacrificed – find types that are traditionally associated with the bogs and with groups of participants from a larger area than the individual settlement. This interpretation should also be applied to the settlements.In spite of the fact that from an overall perspective, the practiced religion in South Scandinavia seems homogenous, there is neither archaeological nor historical evidence for the presence of real ritual and religious units comprising large areas, such as complete provinces. However, we must assume that sacrifices of for instance humans, chariots, cauldrons, and the large weapon accumulations were made by groups of people exceeding the number of inhabitants in a single settlement. We thus have no reason for questioning the traditional concept that chosen wetland areas functioned as sacred places from time to time to major sections of the population – whether the sacrifices were brought about by for instance acts of war or as part of a cyclic ritual. The question is whether the large settlements of the Early Iron Age did not play a similar part to a hinterland consisting of a number of minor settlements, as the comprehensive finds from for instance the settlement mounds near Aalborg seem to indicate.During the Late Roman Iron Age and Early Germanic Iron Age, the previously so comprehensive sacrificial activity connected to the wetlands declined considerably. Parallel to this, the frequent settlement-related fertility sacrifices of bones and earthenware vessels in the Early Iron Age recede into the background in favour of knives, lances, craftsmen’s tools, and prestigious items representing the changed society of these centuries. During the Late Iron Age, the iconographic imagery, after having been throttled down for almost a millennia, regains a central role within the religion. This happens by virtue of a varied imagery on prestigious items such as bracteates and “guldgubber,” cf. Fig. 21. Seen as a whole, it seems as if – parallel to the development of the society during the Late Roman Iron Age and the Early Germanic Iron Age – there is a dimension displacement within the ritual and religious world, which manifests itself in an increased focus on the material dimension. The question is whether this very dimension displacement is not reflecting the religious development from the fertility-related Vanir faith to the more elitist Æsir faith.Jesper HansenOdense Bys Museer Translated by Annette Lerche Trolle