Articoli di riviste: "Scientific Socialist Progressive Party"

1

Costaguta, Lorenzo. "“Geographies of Peoples”: Scientific Racialism and Labor Internationalism in Gilded Age American Socialism". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, n. 2 (8 marzo 2019): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000701.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

AbstractThis article investigates ideas of race in Gilded Age socialism by analyzing the intellectual production of the leaders of the Socialist Party of America (SLP) from 1876 to 1882. Existing scholarship on socialism and race during the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era rarely addresses socialist conceptions of race prior to 1901 and fails to recognize the centrality of scientific racialism and Darwinism in influencing socialist thought. By positioning American socialism within a transatlantic scenario and reconstructing how the immigrant origins of Gilded Age socialists influenced their perceptions of race, this article argues that scientific racialism and Darwinism competed with color-blind internationalism in shaping the racial policies of the SLP during the Gilded Age. Moreover, a transatlantic investigation of American socialist ideas of race presents a reinterpretation of the early phases of the history of the SLP and addresses its historical legacies. While advocates of scientific racialism and Darwinism determined the racial policies of the SLP in the 1880s, color-blind internationalists abandoned the party and extended their influence beyond organized socialism, especially in the Knights of Labor.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

2

Vilkov, Viacheslav. "DOCTRINAL PROVISIONS OF THE GENERAL PROGRAM OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA AS A SYSTEM OF IDEATIONAL-THEORETICAL AND POLITICAL-IDEOLOGICAL PRESCRIPTIONS FOR RESEARCH OF MODERN CHINESE MARXISM". Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, n. 7 (2022): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2022/7-2/11.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The article reveals ideological-theoretical, methodological, and politico-ideological basic principles for an adequate analysis of the specifics of modern Chinese (Sinicized) Marxism. The attributive features of modern Chinese Marxism (Marxism with Chinese specifics (the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese Context, Sinicized Marxism), as the most effective version in world history for correcting and modernizing the axiomatics of the Marxist-Leninist theoretical model of social development, as well as improving the ideology of the ruling Communist Party in order to increase the effectiveness of its domestic and foreign state policies, have been characterized by means of concrete-historical and systematic comparative analysis of the ideational grounds and basic socio-philosophical postulates, political and ideological prescriptions of the program documents of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of China. Within the framework of this study, special attention has been paid to highlighting the essence and features of the Soviet and Chinese strategy of socialist construction, created to implement Marxist socialist and communist projects, as well as revealing the scientific evaluation of the differences between the political doctrines of the CPSU and the CPC in the interpretation of objective logic (the duration of stages, goals, and objectives of fundamental economic, social, political, and cultural transformations) of the process of constructing high-level development socialism ("developed socialism") and the further progressive movement of such a society to the phase of communism.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

3

Antonovich, Ivan I. "Century of the Communist Party of China and the perspective of socialism with a Chinese specificity". Journal of the Belarusian State University. Sociology, n. 4 (28 dicembre 2021): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2521-6821-2021-4-39-49.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The article analyses the main directions and paths of Chinese modernisation, the features of the US’ opposition to it, it is concluded that the success of socialism with Chinese characteristics creates a new world situation in which new socio-economic civilisational foundations can create a society of socialist orientation. It is noted that Deng Xiaoping, without holding any government posts, being only the chairman of the CPC Central Committee’s Defense Committee, led the process of Chinese modernisation, which brought China to the forefront of scientific, technological and social progress in the world. The author argues that the basis of Chinese success is the Leninist formula of the NEP – the use of private entrepreneurship under the control of a socialist state in order to develop at an accelerated rate of social wealth in the amount necessary to meet the basic life needs of its citizens. The path of China was fraught with many unsuccessful and tragic experiments, therefore the current socio-economic leap forward in civilisation is an unprecedented event in world history. The implementation of goals and objectives of such a global scale will make serious changes in the world order, and require a new political philosophy. The success of socialism with Chinese characteristics within the country, as well as in programs to support the progressive development of countries and peoples of the world ready for cooperation, allows us to give a cautious optimistic assessment of the future Chinese perspective. And this, according to the author, is today a clear threat to the tasks and goals of American domination in the world.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

4

Kluever, Joshua. "The Golden Age of Pragmatic Socialism: Wisconsin Socialists at the State Level, 1919–37". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 22, n. 2 (aprile 2023): 204–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781422000603.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

AbstractThroughout the 1920s and early 1930s, Socialists in Wisconsin experienced a “golden age” of political successes in the state legislature. Whereas the 1920s are commonly seen as a period of socialist decline, Wisconsin Socialists entered the decade with a renewed sense of optimism. Following World War I, the Wisconsin Democratic Party collapsed as a viable political option and the Wisconsin Socialist Party found itself the second most powerful party behind the Republican Party. Wisconsin Socialists took a pragmatic approach to legislative debates and allied with progressive Republicans to defeat conservative opposition. Socialists were vital to progressive reform prior to World War I; however, the Socialist-Progressive alliance reached its full potential in the 1920s. From 1919–31, the Wisconsin legislature passed 295 Socialist-authored pieces of legislation ranging from labor demands, public utilities, and criminal justice reform. Many of the proposals resulted from negotiations between the Socialist and Progressive caucuses. The success of the Wisconsin Socialists—and their alliance with progressive Republicans—suggests that at least in some places the Progressive Era extended into the 1920s.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

5

Protasova, O. "Main Political and Ideological Views of the SRs: Formation and Character". Bulletin of Science and Practice, n. 3 (15 marzo 2023): 447–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/88/61.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The article examines the key components of the political doctrine of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, which represented the populist trend in Russian socialism in the late 19th - first quarter of the 20th centuries. The diversity of ideological and philosophical directions in the ranks of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party is shown, which ensured internal democracy, but hampered the process of consolidation and centralization of the party. The stage of formation of party programmatic, long and sharply debatable, is characterized. The features of the nature of the programmatic views of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party on the main socially significant points, including state-legal and agrarian ones, are revealed. The classical populist attitude of the Socialist-Revolutionaries to the issue of the social structure and stratification of Russia is noted — with the recognition as a progressive class of the entire “working people”, including workers, the working peasantry and the working (socialist-minded) intelligentsia. The Socialist-Revolutionary Party was assessed as an organization that adhered to the principles of democracy and pluralism in its political practice.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

6

Boyko, Ihor. "LIFE PATH, SCIENTIFIC-PEDAGOGICAL AND PUBLIC ACTIVITY OF VOLODYMYR SOKURENKO (TO THE 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF HIS BIRTH)". Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Law 72, n. 72 (20 giugno 2021): 158–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vla.2021.72.158.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The life path, scientific-pedagogical and public activity of Volodymyr Sokurenko – a prominent Ukrainian jurist, doctor of law, professor, talented teacher of the Lviv Law School of Franko University are analyzed. It is found out that after graduating from a seven-year school in Zaporizhia, V. Sokurenko entered the Zaporizhia Aviation Technical School, where he studied two courses until 1937. 1/10/1937 he was enrolled as a cadet of the 2nd school of aircraft technicians named after All-Union Lenin Komsomol. In 1938, this school was renamed the Volga Military Aviation School, which he graduated on September 4, 1939 with the military rank of military technician of the 2nd category. As a junior aircraft technician, V. Sokurenko was sent to the military unit no. 8690 in Baku, and later to Maradnyany for further military service in the USSR Air Force. From September 4, 1939 to March 16, 1940, he was a junior aircraft technician of the 50th Fighter Regiment, 60th Air Brigade of the ZAK VO in Baku. The certificate issued by the Railway District Commissariat of Lviv on January 4, 1954 no. 3132 states that V. Sokurenko actually served in the staff of the Soviet Army from October 1937 to May 1946. The same certificate states that from 10/12/1941 to 20/09/1942 and from 12/07/1943 to 08/03/1945, he took part in the Soviet-German war, in particular in the second fighter aviation corps of the Reserve of the Supreme Command of the Soviet Army. In 1943 he joined the CPSU. He was awarded the Order of the Patriotic War of the 1st degree and the Order of the Red Star (1943) as well as 9 medals «For Merit in Battle» during the Soviet-German war. With the start of the Soviet-German war, the Sokurenko family, like many other families, was evacuated to the town of Kamensk-Uralsky in the Sverdlovsk region, where their father worked at a metallurgical plant. After the war, the Sokurenko family moved to Lviv. In 1946, V. Sokurenko entered the Faculty of Law of the Ivan Franko Lviv State University, graduating with honors in 1950, and entered the graduate school of the Lviv State University at the Department of Theory and History of State and Law. V. Sokurenko successfully passed the candidate examinations and on December 25, 1953 in Moscow at the Institute of Law of the USSR he defended his thesis on the topic: «Socialist legal consciousness and its relationship with Soviet law». The supervisor of V. Sokurenko's candidate's thesis was N. Karieva. The Higher Attestation Commission of the Ministry of Culture of the USSR, by its decision of March 31, 1954, awarded V. Sokurenko the degree of Candidate of Law. In addition, it is necessary to explain the place of defense of the candidate's thesis by V. Sokurenko. As it is known, the Institute of State and Law of the USSR has its history since 1925, when, in accordance with the resolution of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of March 25, 1925, the Institute of Soviet Construction was established at the Communist Academy. In 1936, the Institute became part of the USSR Academy of Sciences, and in 1938 it was reorganized into the Institute of Law of the USSR Academy of Sciences. In 1941–1943 it was evacuated to Tashkent. In 1960-1991 it was called the Institute of State and Law of the USSR Academy of Sciences. In Ukraine, there is the Institute of State and Law named after V. Koretsky of the NAS of Ukraine – a leading research institution in Ukraine of legal profile, founded in 1949. It is noted that, as a graduate student, V. Sokurenko read a course on the history of political doctrines, conducted special seminars on the theory of state and law. After graduating from graduate school and defending his thesis, from October 1, 1953 he was enrolled as a senior lecturer and then associate professor at the Department of Theory and History of State and Law at the Faculty of Law of the Lviv State University named after Ivan Franko. By the decision of the Higher Attestation Commission of the Ministry of Higher Education of the USSR of December 18, 1957, V. Sokurenko was awarded the academic title of associate professor of the «Department of Theory and History of State and Law». V. Sokurenko took an active part in public life. During 1947-1951 he was a member of the party bureau of the party organization of LSU, worked as a chairman of the trade union committee of the university, from 1955 to 1957 he was a secretary of the party committee of the university. He delivered lectures for the population of Lviv region. Particularly, he lectured in Turka, Chervonohrad, and Yavoriv. He made reports to the party leaders, Soviet workers as well as business leaders. He led a philosophical seminar at the Faculty of Law. He was a deputy of the Lviv City Council of People's Deputies in 1955-1957 and 1975-1978. In December 1967, he defended his doctoral thesis on the topic: «Development of progressive political thought in Ukraine (until the early twentieth century)». The defense of the doctoral thesis was approved by the Higher Attestation Commission on June 14, 1968. During 1960-1990 he headed the Department of Theory and History of State and Law; in 1962-68 and 1972-77 he was the dean of the Law Faculty of the Ivan Franko Lviv State University. In connection with the criticism of the published literature, on September 10, 1977, V. Sokurenko wrote a statement requesting his dismissal from the post of Dean of the Faculty of Law due to deteriorating health. During 1955-1965 he was on research trips to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Austria, and Bulgaria. From August 1966 to March 1967, in particular, he spent seven months in the United States, England and Canada as a UN Fellow in the Department of Human Rights. From April to May 1968, he was a member of the government delegation to the International Conference on Human Rights in Iran for one month. He spoke, in addition to Ukrainian, English, Polish and Russian. V. Sokurenko played an important role in initiating the study of an important discipline at the Faculty of Law of the Lviv University – History of Political and Legal Studies, which has been studying the history of the emergence and development of theoretical knowledge about politics, state, law, ie the process of cognition by people of the phenomena of politics, state and law at different stages of history in different nations, from early statehood and modernity. Professor V. Sokurenko actively researched the problems of the theory of state and law, the history of Ukrainian legal and political thought. He was one of the first legal scholars in the USSR to begin research on the basics of legal deontology. V. Sokurenko conducted extensive research on the development of basic requirements for the professional and legal responsibilities of a lawyer, similar to the requirements for a doctor. In further research, the scholar analyzed the legal responsibilities, prospects for the development of the basics of professional deontology. In addition, he considered medical deontology from the standpoint of a lawyer, law and morality, focusing on internal (spiritual) processes, calling them «the spirit of law.» The main direction of V. Sokurenko's research was the problems of the theory of state and law, the history of legal and political studies. The main scientific works of professor V. Sokurenko include: «The main directions in the development of progressive state and legal thought in Ukraine: 16th – 19th centuries» (1958) (Russian), «Democratic doctrines about the state and law in Ukraine in the second half of the 19th century (M. Drahomanov, S. Podolynskyi, A. Terletskyi)» (1966), «Law. Freedom. Equality» (1981, co-authored) (in Russian), «State and legal views of Ivan Franko» (1966), «Socio-political views of Taras Shevchenko (to the 170th anniversary of his birth)» (1984); «Political and legal views of Ivan Franko (to the 130th anniversary of his birth)» (1986) (in Russian) and others. V. Sokurenko died on November 22, 1994 and was buried in Holoskivskyi Cemetery in Lviv. Volodymyr Sokurenko left a bright memory in the hearts of a wide range of scholars, colleagues and grateful students. The 100th anniversary of the Scholar is a splendid opportunity to once again draw attention to the rich scientific heritage of the lawyer, which is an integral part of the golden fund of Ukrainian legal science and education. It needs to be studied, taken into account and further developed.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

7

Schneirov, Richard. "New Perspectives on Socialism II Socialism and Capitalism Reconsidered". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, n. 4 (ottobre 2003): 351–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000487.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The July 2003 special issue of the Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era revisited the history of the Socialist Party of America during the Progressive Era. This second issue on “New Perspectives on Socialism” examines socialism largely outside the party context, thereby challenging the tendency of scholars and non-scholars alike to identify socialism with a party-based political movement. To the degree that the essays collected here examine party-based socialism, they focus on the gradualist or revisionist wing of the party, whose socializing and democratic reforms, programs, and ideas helped establish a context for the Progressive Era and thereafter, when a “social democratic” type of politics became intrinsic to the mainstream American politics.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

8

Krutílková, Hana. "International Women’s Day and its role in the consolidation of the female socialist worker’s movement in Moravia before 1914". UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 19, n. 2 (2021): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2021.2.5.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

During the last years before WW1 the gender strategy of Moravian socialists started to follow the concept of new socialist woman. This effort was realized in several specific measures, first of all the introduction of International Women’s Day, the re-establishment of women’s party conferences and establishment of women’s political organizations. The new holiday helped revive the fading working-women’s socialist movement in Moravia during the years before WWI. It became an effective tool which helped both competing socialist parties – autonomists and centralists – to keep pace with growing competition of women’s interest associations of Catholics and The People’s Progressive Party. Thanks to the revival of women’s suffrage demands the Social Democracy could partly present itself as a protesting party again. The introduction of International Women’s Day led to the consolidation of disrupted women’s campaigning centres and partly also to spreading to new regions. However, the new holiday did not solve all the problems. Just as in previous years, especially women from the countryside remained resistant to socialist activities, due both to the lasting gender prejudices within their own party and the different political orientation of potential sympathisers.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

9

Ellis, Richard J. "Reimagining Democracy: The Socialist Origins of the Initiative and Referendum in the United States". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 22, n. 2 (aprile 2023): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781422000585.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

AbstractThe initiative and referendum are commonly characterized as quintessentially Populist or Progressive reforms, but transatlantic socialism deserves pride of place in the intellectual history of direct legislation in the United States. A decade and a half before the People’s Party famously commended the idea of direct legislation at its 1892 nominating convention in Omaha, Nebraska, the Socialist Labor Party (SLP) made the demand for direct legislation a plank in its first party platform. That demand was shaped by the 1875 Gotha Program formulated by the Socialist Workers Party of Germany and informed by socialist debates during the First International and the pioneering work of Moritz Rittinghausen. The diffusion of these ideas among Gilded Age labor radicals is a crucial and underappreciated part of the story of the origins of the initiative and referendum in the United States. That socialists’ pioneering role in the origins of the initiative and referendum in the United States has largely been slighted is particularly ironic since the individual arguably most responsible for securing the direct legislation resolution at Omaha was among the nation’s most successful radical labor organizers and a committed socialist, Joseph R. Buchanan.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

10

Enyeart, John P. "Revolution or Evolution: The Socialist Party, Western Workers, and Law in the Progressive Era". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, n. 4 (ottobre 2003): 377–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000505.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

In 1913 Socialist Party (SP) leader Morris Hillquit contended that the United States had embarked on the path toward socialism. He argued that the “modern principle of control and regulation of industries by the government indicates the complete collapse of the purely capitalist ideal of non-interference, and signifies that the government may change from an instrument of class rule and exploitation into one of social regulation and protection.” He then asserted that like “the industries, the government is being socialized. The general tendency of both is distinctly towards a Socialist order.” This fit with his understanding of the stages a nation underwent as it progressed first from a society with little to no state involvement in the economy, to a social democracy with state regulation of corporations and protections for workers, to, finally, a socialist state where a government which the people elected managed the economy.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

11

Schneirov, Richard. "New Perspectives on Socialism I The Socialist Party Revisited". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, n. 3 (luglio 2003): 245–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000402.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The essays contained in this and the October 2003 special issues of theJournal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Erawere originally delivered at a conference sponsored by Indiana State University, the repository of the Debs papers and site of his house, now a national landmark. Intended to commemorate the one hundredth anniversary of Debs' first run for the presidency, the conference themes of socialism and dissent attracted a diverse group of scholars, intellectuals, and activists. Their contributions help us gauge the state of the field. They also suggest new departures in the study of socialism.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

12

Liang, Zixuan. "Enhancing Capacity to Build an Advanced Culture and Strengthening Cultural Self-Confidence: Forging a New Splendor for Socialist Culture in the New Era". Studies in Social Science & Humanities 2, n. 10 (ottobre 2023): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.56397/sssh.2023.10.02.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The 20th Party Congress has put the promotion of cultural self-confidence and self-improvement and the forging of a new glory of socialist culture in front of the whole Party as an important task for the comprehensive construction of a modernized socialist country and the strengthening of the Party’s ability to govern. Under the new situation of new opportunities and challenges in the new era, if we want to build a modern socialist country in all aspects, we must adhere to the road of socialist cultural development with Chinese characteristics, enhance cultural self-confidence, build a strong socialist culture around raising the flag, gathering the people’s hearts, educating new people, promoting culture and displaying the image of a socialist cultural powerhouse, develop a socialist culture that is modernized, scientific and popular among the nation and the people, and stimulate the creative power of national cultural innovation and enhance the ability to realize the goals of a modernized, scientific and popular socialist culture. The development of a modern, world-oriented and future-oriented national, scientific and popular socialist culture will stimulate the cultural innovation and creativity of the whole nation and enhance the spiritual strength for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Therefore, it is necessary to have an accurate position in understanding, at least grasp three aspects: firstly, we should accurately grasp what culture and advanced culture are; secondly, we should recognize the necessity of continuously improving the ability to build advanced socialist culture and enhancing cultural self-confidence; and thirdly, we should continuously improve the ability to build advanced socialist culture and enhance the key point of cultural self-confidence. Only by grasping these three aspects can we continue to enhance the soft power of national culture and the influence of Chinese culture on the new journey of building a modern socialist country.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

13

Marek, Pavel. "PROGRAMMATIC DOCUMENTS OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK SOCIALIST PARTY FROM 1948 TO 1989". Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, n. 1 (50) (2 luglio 2024): 94–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(50).2024.305418.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

In the present study, we seek to analyse the Czechoslovak Socialist Party’s programmatic documents during the era of the “building of a socialist society” in Czechoslovakia (1948 – 1989). The party emerged from the ruins of the long-standing Czechoslovak National Socialist Party in the aftermath of the February 1948 communist coup. As a new political party, it distanced itself from the programmatic principles of its predecessor, which had pursued a vision of establishing national socialism as a product of the reformist efforts of people committed, in essence, to the idea of a welfare state built on national traditions, espousing the ideas of humanism, democracy, and human freedom, while spurning the concept of Marxism-Leninism and the replication of the Soviet model of socialism and communism. Thus, one of its foremost priorities after its constitution was to devise its own programme. In the early years of its existence, it subscribed to the Czech Socialist Party’s 1918 programme, but this makeshift solution was replaced in short order by a series of declarations in which it aligned itself with the programmatic goals of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. In 1949, it adopted its rules of organisation, in the introduction of which it inserted tenets about its core programmatic focus, which, understandably, did not reflect the full breadth of its interests and opinions on issues of political, economic, social, cultural, and other aspects of life. Nevertheless, for years the party portrayed this introduction as a fundamental and representative statement standing in for a standard party manifesto, stemming from the fact that, after the Ninth Congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in 1949, which defined the “general line for the building of a socialist society in Czechoslovakia”, and which the Czechoslovak Socialist Party adopted as a guide for its own policy and activities, the drafting of a programme for Czechoslovak Socialists became pointless, perhaps undesirable. All the way through to 1989, the Czechoslovak Socialist Party had no standard congress-adopted programme of its own. In the thawing of the political situation in 1968 that created a window of opportunity for change, an outline of a programme emerged that was heavily influenced by the contemporary climate seeking to construct a democratic model of socialism (“socialism with a human face”), but this was nothing more than a passing phase quickly suppressed by the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia and the subsequent era of “normalisation”. In the 1970s and 1980s, Kučera’s leadership of the party attempted to counter national-socialist ideology and the tendency for the party to declare itself non-Marxist by adopting the ideology of scientific socialism as a blueprint for the party’s approach to building a socialist society. Yet, at the same time, it proclaimed scientific socialism a doctrine that was not binding on party members and permitted them to lean towards a different ideological outlook. It was not until further political upheaval in 1989 that the party had a chance to formulate a standard programme. The leadership, however, recommitted itself to a vision of socialism, which, even in its reworked guise, no longer had the power to resonate with the public and, after many vicissitudes, the party ended up a marginal component of the Czech political system that coalesced after 1989.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

14

Zhang, Min, Haiyong Zong e David Zeen. "Mao Zedong’s thought and the construction of socialist ideology". Trans/Form/Ação 46, spe (2023): 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-3173.2023.v46esp.p211.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

Abstract: The 70-year practice of New China shows that our party has, permanently, attached importance and strengthened the leadership of ideological work, which is an essential factor for the Chinese nation to achieve the leap from standing, wealthy to powerful, and consolidate continuously the ruling position of the party. The successive leadership collectives of the party have explored and innovated the theory of socialist ideology in different periods of the history of China in light of the international and domestic situation, providing the CPC with a scientific theoretical basis and action guidelines for breaking through ideological barriers in its long-term rule. Mao Zedong made significant historical contributions to explore the road to new Chinese socialism, institutional design, theoretical innovation and ideological construction. The purpose of this study is to combine the basic principles of Marxism with the specific reality of China, creatively put forward the basic principles and basic directions of national ideology construction, and systematically elaborate the essential connotation, guiding ideology, primary objectives, fundamental nature and realization path of socialist ideology construction. This study shows that the first theoretical leap of the localization of Marxist ideology in China has laid a solid foundation to build a scientific and complete country and a scientific and complete national ideology system.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

15

Marek, Pavel. "K reflexi pastýřského listu slovenských biskupů z roku 1924 Československou stranou národně socialistickou". Kultúrne dejiny 14, Supplement (2023): 122–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.54937/kd.2023.14.supp.122-146.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The Slovak and Subcarpathian Ruthenia bishops of the Catholic and Greek Catholic Churches published a pastoral letter in November 1924 to respond to the fact that some members of these churches were members of communist, socialist or progressive organizations that rejected belief in God, criticizing the churches from atheistic positions and striving to create a secular society. The socialists, in an effort to expand their membership and electorate, went so far as to formally present themselves with Christian symbolism, which was supposed to deceive Catholics in a difficult social position and attract them to their ranks. The bishops reflected on this fact and, through the Pastoral Letter, explained to the members of their churches the destructiveness of socialist and progressive theories and recommended that they leave anti-Catholic organizations. Those Catholics who deliberately failed to take their teachings and warnings into account had to expect that the church would not administer certain sacraments to them. The publication of the Pastoral Letter provoked a fierce reaction in socialist and progressive circles as an attack against the state, its constitution and laws, the government and the democratic system that threatened the very existence of the Republic. The Pastoral Letter and its authors, the Catholic Church, the Holy See and Czech and Slovak political Catholicism were violently attacked by journalists and it triggered a press affair. Subsequently, the question time of German Social Democrats in the Chamber of Deputies resulted in a government crisis solved not only by the government, parliament, and political parties, but also by the so-called Pětka (Committee of Five) as the supreme body of Czechoslovak politics. The search for a way out of the government crisis showed that the socialists, especially the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party, did not want to defend their own ideology in the case, but used the publication of the Letter to pressure the Czechoslovak People’s Party, which, as part of the government coalition and the Švehla government, hindered the solution of the issue of regulating the relationship between the state and the Catholic Church. They wanted to force a change in its attitude by acting tactically with the idea of a minority government without the participation of the Czechoslovak People’s Party. However, the Czechoslovak People’s Party’s leaders handled the difficult situation it found itself in due to pressure from its coalition partners and the Catholic Slovak People’s Party and the Prague radical wing of its own party formed around Rudolf Horský, thanks to the prudent policy of its chairman Jan Šrámek. Although it agreed to negotiate a regulation of the relationship between the state and the churches, it defended the membership of the Czechoslovak People’s Party in the governing coalition, agreed to prosecute only those priests who manifestly violated the law and defended the right of bishops to act independently in public within the limits of the law. The article analyses and evaluates the attitudes and behaviour of the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party in this case.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

16

Morozova, Tatyana I., e Vladimir I. Shishkin. "“…Into the fighting ranks of the Revolutionary Communist Party”: Admission of Former Socialists to the RSDLP(b) – RCP(b) (1917-1924)". History 19, n. 8 (2020): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-8-79-91.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The article analyzes one of the problems of inter-party interaction in Russia in 1917–1924, which was not studies either intentionally or occasionally by Russian or foreign scholars. The subject of the research is the admission of socialists, who quit other parties, to the RSDLP(b) - RCP(b): more specifically who resigned the membership of Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (of Internationalists), Mensheviks, Right and Left wings of Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries, Socialist-Revolutionaries-autonomists, Union of Socialists-Revolutionaries Maximalists, Party of Revolutionary Communism, anarchists and so on. Based on the wide range of published materials, including data from the central and local periodicals, as well as unique archival sources that were added to the ever-growing aggregate of scientific knowledge for the first time, the article investigate, when, how and on what conditions former members of socialist parties (so-called “vykhodets”) were accepted for the RSDLP(b) – RCP(b) membership. The authors conclude that during 1917-1924 the conditions of admitting to Bolshevik Party changed crucially. At different moments, the Communist leadership solved different problems allowing former socialists to join the Bolshevik ranks. In 1917-1919 the admission of former socialists was initiated in order to rise the number of members of the RSDLP(b) - RCP(b), and the target audience mainly consisted of revolutionaries who had extensive experience in party and social work. After the October Revolution in 1917, the entering former members of the other parties to the Bolshevik party was considered as a tool of splitting and fragmentation of socialist parties and groups that were opponents and / or competitor for the Bolsheviks. Since the end of 1919, the admission of socialists to the RCP(b) had been gradually lost its significance as a source of recruiting and transformed mainly into an instrument for the destruction of the Mensheviks and Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries, as well as a mechanism for the adoption and incorporation of small groups with socialist and communist orientation. Since 1921, the admission of former socialists to the RCP(b) actually ceased to play the role into the process of increasing membership, but became one of the most important implement of degrading and defeating the Mensheviks and Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries. From the beginning of 1924, it was used exclusively as a factor of discrediting the socialists.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

17

Hou, Naixin. "Study on the Identity of Rule of Law China and Party Leadership". International Journal of Education and Humanities 14, n. 1 (14 maggio 2024): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/crj77262.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

Party leadership is an essential feature of the socialist rule of law with Chinese characteristics, and the study of the homogeneity between the rule of law in China and Party leadership is of profound significance to the understanding of the socialist rule of law with Chinese characteristics. This paper stands in the field of Marxist scientific methodology, firstly, through the method of social cognition and evaluation, we answer the question of what the rule of law in China and the Party leadership are, and then, through the method of four Marxist social sciences, we argue why the two have the same nature. Then, through four Marxist social science methods, the paper argues "why the two have the same nature", namely: building a rule of law China and adhering to the Party's leadership are both based on the people's nature as a solid cornerstone; both have a strong socialist color with Chinese characteristics; in which building a rule of law China is an important content of the practice of adhering to the Party's leadership and the way to realize it; and adhering to the Party's leadership is a necessary principle of building a rule of law China and a strong guarantee. Finally, this paper also answers the question of "how to recognize and ensure the homogeneity of the two" from a practical point of view, i.e., to promote scientific legislation, strict law enforcement, fair justice and law-abiding by all people under the leadership of the Party.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

18

Chattopadhyay, Kunal. "Reception of Socialist Realism in Bangla Progressive Literature and Alternatives to It: 1930s to 1990s". Contemporary Issues of Literary Studies - International Symposium Proceedings 16 (11 dicembre 2023): 259–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.62119/cils.16.2023.7554.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

Socialist Realist ideas came to India indirectly. And by the time they came, Dutta Gupta had demonstrated the brutal stranglehold of Stalinism on the CPI. This meant a two-stage revolution theory, a subservience, now to British imperialism, now to the Indian bourgeoisie. After independence, the same two-stage theory and the doctrine of popular frontism meant that the main inner-party debate was, where is the progressive bourgeoisie located? Inside or outside the Congress? Proletarian class independence could not flourish. Thus, the best of Bangla progressive literature was created in the 1970s and beyond, not through the Socialist Realism of the model of Saroj Dutt from 1938 or even Gorky, but through a rejection of ruling class hegemony and the articulation of polyphony, heteroglossia, alternative realities and fantasy.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

19

Protasova, O. L. "The Social State Motives in the Project of the People's Labor Socialist Party". Pravo: istoriya i sovremennost', n. 3(12) (2020): 047–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17277/pravo.2020.03.pp.047-056.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The elements of the ideological platform of the People’s Labor Socialist Party (PLSP) concerning the issue of statehood are analyzed. For the first time in the historical and legal literature, a comparison was made of the basic features of a welfare state from a modern point of view and its obvious components presented in the political program of moderate populism. It is shown that the PLSP differed from other socialist parties in its pronounced consistent etatism, paying great attention to the issue of the role of the progressive state as a moderator of the relationship between the individual and society. It is concluded that it was this party that proposed one of the first projects of state structure in Russia, the meaning and content of which anticipated the general trend towards the construction of socio-legal states of post-war European democratic socialism.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

20

Jia, Yong-jian. "The Leadership of the CPC be written into the Laws: Standard, Scope and It’s Expression". Legal Science in China and Russia, n. 6 (5 giugno 2024): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2587-9723.2023.6.022-029.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

Promoting the Communist Party of China’s leadership into the law is an inevitable requirement for the CPC’s comprehensive leadership in governing the country according to law in the new era, and it is also a legislative action to implement the CPC’s Leadership clause of the Constitution. On the issue of the standard of «the party’s leadership into the law», the academic circles have successively put forward two representative viewpoints: «theory in the field of public law» and «theory of political standard». But both are too formal to be applied in practice. For example, although the political judgment standard theory initially involves the substantive content level, the actual understanding and application still seem relatively broad, and there is no substantive content to grasp.In 2018, the amendments to China’s constitution added a clause that «the leadership of the Communist Party of China is the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics», which fundamentally established the criterion of «socialist attributes»: a substantive criterion of «promoting CPC’s leadership into the law». According to this provision, if the law needs to confirm the leadership of the Communist Party of China , it means the law should highlight its socialist nature. The question of which national legislation needs to specify the «leadership of the Party» is essentially the issue of which national legislation needs to highlight the socialist nature in the substance and must ensure its socialist attribute.Therefore, to judge whether a national legislation should state «the leadership of the Communist Party of China», the substantive content should be based on whether the country’s legislation has outstanding socialist attributes and should absolutely guarantee and give special prominence to its socialist values. In this constitutional sense, state legislation stipulating «the leadership of the Communist Party of China» is to highlight its «socialist» attributes; In order to manifest and guarantee its socialist character, state legislation must clearly stipulate the principle of «Adhere to the leadership of the CPC». The Constitution is the fundamental law and supreme law of the country, and the highest standard and basis for national legislation. Therefore, national legislation should also be based on the Constitution when stipulating the «leadership of the Communist Party of China» clause. That is, national legislation with prominent socialist attributes should comprehensively stipulate «upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China». The basic scope of these legislation involves the fields of basic system of state and government, national defense and military, national security, cadre personnel, education, ideological security, governing the country according to law, anti-monopoly, etc., and mainly belongs to public law. The legislative field with socialist attributes is a practical and opening field. With the in-depth development of socialist practice, when the socialist nature in some fields is gradually highlighted and clearly recognized by legislators, its corresponding legislation will clearly stipulate the principle of «upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China», which further confirm and guarantee its «socialist attribute» at the national legislative level. Therefore, the issue of the field and scope of «the Party’s leadership into the law» is fundamentally a dynamic issue, a dynamic field that has always been constantly evolving in the face of the development of socialist practice.To promote the Party’s leadership into the law, the fundamental purpose should be conducive to strengthening the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and comprehensively consider the coordination and convergence between the national laws and the Communist Party of China’s regulations under the socialist rule of law system. The newly revised National Constitution in 2018 has established a legislative expression model that confirmed the leadership of the Communist Party of China in principle and abstractly. The normative content of how the Chinese Communist Party exercises its leadership is specified in detail by the Communist Party of China Constitution. The Communist Party regulations are the main basis rules for the party to manage the party and govern the party, and have outstanding functions of governing the party and controlling power. They are most suitable for comprehensively standardizing and directly stipulating the specific content and procedures of the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party over the country. In this way, the national laws and the Communist Party of China regulations can be harmony and unified in the socialist system of rule of law as a whole. Accordingly, when relevant national legislation stipulates «the CPC’s leadership», it should also mainly implement the model established by the National Constitution and the Communist Party of China Constitution, which confirm the leadership of the Communist Party of China in principle and abstractly. So, there will leave the legislative blanks for the Communist Party of China regulations to stipulate the normative content such as its specific scope, matters, methods, procedures, responsibilities, and so on. This legislative white space is intentional from an overall perspective of the socialist rule of law system, and is a «rule of law interface» that must be reserved for the integration of the Communist Party of China regulations with national laws to further specific provisions on the actual content of «the CPC’s leadership».As a result, the national legislation focuses on «abstract confirmation of the party’s leadership status», while the Communist Party of China regulations focus on directly regulating and restraining the party’s leadership activities in a comprehensive and concrete way. The national laws and the Communist Party of China regulations are closely coordinated and connected on the issue of promoting the CPC’s leadership into the law. At that time, there is a differentiated division of labor and dislocation and complementary relationship between the national laws and the Communist Party of China regulations. That will not only highlight the unity and scientific nature of the socialist rule of law system with Chinese characteristics but also conducive to accelerating the formation of a rule of law pattern in which national laws and the Communist Party of China regulations complement each other, promote each other, and guarantee each other. The leadership of the Chinese Communist Party over the country will be confirmed and guaranteed by party rules and state law, and will be more stable in the socialist rule of law system.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

21

Skyba, Ivanna. "ECONOMIC REFORMS IN HUNGARY (LATE 1950s – 1960s.)". Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, n. 2 (47) (20 dicembre 2022): 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(47).2022.267357.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The article is devoted to the characteristics of economic reforms in the Hungarian People's Republic carried out in the late 1950s-1960s by representatives of the reformist wing of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (HSWP) under the leadership of J. Kadar. It is noted, in particular, that the ultimate success of the ruling communist regime was the economic reform, the main provisions of which came into effect on January 1, 1968, having received the name "a New economic mechanism." The reform anticipated the transition from a centralized directive-planning system to an indicative one, i.e., the elements of market-based relations were introduced along with the existing socialist planned economy. As the study pointed out, liberal transformations in Hungary resulted from J. Kadar's policy of consolidation and social harmony after the revolutionary events of 1956, and their goal was primarily to increase the population's welfare. Both the best Hungarian economists and political figures took an active part in developing essential reforms under the chairmanship of the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party Rezső Nyers, Prime Minister Jenő Fock, Vice Prime Minister Lajos Fehér. It is emphasized that the economic reforms in the Hungarian People's Republic brought the following changes: mandatory planning tasks were canceled, material incentives appeared, pricing practices changed, liberalization of agriculture took place, and small-scale production with the simultaneous functioning of large cooperative farms originated. Based on the developed scientific material, it was concluded that the most significant successes were in agriculture. However, after the events in Czechoslovakia in 1968, the liberal changes in Hungary, which destroyed the directive management system, caused dissatisfaction among the communist leaders of the countries of the socialist camp and in the Kremlin. There were also many opponents of reforms in the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party and in the party-state apparatus, which ultimately led to the collapse of the New economic mechanism in 1972–1973. Based on the analysis of specialized domestic and foreign publications, the author points out that the amount of scientific literature on the studied issues in modern Ukrainian historical science is insufficient.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

22

Kelly, Diana. "Perceptions of Taylorism and a Marxist scientific manager". Journal of Management History 22, n. 3 (13 giugno 2016): 298–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmh-11-2015-0205.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

Purpose This paper aims to provide evidence of pro-worker orientation and acceptance of socialist idealism in scientific management, with particular focus on Walter Polakov. Design/methodology/approach A range of original texts have been examined to identify the ideas expressed or accepted by the early scientific managers. These include Bulletin of the Taylor Society and the early publications of the socialist engineer and scientific manager Walter Polakov. Findings This paper shows how an avowed socialist is outspoken but unremarkable for the members of the Taylor Society in the 1910s and 1920s, contrary to the views expressed in textbooks and other histories which assert a deep antiworker bias in scientific management. Research limitations/implications This is limited to a historical analysis of the role and extent of involvement of the Marxist engineer Walter Polakov in the US scientific management movement in the 1910s and 1920s. Originality/value This paper offers insights into the workings of the Taylor Society using a biographical approach. In so doing, it demonstrates, in a new way, the verity of claims that the original proponents of scientific management were not authoritarian or anti-worker in their views or ideals, but, rather, open to progressive and socialist ideals.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

23

Latysh, Jurij. "Could be a socalist US President: Bernie Sanders case". European Historical Studies, n. 4 (2016): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.04.161-175.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The article deals with the campaign of Senator B. Sanders for the nomination for the post of President of the United States Democratic Party, analyzes the causes of the rapid growth in popularity of socialist ideas among young people and Democrats, highlights the challenges faced by the only senator-socialist. With the departure of the past stereotypes of the Cold War in the United States there has been a change of attitude towards socialism. Among young people aged 18-29 support socialism than capitalism support. The basis of his election program Sanders put the request “political revolution” in the US. It offers a choice between his progressive economic program that creates jobs, increases wages, protects the environment and provides medical care for all, and the conversion to US economic and political oligarchy. Despite a significant increase Sanders rating so far inferior to Clinton, who enjoys the support of the party establishment, party donors and “superdelegates”. However, in competition with Trump Sanders has a much better chance through an excellent reputation. Despite high ratings, the majority of voters do not believe Clinton Trump reliable and honest candidates. Sanders – one of the candidates who most respondents think good person.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

24

Marek, Pavel. "THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE PASTORAL LETTER OF THE SLOVAK AND SUBCARPATHIAN RUTHENIA BISHOPS OF 1924". Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, n. 1 (48) (11 giugno 2023): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(48).2023.280273.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The Slovak and Subcarpathian Ruthenia bishops of the Catholic and Greek Catholic Churches published a pastoral letter in November 1924 to respond to the fact that some members of these churches were members of communist, socialist, or progressive organizations that rejected belief in God, criticizing the churches from atheistic positions and striving to create a secular society. In an effort to expand their membership and electorate, the socialists went so far as to formally present themselves with Christian symbolism, which was supposed to deceive Catholics in a difficult social position and attract them to their ranks. The bishops reflected on this fact and, through the Pastoral Letter, explained to the members of their churches the destructiveness of socialist and progressive theories and recommended that they leave anti-Catholic organizations. Those Catholics who deliberately failed to take their teachings and warnings into account had to expect that the Church would not administer certain sacraments to them. The publication of the Pastoral Letter provoked a fierce reaction in socialist and progressive circles as an attack against the state, its constitution and laws, the government, and the democratic system that threatened the very existence of the Republic. The Pastoral Letter and its authors, the Catholic Church, the Holy See, and Czech and Slovak political Catholicism were violently attacked by journalists, triggering a press affair. Subsequently, the question time of German Social Democrats in the Chamber of Deputies resulted in a government crisis solved not only by the government, parliament, and political parties but also by the so-called Pětka (Committee of Five) as the supreme body of Czechoslovak politics. The search for a way out of the government crisis showed that the socialists, especially the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party, did not want to defend their own ideology in the case but used the publication of the Letter to pressure the Czechoslovak People’s Party, which, as part of the government coalition and the Švehla government, hindered the solution of the issue of regulating the relationship between the state and the Catholic Church. They wanted to force a change in its attitude by acting tactically with the idea of a minority government without the participation of the Czechoslovak People’s Party. However, the Czechoslovak People’s Party’s leaders handled the difficult situation it found itself in due to pressure from its coalition partners and the Catholic Slovak People’s Party and the Prague radical wing of its own party formed around Rudolf Horský, thanks to the prudent policy of its chairman Jan Šrámek. Although it agreed to negotiate a regulation of the relationship between the state and the churches, it defended the membership of the Czechoslovak People’s Party in the governing coalition, agreed to prosecute only those priests who manifestly violated the law, and defended the right of bishops to act independently in public within the limits of the law. This paper analyses and evaluates the current Slovak and Czech historical production on the topic of the Pastoral Letter, draws attention to the agreements and differences in the concept of the case individual authors presented, and indicates other possible research directions.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

25

Kontsevoy, Ilya A. "“Tactics of the City Committee Prompt Uezd Communists to Shift Away from Left Social Revolutionaries”: Conflict in the Yaroslavl Gubernia Party Organization of the RCP (B) in the Context of Interaction between the Bolsheviks and the Left Social Revolutionaries in Summer 1918". Herald of an archivist, n. 4 (2020): 1070–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-4-1070-1082.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

Drawing on archival materials from the State Archive of Russian Federation and the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History, the article studies activities of the Yaroslavl gubernia organization of the RCP (B) and its interactions with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries on various political issues in June–July 1918. During this period, numerous conflicts occurred between representatives of two Soviet parties, which was reflected in the policies of local Bolsheviks, among whom there sprung several groups with different views on cooperation with the Left Socialist Revolutionary party. Studying the conflict in the Yaroslavl party organization and identifying its causes and main participants has its novelty. Archival documents are being introduces into scientific use that shed light on the circumstances of this conflict in the context of socio-political situation of summer 1918. The author examines the attitude of local leaders of the RCP (B) to regional representatives of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries and explores the relationship between the leadership of the Bolshevik Party and the Yaroslavl Bolsheviks on local politics issues. The analysis of archival documents suggests the existence of two opposing points of view on relations between the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries in the Yaroslavl party organization of the RCP (B), which caused controversy among Yaroslavl Bolsheviks. A significant role in strengthening of the controversy in the Yaroslavl party organization was played by the military commissar S. M. Nakhimson who succeeded in changing rules for electing delegates to the Congress of Soviets of the Yaroslavl province. The conflict in the Yaroslavl party organization was closely connected with activities of the Left Social Revolutionaries who had great influence in the gubernia. Some Yaroslavl Bolsheviks sought to continue cooperation and opposed strengthening confrontation. However, in early July, Nakhimson’s position prevailed among the members of the Yaroslavl organization of the RCP (B). Having studied the archival documents, the author concludes that it was the irreconcilable position of Nakhimson on Bolsheviks and Left Socialist Revolutionaries cooperation that caused the split of the provincial Congress of Soviets and the crisis of power, which the White Guard used to organize the Yaroslavl insurgency.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

26

Kontsevoy, I. A. "PRACTICES OF THE REVOLUTIONARY DUAL-PARTY SYSTEM: COALITION OF BOLSHEVIKS AND LEFT SRS IN THE AUTHORITIES OF MOSCOW AND MOSCOW REGION". Вестник Пермского университета. История, n. 3 (62) (2023): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-3-85-96.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The article examines the problem of interaction between the representatives of the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries in the institutions of Soviet power in Moscow and the Moscow region in the first half of 1918. The author introduces new archival documents into scientific circulation, which serve as an important source for studying the conflicts between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs in Moscow government institutions. Using specific examples of ideological and administrative clashes, the author studies the practices of interaction between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs within the framework of a dual-party coalition. The author proves that the interaction of representatives of the two parties in the Moscow authorities included both conflicts between the Bolshevik and the Left socialist revolutionary commissars, and joint state work, which consisted of organizing the management of the territory of Moscow and the Moscow region. Archival documents show that among the Bolsheviks there was no single point of view on the need for the existence of separate Moscow authorities. Representatives of the left communists, as well as the Left socialist revolutionaries, advocated the preservation of independent state institutions in the Moscow region, which created the possibility of an alliance between them and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. However, the active actions of Vladimir Lenin prevented a split among the Moscow Bolsheviks. The emergence of a dual-party system in Soviet state institutions was a unique phenomenon in modern history of Russia, since representatives of the neo-populist socialist party could influence managerial decision-making. This situation led to the “power sharing” between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs, which became a characteristic feature of the “long” revolution of 1917.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

27

Ekot, Basil, e Zekeri Momoh. "Youth Political Participation and Party Politics during the 2023 General Elections in Nigeria". Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 15, n. 1 (5 gennaio 2024): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/mjss-2024-0005.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The waning of young participation in politics has made the involvement of Nigerian youth in politics a contentious issue since the country's return to democracy on May 29, 1999. Therefore, this study seeks to investigate the level of youth participation at the party level during 2023 general elections in Nigeria. This study used secondary data such as textbooks, Journal articles and online sources while content analysis was used to analyse the data collected. Moreover, this study is situated within the “Sleeping Dog Theory”. The study argues that the African Democratic Congress (ADC) recorded the highest number of youth participation at the party level during the 2023 general elections. Other parties in order of increased youth participation include Action Democratic Party, New Nigeria's People Party (NNPP), Socialist Democratic Party (SDP), Action Alliance (AA) and Labour Party among others. However, Labour Party occupied sixth position, Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) thirteen positions while the All Progressive Congress (APC) fifteen positions. This shows that the three dominant Political parties during the 2023 general elections namely Labour Party, Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressive Congress (APC) were not among the leading political parties that encouraged youth participation at the party level during the 2023 general elections. On the whole, this study recommends among other things that Interparty Advisory Council (IPAC) which is the umbrella body for Political parties in Nigeria should work closely with the various political party leadership on ways to increase youth participation at the party level like the reduction of the party nomination/interest form. Received: 10 October 2023 / Accepted: 28 December 2023 / Published: 5 January 2024

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

28

Verbov, M. A. "Sketch of the work of the scientific and clinical sanatorium Tsusstrakh named after Lenin". Kazan medical journal 29, n. 5-6 (12 gennaio 2022): 381–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/kazmj83955.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

People's Commissar of Health Comrade Vladimirsky in his report at the Moscow city-wide party meeting of medical workers 4 / II 1933 "On the results of the January plenum of the Central Committee and Central Control Commission of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks" noted the major achievements in the field of health care, which were the result of the general successes of socialist construction, and led to a significant increase in the inpatient fund, reached in the USSR in 1932 - 800,000 beds, which changed the very type of institution and the system of medical care; at the same time outlined a number of measures aimed at strengthening the health of the workers of our country.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

29

Columeau, Julien. "Laṭxāna (1950–1954), an Intellectual Commune in Quetta (Baluchistan)". Iran and the Caucasus 27, n. 3 (14 agosto 2023): 274–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-02703008.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

Abstract This paper retraces the history, activities, and contribution of an intellectual commune active in Quetta, Pakistan between 1950 and 1954: the ‘Laṭxāna commune’. Laṭxāna (Psht. ‘House of idleness’) is the name of a place in which Baluch, Pashtun, Urdu-speaking and Sindhi intellectuals settled in 1950. Laṭxāna’s intellectuals were in close contact with the Communist Party of Pakistan and its cultural branch, the Progressive Writers’ Association, and attempted to spread socialist or communist thought in Baluchistan. Following an agenda outlined by communist and progressive writers, they set out to develop literature in the languages of Baluchistan, launching a Baluchi literary association and a Pashto-language journal and publishing the first collections of modern Baluchi poetry. Laṭxāna’s members also promoted their outlook through journalism, and edited journals, such as Xāwar, Nawā-e waṭan and Ciltan. In 1954, the Laṭxāna intellectuals—who had so far been simple representatives of the Communists or Progressives in Baluchistan—started their own political movement. They created a political party and published a manifesto, which called for a socialist Baluchistan free from the influence of landowners and feudal leaders. Alongside ideological disagreements, the arrest of some of the commune’s prominent members finally led to the closure of Laṭxāna, but the group nevertheless had a long-lasting influence on Baluchistan’s political and intellectual landscape. In this paper, I shall discuss the commune’s literary, journalistic, and political contributions, notably through the accounts of its founding fathers, Mir Abdullah Jamaldini and Sain Kamal Khan Sherani.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

30

Brooke, Stephen. "Problems of ‘Socialist Planning’: Evan Durbin and the Labour Government of 1945". Historical Journal 34, n. 3 (settembre 1991): 687–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017556.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

‘Socialist planning’ was a notable, if unlikely casualty of Labour government after the Second World War. Between 1931 and the election victory of 1945, central economic planning was, in the words of G.D.H. Cole, the ‘professed creed of the Labour Party’. Depression and war demonstrated that the anarchy of free-market capitalism had to ‘give way to ordered planning under national control’. Labour won the election of 1945 with a commitment to ‘plan from the ground up’ through the socialization of industry, the establishment of a national investment board and the use of wide-ranging economic controls. Planning was the defining characteristic of Labour's socialism in this period and it could indeed be argued that the party did not find so effective a political rhetoric until ‘Labour and the scientific revolution’ in 1963.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

31

Siewierski, Tomasz. "Karta z dziejów historiografii ruchu robotniczego: przypadek Jerzego Targalskiego (1929–1977)". Kwartalnik Historii Nauki i Techniki 67, n. 1 (30 marzo 2022): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/0023589xkhnt.22.006.15442.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

A Page from the Historiography of the Workers’ Movement: the Case of Jerzy Targalski (1929–1977) The article is devoted to Jerzy Targalski (1929–1977), a historian of the workers’ movement and the beginnings of socialist organizations in Poland. Targalski’s intellectual biography draws attention to the previously neglected area of studies on the history of historical science, such as the party structures of science, namely the Institute for Education of Scientific Staff/ Institute of Social Sciences at the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party and the Department of Party History at the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party. What seems to be an important theme is the development of Targalski’s research interests and the evolution of his critical approach to both the historiography and the reality of the Polish People’s Republic.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

32

Załęska-Kaczko, Jagoda. "Nawiązania do tradycji budownictwa wiejskiego w architekturze Wolnego Miasta Gdańska w dobie narodowego socjalizmu". Porta Aurea, n. 20 (21 dicembre 2021): 174–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/porta.2021.20.08.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

After the establishment of the Free City of Danzig, the process of the renovation and inventory of arcaded houses (Vorlaubenhäuser) and timber -framed churches in the vicinity of Gdańsk began, along with the increasing scientific interest in them. At the same time, in numerous projects from the 1930s, the interest of architects in traditional rural construction, related to the orders of the Nationalist Socialist Party for certain types of structures, can be observed. In the suburbs of Gdańsk and Sopot, standard, posed as idyllic workers’ housing estates were founded, which were to combine the advantages of living in the countryside and in the city. The network of kindergartens of the National Socialist People’s Welfare (Nationalsozialistische Volkswohlfahrt) as well as youth hostels used by the Hitler Youth (Hitlerjugend) and the League of German Girls (Bund Deutscher Mädel) was expanded. According to the Blut -und -Boden ideology, a network of camps for the Land Service (Landdienst) for the Hitlerjugend, community houses for members of the NSDAP Party, and exemplary farms were also founded. The repertoire of local materials, traditional architectural details, as well as references in interior design were intended as manifestations of the regional identity, used by the National Socialist authorities to serve the purposes of the Party propaganda, which was creating the myth of an idyllic, strong, homogeneous national community and proving the uninterrupted continuity of German culture in the Free City of Danzig, despite its separation from the German Reich.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

33

Korovin, Kirill Sergeevich. "Socialist idea and methods of constitutional implementation in 1918". Genesis: исторические исследования, n. 12 (dicembre 2021): 268–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.12.37208.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

This article demonstrates that socialism was the key political concept for the nascent Soviet constitutionalism. The matter is that the political-legal ideas of V. I. Lenin underlied the ideology of Bolshevism, which became the basis of the entire legal system of the Soviet state. The author traces the evolution of socialist ideas and their reception by the Russian social democracy. In the Bolshevik party, the idea of a socialist society has acquired rather utopian and radical forms than the initial European model. This was associated with the fact that socioeconomic, political and cultural conditions dictated certain framework for the implementation of socialism. The Communist Party had to establish the socialist principles and fundamentals of the Soviet society on the constitutional level. This led to robust debates on the issue in the constitutional commission. The discourse that emerged due to the adoption of the Constitution of the RSFSR of 1918 is poorly reflected in the scientific publications; therefore, the author provides brief biographical data of the key members of the constitutional commission. This allows correlating the political-legal ideas with the historical and personal contexts. It is worth noting that such concepts as “socialist society”, “association” and “union” underlie the comprehension of the essence of state and law. This served as the basis for further discussion of the goals and objectives of the councils, first steps, as well as rights and responsibilities of citizens.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

34

Kabashima, Ikuo, e Steven R. Reed. "Voter Reactions to ‘Strange Bedfellows’: The Japanese Voter Faces a Kaleidoscope of Changing Coalitions". Japanese Journal of Political Science 1, n. 2 (novembre 2000): 229–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109900002036.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

On 30 June 1994 the Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDPJ, formerly the Japan Socialist Party) joined its historic enemy, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), to form a coalition government in a Japanese equivalent of Italy's ‘historic compromise’. Competition between the conservative LDP and the progressive socialists had defined the Japanese party system since 1955. In this paper we analyze voter reactions to this and other confusing events surrounding the end of the LDP's 38-year dominance. We find, first, that the Japanese electorate was able to make sense of these events. The political space reflected in public opinion mapped the political space reflected in the mass media remarkably well. Secondly, our findings support the idea that attitudes toward political parties are endogenous to the political process: strategic moves by political actors alter the political space within which they maneuver. Coalitions of strange bedfellows force voters to revise their perceptions of political space and reevaluate their attitudes toward the actors involved. Strange bedfellows seemed less strange, friendlier after they had been seen in bed together.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

35

Lisenkova, A. D. "Main Features of the Climate Change Agenda of the Party of European Socialists". Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 12, n. 5 (15 giugno 2023): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2022-12-5-127-135.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

This article is devoted to the climate change agenda of the Party of European Socialists. In order to identify its current main features, the author characterizes the development of the climate discourse of the party under the influence of socialist, workers and social-democratic ideological foundations, as well as the political situation in the European Union at various historical stages. Through comparative analysis and discourse analysis, the general evolution and main principles of the Party of European Socialists and its political group, the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats, as well as the actual development and current priorities of the climate agenda are investigated. Comparative analysis and discourse analysis are carried out through the prism of election manifestos and the top officials’ rhetoric. The relevance of the study lies in the primacy of climate change for the European Union and its citizens, as well as the substantial modernization of supranational legislation under the leadership of Frans Timmermans, a member of the Party of European Socialists and Executive Vice-President of the European Commission for the European “Green Deal”.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

36

Boldāne-Zeļenkova, Ilze. "The Role of Ethnographers in the Invention of Socialist Traditions in the Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic". Journal of Ethnology and Folkloristics 13, n. 2 (1 dicembre 2019): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jef-2019-0012.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

Abstract This study, based on archive document research and analysis of publications by Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic (LSSR) ethnographers, discusses the process of invention and implementation of Socialist traditions and the role of scientists in this. The introduction of Soviet traditions in Latvia did not begin immediately after the Second World War when the communist occupation regime was restored. The occupation regime in the framework of an anti-religious campaign turned to the transformation of traditions that affect individual’s private sphere and relate to church rituals – baptism, confirmation, weddings, funerals, Latvian cemetery festivities – in the second half of 1950s, along with the implementation of revolutionary and labour traditions. In order to achieve the goals set by the Communist Party, a new structure of institutions was formed and specialists from many fields were involved, including ethnographers from the Institute of History at the LSSR Academy of Sciences (hereinafter – LSSR AS). Ethnographers offered recommendations, as well as observed and analysed the process, discussing it in meetings of official commissions and sharing the conclusions in scientific publications, presentations, etc.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

37

Sidorova, Marina, Karen McBride e Dmitry Nazarov. "Nothing is Standard: The Transformation of Standard Costing Under State Policy in the USSR (1929–1934)". Accounting Historians Journal 48, n. 1 (4 marzo 2021): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/aahj-18-020.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

ABSTRACT In the 1930s, active industrialization of the economy in the USSR was impossible without using modern management techniques and accounting methods. To increase the manageability of industrial enterprises, attempts to introduce standard costing, imported from the United States, were undertaken. Previously called progressive and useful, after the policy of the Communist Party changed, standard costing was identified as a calculative technique that did not correspond to the goals of the socialist state. Soviet researchers formulated the principles of normative cost accounting, based on standard costing. This new version was greatly simplified and lost its analytical focus. The paper investigates the influence of state policy on the transformation of standard costing methodology during the construction of the Socialist economy. The authors contribute to previous literature by focusing on the periodic press, professional societies, and educational institutions being used as tools of political power to put pressure on accounting theory and practice.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

38

Li, Peng. "Localization of Marxism in China: History, Theory and the Challenge". Journal of Politics and Law 11, n. 4 (30 novembre 2018): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n4p89.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

Marxism is the science of universal standard. The truth, practicality, scientific of Marxism has been proved by history. But with the development of practice, the development of Marxist theory itself is facing a new opportunity, also faced with unprecedented challenges. How to effectively cope with the challenges？Such as: Is communism a utopia? The labor theory of value is effective? Socialist country is democracy? And so on. All these problems are the socialist system and Marxist must think and answer. As a Marxist, how to truly stand in the position of Marxism, using the Marxist method and point of view to observe the social and economic development and the progress of human civilization and world history, is the problem of contemporary Marxists has to think about. Or it will lose vitality, and will be out of date, and possible failure. The most familiar example is the socialist power caused by the collapse of the Soviet Union and its consequences. As important heritage and development of Marxist theory, the Communist Party of China has always been guided by the Marxism theory, whether in revolution, construction and reform, or the governing principle politics today. Can say, not only accumulated a very valuable historical experience, but also enriched and developed Marxism, the Communist Party of China have a say in the history of Marxist development. So, we need to discuss three questions, the effectiveness of the Marxist theory, and understanding of Marxist trajectory of the Communist Party of China, the challenge for the Marxism theory and how to deal with.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

39

Jiang, Guoan. "The Communist Party of China Leads the Four - Dimensional Characteristics of Rural Revitalization". International Journal of Education and Humanities 6, n. 2 (19 dicembre 2022): 202–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ijeh.v6i2.3713.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The comprehensive implementation of rural revitalization strategy promotes the development of socialist social productive forces and the development process of comprehensively building a great modern socialist country, which is a necessary stage for the free and comprehensive development of human beings in the future communist society. At the theoretical level, the Marxist urban-rural concept provides scientific guidance for the Communist Party of China (CPC) to lead rural revitalization; The excellent tradition and practical experience of the CPC in leading the cause of the three rural areas in the context of the "two major situations" have explored a Chinese solution that can stand the test of practice and be used as a reference for international reference for the real realization of the Chinese dream; At the practical level,The leadership of the Communist Party of China is the driving engine of rural revitalization in the new era.And the grassroots organizations of the Communist Party of China play the role of the overall situation in rural revitalization .We should promote new urbanization and modernization of agriculture and rural areas with people at the core, contribute the effective connection between rural revitalization and common prosperity and lay a solid foundation for the realization of the Chinese dream of great rejuvenation and the second centenary goal.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

40

JANKOVIĆ, SLOBODAN, e JOVAN JANJIĆ. "SERBIAN NATIONAL CULTURE IN POLITICAL TALK OF GOVERNMENT". Kultura polisa, n. 46 (18 ottobre 2021): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.3r.2.01.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

In this paper we will analyse treatment of Serbian national culture in public speeches and authorised texts of the politicians in power in Serbia. We will adopt political discourse analysis and general text analysis in order to detect modalities of usage of national cultural and messages within studied texts and speeches. Key politicians in the period 2012-2020 are actual President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić, who is also leader of Serbian Progressive Party (SPP), Parliament Speaker Ivica Dačić, leader of the Serbian Socialist Party (SSP) and Ana Brnabić, Prime Minister of Serbia, member of SPP. Mentioned three politicians, generally have two attitudes to national culture in examined period. Inaugural speeches, greetings on special occasions and state holidays, elec-tions speeches, public speeches on crucial political issues like on the status of Kos-ovo and Metohija present raw data.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

41

Lu, Sentong. "On Constitutional Law Grounds of the State Policy in the PRC". Legal education and science 10 (8 ottobre 2020): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1813-1190-2020-10-28-34.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

Purpose. Scientific justification of the idea on the acknowledgment of the role of priority basic constitutional principles as grounds for the constitutional law regulation of the state policy in the PRC. Methodology: dialectics, hermeneutics, synergetics, philosophical conceptology. Conclusions. Holding a discussion on the approaches of the modern comparative linguistics to the identification of the development principles of the Chinese legal system, the author suggests referring the Chinese legal system to the socialist one with national peculiarities, historical succession, Chinese traditions occupying an important place in the development of the socialist principle of democratic centralism of the Communist Party of China. The author notes that the key constitutional principles of organization of government in the PRC are established and developed using the elements of two legal families (far eastern, socialist) and taking into account the Chinese specifics of the ideological origination and development of the Communist Party of China based on the ideas of K. Marx, V. I. Lenin, Chinese leaders and other supporters of the democratic centralism principle. Based on the provisions of the first chapter of the Constitution of the PRC, the author singles out 32 categories of the key principles of the constitutional law formation of the Chinese state directly or indirectly forming the powers of government authorities, state policy fundamentals. Scientific and practical significance. The conclusions of the article are aimed at systematization of the key constitutional principles of organization of government in the PRC classified into: basic, economic, social, law enforcement, administrative-territorial and additional ones. The priority basic principles singled out by the author are designed to form the grounds for the constitutional law regulation of the state policy.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

42

Robertson, James. "Imagining the Balkans as a Space of Revolution: The Federalist Vision of Serbian Socialism, 1870–1914". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, n. 2 (4 aprile 2017): 402–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417701815.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

Between the years 1870 and 1914, leftist intellectuals in the Kingdom of Serbia theorized and promoted a project of Balkan Federation as a strategic priority in the social, economic, and political transformation of the region. This article offers a genealogy of these federalist ideas and places them in dialogue with rival projects of regional unification in the Balkans and Eastern Europe during the long nineteenth century. It begins by developing a typology of federalist projects in Europe, categorizing these according to the underlying models of sovereignty upon which they were founded. I identify four categories: revolutionary-republican, imperial-reformist, imperial-irredentist, and revolutionary-social. Instead of organizing these federalisms according to their authors’ ideological commitments (socialist, nationalist, pan-Slavic) or their geographic scope (Balkan, Danubian), the article argues that examining their respective models of sovereignty offers intellectual historians a more productive approach to identify the unexpected convergences and divergences of federalist projects during this period. The article then moves into a discussion of the development of Serbian socialist ideas of Balkan Federation, beginning first with the work of Svetozar Marković (1846–1875) and then turning to the writings of the fin de siècle Social Democratic Party in the decade before World War I. Situating this genealogy of socialist Balkan federalism in its broader European intellectual milieu, I use the above typology to identify the ways in which Serbian socialists converged and diverged from contemporary federalist projects, including the reformist ideas of the Austro-Marxists, the irredentist strategy of the Serbian Progressive Party, and the republican ideas of Karel Kautsky.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

43

Matiash, Iryna. "Activities of Consulates of Socialist Countries in Kyiv (Late 1940s – 1980s)". Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, n. 30 (1 novembre 2021): 85–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2021.30.085.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The purpose of the study is to clarify the main activities of foreign consulates in Kyiv in the period after World War II to the restoration of state independence of Ukraine in 1991 and to determine the features of their interaction with public authorities and NGOs of the Ukrainian SSR. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, historicism, systematization. General scientific and special scientific methods are used, in particular archival heuristics, potestar imagology, prosopography. The scientific novelty of the research results consists in the reconstruction of activities of foreign consulates in Kyiv during the researched period, the creation of a collective portrait of foreign representatives in Kyiv, the clarification of the personalities of consuls general and features of their interaction with the state government and public organizations of the Ukrainian SSR based on the archival information found in published and unpublished sources by the author. Conclusions: The right of the Ukrainian SSR to foreign policy was restored on February 1, 1944, but the Soviet leadership did not intend to give the republic real powers. This decision was due to the desire of the USSR to get the opportunity for the largest possible representation in the emerging UN. The center of the formation of organizational and legal bases of the interaction of the Ukrainian foreign policy department was the Soviet People's Commissariat (later - the Ministry of Foreign Affairs), the Central Committee of the CPU exercised control over the implementation of the center's decisions. In the cities of destination, foreign missions were under the triple supervision of the foreign ministry, party bodies and the soviet KGB structures, which led to their balancing between official cooperation and veiled ideological confrontation. Given the subordinate status of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, there were established not diplomatic missions (embassies), but consular offices (consulates general and consulates) in its administrative center Kyiv. Foreign consuls were mostly career diplomats with work or study experience in the USSR or party workers

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

44

HOLMES, SARAH C. "A Forgotten Writer: Alice Beal Parsons and “Cross Purposes”". Resources for American Literary Study 37 (1 gennaio 2014): 209–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/resoamerlitestud.37.2014.0209.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

Abstract This essay recovers a socialist and feminist writer previously overlooked by literary scholars. An author of five novels and numerous short stories, Alice Beal Parsons published for both mainstream and progressive audiences. Of particular note is her membership in the Communist Labor Party and her renunciation of a bourgeois identity. The archival discovery “Cross Purposes” is a good representation of her commitment to radicalism. Most likely composed in the 1920s or 1930s, the short story is a unique examination of a wealthy woman's role in the oppression of the women who work for her. Included with a full transcription of the story is a bibliography of Parsons's major work.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

45

Horst, Patrick. "Von Obama über Clinton, Sanders und Warren zu Biden: Die Demokratische Partei zwischen Populismus, Pragmatismus und Progressivismus". Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 54, n. 1 (2023): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2023-1-143.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

Populism, pragmatism and progressivism have characterized the evolution of the Democratic Party from Barack Obama to Joe Biden . The expectations fueled by Obama’s populism have led to disappointment, social protest and a “socialist awakening” (John Judis), especially among younger generations . Progressive politicians like Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren were able to mobilize this disappointment in the 2016 and 2020 Democratic primaries . It is true that centrist and pragmatic presidential contenders Hillary Clinton and Joe Biden won; nevertheless, the party’s ideological slide to the left, fueled by staunch opposition to President Donald Trump, has taken the party’s governing program and governance further to the left, both federally and in the individual states .

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

46

Tao, Yi, Shuyu Liu, Hongliang Lu e Keer Wang. "Taking the Road of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics Must Be Guided by Scientific Theory". International Journal of Education and Humanities 6, n. 2 (15 dicembre 2022): 83–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ijeh.v6i2.3470.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The CPC has grown from a weak baby to a giant leading China to the forefront of the world. In the great era, only the theoretical system, the magnificent scientific theory and the great journey of the Chinese nation were produced. Through constant exploration and exploration, the Party and the people have developed a path of socialism with Chinese characteristics that is unique to China. Thought is the guide of action, and theory is the guide of practice. Theory should be used to guide practical action, analyze and explain practical problems. Therefore, scientific theory must be taken as the guide to take the road of socialist development with Chinese characteristics.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

47

Suslov, A. Yu. "Correspondence of the Foreign Delegation of the Socialist-Revolutionaries Party with the Party Center in Soviet Russia (1921–1925) as a Historical Source". History 17, n. 8 (2018): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2018-17-8-107-115.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The article considers the correspondence of emigrants with the party center in Soviet Russia in 1920–1925 as a historical source. These materials are currently almost unknown to researchers and have not been introduced into scientific circulation. The purpose of the article is to describe the state of the problem research, key documentary publications and research by Russian and foreign authors. The importance of secret correspondence is noted as a source due to the availability of information that is not reflected in other materials. Systematic correspondence with overseas Socialist party centers in Russia began in 1921, the most active correspondence was in 1921–1922, 1923, while later the intensity of correspondence reduced. The greatest attention in correspondence was paid to cooperation of party work in Russia and in emigration, the press, quantity and geography of local subordinated organizations in Soviet Russia, program and tactical questions of the Socialists-Revolutionaries. The most discussed topics in 1922–1923, were the trial of leaders of Socialist-Revolutionaries in Moscow, the protection of foreign SRS defendants and counter-propaganda campaigns in European countries. Finally, the correspondence contains interesting information about the conflicts within the Bolshevik leadership, and the daily life of the population of Soviet Russia during the NEP period. The correspondence of the foreign delegation of the SR party with the leading party centers of Soviet Russia is a valuable and diverse historical source. These materials significantly complement our understanding of the Socialists-Revolutionaries in the first half of the 1920s. In addition, they contain important information about the political and socio-economic situation in Soviet Russia during this period.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

48

Sankovych, Maria. "The second sovietisation of the stanislav region – preparing the preconditions for collectivisation and industrialisation". Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 42 (12 gennaio 2024): 321–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2023-42.321-335.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The purpose of research aims to reveal the mechanism of implanting Soviet power (the second Sovietization) in the lands of Western Ukraine, using the example of the Stanislav region and the socialist system. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, scientificity, and systematic analysis. Generalization, classification, and source document analysis methods are employed. The scientific novelty lies in isolating the mechanism of implanting socialist changes in the economy through the Sovietization of the western region of Ukraine, exemplified by the Stanislav region. The article uncovers the personnel policy implemented by the dispatched party, Komsomol, economic, law enforcement elements under the cover of the army, punitive units of the NKVD and NKDB, and individual supporters from the local population through the councils (village, town, district, city, regional) of labor deputies and their executives. Conclusions. Under the slogans of Sovietization, there was an assault on the national, cultural, economic customs, and traditions of the Ukrainian people. The implantation of the socialist system was closely linked to the issue of selection, training, and distribution of personnel. Stalin's personnel policy led to the influx of poorly educated party officials into the western Ukrainian regions who did not understand the region's specifics and did not speak Ukrainian. The Stalinist regime utilized various mechanisms of influencing people's consciousness – from Sovietization and propaganda to mass terror. However, the majority of the local population remained committed to the Ukrainian national idea and traditional ways of life.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

49

Machava, Benedito, e Euclides Gonçalves. "The dead archive: governance and institutional memory in independent Mozambique". Africa 91, n. 4 (agosto 2021): 553–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972021000425.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

AbstractTranslated from the Portuguese expression arquivo morto, the dead archive is a site where files that have lost their procedural validity are stored for a determined number of years before they are destroyed or are sent to permanent archives. In Mozambique, where awareness and institutional capacity for proper archival procedures are still being developed, a common feature of the dead archive is the way in which files are untidily piled up with old typewriters, furniture, spare parts and other material debris of bureaucratic work and administration. In these archives, more than forty years of institutional and public memory lie ignored in leaky, damp basements across the country and in serious danger of irreparable damage. Drawing from various stints of historical and anthropological field research conducted between 2009 and 2016 in Maputo, Niassa and Inhambane provinces, this article examines the dead archive in order to explore the relationship between institutional memory and governance during the long period of austerity in Mozambique. Based on our investigation of the multiple layers of the dead archive, we argue that the Mozambican post-socialist government has sought to control institutional memory as a way to keep the ruling party in power in the context of multiparty politics. While the public sector has experienced conditions of austerity since independence, we show how, during the socialist period (1975–90) of single-party rule, the state's relationship with institutional memory was more progressive, with transparent and communicative archival practices. In contrast, despite the combination of public sector reforms and progressive legislation regarding the right to information, the multiparty democratic period (1990 to the present) has seen an exacerbation of administrative secrecy leading to less transparent and communicative archival practices.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

50

Zhang, Yihan, e Yuhang Fang. "Three Dimensions of Cultivating New Generations: Value Implication, Scientific Connotation, and Cultivation Path". Journal of Contemporary Educational Research 8, n. 6 (3 luglio 2024): 255–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26689/jcer.v8i6.7108.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The new generation of the times is the latest requirement for young people in the new era, and it is the latest training goal for young people put forward by the Party and the country in the face of the second centennial goal. At the 19th National Congress, it was put forward by the country that the concept of “new generation of the times” for the first time, indicating the training direction and theoretical guidance for the new generation of the times. The new age requires young people to have firm ideals and beliefs, excellent skills, and a great spirit of responsibility. The proposition of cultivating a new generation of the times is a deep exploration and summary of Marx’s theory of “all-round human development,” Lenin’s youth view and the education view of excellent traditional Chinese culture, and the proposition needs to strengthen the leadership of the Party, give play to the leading role of socialist core values, and the youth themselves should actively act to realize the transformation of theoretical and practical results.

Gli stili APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO e altri

Articoli di riviste sul tema "Scientific Socialist Progressive Party"

Cita una fonte nei formati APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard e in molti altri stili