Articoli di riviste sul tema "Same sex mariage"

RÉSUMÉUne étude qualitative, dans la perspective du parcours de vie, a exploré la transition vers le mariage pour les couples de même sexe au milieu ou plus tard dans la vie. Vingt personnes (soit 11 couples) ont été intérrogées – 12 lesbiennes, sept hommes gais, et une homme bisexuel. Au moment de leurs mariages, les participants avaient de 42 à 72 ans (âge moyen: 54), et avaient vécu avec leurs partenaires entre six mois à 19 ans (moyen: 7,5 ans). Trois thèmes soulignent la manière dont les expériences de ces couples de même sexe, en décidant de se marier, ont été influencés par les expériences dans leurs parcours de vie. Premièrement,l’intégration: les individus ont dû integrer le mariage dans leur psychisme. Deuxièmement,la justification: ils ont dû demander pourquoi ils se marient avec leurs partenaires spécifiques. Le troisième thème étaitla déliberation: les participants à l’étude ont demontré comment leurs expériences de planification de mariage et les caractéristiques de leurs noces etaient impregnées à la suite de leurs expériences conscientes de vie en ce qui concerne l’homophobie et/ou l’hétérosexisme.

Abstract: Questions relating to same-sex marriages, registered partnerships, and statutory cohabitations are increasingly present in legislature and case law. Since 1989, when Denmark allowed the first same-sex registered partnership, eight European countries have adapted their marriage acts to include same-sex couples, and more than 16 European countries provide rules for same-sex and/or opposite-sex registered partnerships. The European Court of Human Rights had to (re-)interpret the right to marry (Article 12 European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR)), the prohibition of discrimination (Article 14 ECHR), and the right to respect for private and family life (Article 8 ECHR) in the light of the desire of an Austrian same-sex couple to wed. The Court of Justice of the European Union decided that it is direct discrimination to treat a German life partner differently from a married person with regard to a supplementary retirement pension. In this context, the present article focuses on the problem of international non-recognition of registered relationships that have already been validly established in another state. In addition to moral and political considerations, the recognition of foreign registered relationships might be legally required in view of recent case law on human rights and the fundamental freedoms of the EU. In this regard, the adoption and design of a future EU regulation on the law applicable to registered relationships as a well-suited instrument to ensure efficient recognition is discussed. Although non-recognition is not an issue, which is limited to the European Union, an EU perspective is employed throughout the article for reasons of practicability. Résumé:Questions relatives aux mariages homosexuels, aux partenariats enregistrés et aux cohabitations légales sont de plus en plus présentes dans la législation et la jurisprudence. Depuis 1989, lorsque le Danemark a permis le premier partenariat enregistré, huit pays européens ont adapté leur lois de mariage pour y inclure les couples de même sexe, et plus de 16 pays européens ont fourni des régles concernant un partenariat enregistré pour les personnes de même sexe et/ou de sexe opposé. La Cour Européenne des Droits de l'Homme devait (re-)interpréter le droit au mariage (article 12 Convention Européenne des Droits de l'Homme (CEDH)), l'interdiction de discrimination (article 14 CEDH) et le droit au respect de la vie privée et familiale (article 8 CEDH) en vertu d'un couple Autrichien de même sexe qui voulait se marier. La Cour de Justice de l'Union européenne décidait qu'un traitement différent d'un partenariat de vie et d'un mariage quant á une pension de retraite complémentaire peut constituer une discrimination.Dans ce contexte, le présent article élabore le probléme de la non-reconnaissance internationale des partenariats et des mariages homosexuels qui ont déjá été établis valablement dans un autre Etat. Outre les considérations morales et politiques, la reconnaissance de ces relations familiales est probablement meme légalement demandée compte tenu de la jurisprudence récente sur les droits de l'homme et les libertés fondamentales de l'UE. Un réglement de l'UE sur le droit applicable aux relations familiales enregistrées représente un instrument bien adapté pour assurer la reconnaissance et est donc ébauché en plus amples détails. Une perspective européenne est employée pour des raisons de praticabilité, bien que la non-reconnaissance soit un probléme mondial.

The debate about the same sex marriage bill in France has launched a significant sequence of politicization and assertion in the streets for the conservative Catholics. Though mobilization declined after the law was passed, these initiatives still arouse differentiated appropriation of public urban space. Relying on ethnographic work, this article analyses two logics of action emerging complementarily and organizing these post-‘Mariage pour tous’ demonstrations in Paris. In both cases there is a real ‘place-taking/place-making’ at work. Extending the study of recent Catholic mobilizations to the different activists still active after ‘La Manif Pour Tous’ makes it possible to understand how central the issue of drop in status seems in order to analyze these protest repertoires and their evolutionary inscription in the city, especially in the direction of the ‘peripheries’.

Résumé. Cet article étudie les lieux investis par les activistes LGBT durant les mobilisations en faveur de l'ouverture du mariage civil aux couples de même sexe en France, en Espagne et en Belgique. Il montre que l'articulation entre les niveaux étatique et infraétatiques ne résulte pas uniquement des variations institutionnelles de la structure des opportunités politiques ou, à l'image du scale-jumping, de considérations stratégiques. Elle s'inscrit aussi dans des phénomènes plus vastes : la culture politique, l'histoire et l'organisation des mouvements LGBT dans chacun des pays analysés. Ce texte discute ainsi certaines observations de Miriam Smith (et de John Grundy) sur la déconnexion des niveaux d'action au sein du mouvement LGBT canadien.Abstract. This article examines the places invested by LGBT activists while advocating the opening-up of civil marriage to same-sex couples in France, Spain and Belgium. It shows how the articulation between state and sub-state levels does not only result from institutional variations of the political opportunities structure or, as for scale-jumping, from strategic concerns. It also ensues from broader phenomena: political culture, as well as the history and organisation of LGBT movements in each of the countries under study. This text also discusses some of Miriam Smith (and John Grundy)'s observations on the disconnections of action levels within the Canadian LGBT movement.

Nowadays the meaning of marriage has changed as found in various phenomena of exiting from state regulations and laws, religion, customs and norms in society. The research aims at finding interaction model and group communication leading to changes of meaning of marriage among inter-generation of middle-class groups in in DKI Jakarta. This research refers to Alfred Schutz teories of symbolic interactionism, group-communication, and social phenomenology. Qualitative research method is used to analyze data completed by depth interview and FGD as data collection technique. The results shows that interaction model on mariage meaning is influenced by the way people grow, interact, and communicate within their group. The meaning of marriage symbols which is exchanged in the interaction of a group has changed from one generation to the next generation. Marriage is perceived as destiny, the unity between man and woman as a way of preserving human beings, justifying sexual intercourse and holding religious order. The research also fond contradictive phenomenon of marriage meaning between marriage meaning with the sacred law of marriage, whether it is in state regulations, customs and norms of society, such as same-sex marriage phenomenon (gay/lesbian), swinging behavior, samen leven, and free sex.

Lejos de trascender la historia, la verdad de las ciencias sociales se despliega en ella. Sin embargo, dicha historicidad no las condena al relativismo. En cambio, lleva a distinguir la antropología social de la antropología religiosa, la cual propone una verdad trascendente. Debido a que el Vaticano se inquieta por los cuestionamientos al orden sexual, para proteger la naturaleza del matrimonio de las parejas del mismo sexo, el Papa propone actualmente una “ecología humana” opuesta a lo que puede llamarse “democracia sexual”. Eso es, correr el riesgo de confundir a Dios y a la Naturaleza, o lo que es lo mismo, al universalismo de la ley natural y a la universalidad de las leyes de la naturaleza.Abstract: Far from transcending history, the truth of the social sciences unfolds historically. This does not necessarily lead to relativism; however, it forces to distinguish between social anthropology and religious anthropology, which offers a transcendent truth. For the Vatican worries about the changes of the sexual order: so as to protect the nature of marriage from same-sex couples, the pope today advocates a “human ecology” in opposition to what can be called “sexual democracy” at the risk of confusing God and Nature, or the universalism inherent in nature law with the universality of the laws of nature.Résumé : Loin de transcender l’histoire, la vérité des sciences sociales s’y déploie. Cette historicité ne les condamne pourtant pas au relativisme ; en revanche, elle amène à distinguer l’anthropologie sociale de l’anthropologie religieuse, qui propose une vérité transcendante. Car le Vatican s’inquiète des remises en cause de l’ordre sexuel : pour protéger la nature du mariage contre les couples de même sexe, le pape propose aujourd’hui une « écologie humaine » opposée à ce qu’on peut appeler « démocratie sexuelle ». C’est risquer de confondre Dieu et la Nature - soit l’universalisme de la loi naturelle et l’universalité des lois de la nature.

Abstract.The gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgendered (GLBT) population is a good example of a demographic group that has been understudied because it is difficult to develop a subsample of sufficient size from typical national samples. Here we exploit the extraordinary size of a 2006 online election day survey (with about 35,000 respondents) to examine how the GLBT community behaves politically. While it will surprise no one that this community bestowed little support on Stephen Harper's Conservative party in the 2006 federal election, the factors behind such a consistent vote pattern are not adequately understood. In order to shed more light on the voting behaviour of the GLBT electorate, we develop a socio-demographic profile of the group, and explore three explanatory angles: 1) salience of issue campaign dynamics, given that the same-sex marriage issue was prominent in 2006; 2) ideological and attitudinal proclivities; and 3) strategic considerations.Résumé.La population gaie, lesbiennes, bisexuels et transgenres (GLBT) est un exemple d'un groupe démographique qui a été peu étudié, car il est difficile de développer un sous-échantillon de taille suffisante à partir d'échantillons nationaux. Ici, nous exploitons la taille extraordinaire d'une enquête enligne du jour du scrutin fédérale du 2006 (avec environ 35.000 répondants) d'examiner comment la communauté GLBT se comporte politiquement. Bien qu'il ne surprendra personne que cette communauté accordé peu d'appui sur Parti conservateur de Stephen Harper lors de l'élection fédérale de 2006, les facteurs qui expliquent un tel motif ne sont pas bien compris. Afin de jeter plus de lumière sur le comportement de vote de l'électorat GLBT, nous développons un profil sociodémographique de cette groupe, et d'explorer trois angles explicatives: 1) pertinence de la question du mariage de même sexe, 2) tendances idéologiques, et 3) des considérations stratégiques.

RésuméCet article explore comment les arguments juridiques en faveur de la reconnaissance des mariages entre personnes de même sexe, aux Etats-Unis et au Canada, sont représentés dans deux documentaires récents:Tying the Knot: The Union That's Dividing America(États-Unis, 2004) etThe End of Second Class(Canada, 2006). Je m'intéresse notamment aux manières dont ces films présentent les contestations judiciaires à leurs auditoires. Comme les litiges, ces documentaires sont construits sur des stratégies représentationnelles qui ont pour but d'avoir un impact maximal sur leurs auditoires. Ainsi,Tying the KnotetThe End of SecondClass reproduisent les arguments juridiques et les stratégies de litige utilisés par les défenseurs des mariages entre personnes de même sexe. J'analyse, plus particulièrement, comment les deux films présentent ces procès à l'aide de trois thèmes récurrents: (1) les droits évoluent avec le temps; (2) les droits sont comparatifs; (3) les droits représentent des indicateurs d'une appartenance nationale. Je soutiens qu'en fonction de ces idées,Tying the KnotetThe End of Second Classréintroduisent inconsciemment certaines notions dominantes de ce que signifie avoir une appartenance nationale pleine et égale et, par conséquent, délimitent ce que veut dire être un « bon » citoyen sexuel.

Abstract.Public support for legal recognition of same-sex marriage increased markedly in Canada over the course of the 1990s. The argument of this paper is that a sequence of Supreme Court decisions in the realm of same-sex relationship recognition—and the legislative activity that followed as a result—played a pivotal role in shaping public opinion on this issue. It is argued that the impact of these institutions was twofold. First, by framing the issue as one of equal rights, the courts and legislatures induced many Canadians to weigh equality-related considerations more heavily in the formation of opinions on same-sex marriage. Second, legal recognition of same-sex relationships directly persuaded many Canadians that such recognition was legitimate. The paper uses data from the Canadian Election Studies for 1993, 1997 and 2000.Résumé.Durant les années 1990 le soutien populaire aux mariages entre conjoints de même sexe s'est clairement renforcé. La thèse principale de cet article avance qu'une série de décisions de la Cour suprême portant sur les relations entre conjoints de même sexe, de même que les décisions adoptées par les pouvoirs législatifs en réponse à ces jugements, jouèrent un rôle crucial dans la formation de l'opinion publique sur ces questions. D'abord, en formulant le débat en termes d'égalité devant la loi, les appareils judiciaire et législatif ont amené les Canadiens à accorder plus de poids aux arguments liés à l'égalité dans leurs réflexions sur le sujet. En second lieu, la reconnaissance légale des unions entre conjoints de même sexe a persuadé les Canadiens de la légitimité de cette reconnaissance. Les conclusions de ce texte s'appuient sur les données des éditions d'Étude électorale canadienne de 1993, 1997 et 2000.

La Encuesta Intercensal 2015, del Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática (INEGI), permite realizar un análisis estadístico detallado de las estructuras de familia en el estado de Veracruz de Ignacio de la Llave, México. Para tal fin, utilizamos un enfoque multidimensional que considera cinco componentes fundamentales: dinámicas de autoridad, marco normativo de derechos y obligaciones, vínculos de parentalidad, procesos de estabilidad o transición, y sistemas básicos y complementarios de relaciones sociales. Al aplicar esta perspectiva analítica, encontramos cuatro tipos principales de hogares familiares en Veracruz, según estén encabezados por parejas casadas, parejas en unión libre, jefas y jefes de familia solos, divididos en 22 subtipos diferentes. En conjunto, abarcan 88.16% de los hogares de la entidad federativa, a lo que debemos sumar un 10.71% de hogares de personas solas, además de otro grupo pequeño conformado por cuatro tipos de hogares: corresidentes, de probable poligamia, parejas del mismo sexo y no especificados (1.13% en conjunto). También se hace un análisis comparativo con respecto a los resultados de los Censos de Población y Vivienda de 2000 y 2010.Palabras clave: Estructuras de familia, México, Matrimonio, Cohabitación, Padres solos Family structures in Veracruz, 2015. Organization and dynamics of changeAbstractThe Intercensal Survey 2015, from the National Institute of Statistics and Informatics (INEGI), allows for a detailed statistical analysis of family structures in the state of Veracruz de Ignacio de la Llave, Mexico. For this purpose, a multidimensional approach is used- This approach considers five fundamental components: authority dynamics, regulatory framework of rights and obligations, parenthood links, stability or transition processes, and basic and complementary systems of social relations. When applying this analytical perspective, four main types of family homes in Veracruz are found, as they are headed by married couples, couples in union, single female heads and male heads of families, divided into 22 different subtypes. Together, they comprise 88.16% of households in the state, to which we must add 10.71% of households of single people, in addition to another small group consisting of four types of households: co-residents, of probable polygamy, same-sex couples and unspecified (1.13% as a whole). A comparative analysis is also made with respect to the results of the Population and Housing Censuses of 2000 and 2010.Keywords: Family structures, Mexico, Marriage, Cohabitation, Single parents Les structures de famille à Veracruz, 2015. Organisation et dynamiques de changementRésuméL’Enquête Intercensitaire 2015, de l’Institut National de Statistique et Informatique (INEGI par ses sigles en espagnol) permet de réaliser une analyse statistique détaillé des structures de famille à l’État de Veracruz d’Ignacio de la Llave, Mexique.Dans ce but, nous utilisons une approche multidimensionnelle qui considère cinq composants fondamentaux : dynamiques d’autorité, cadre normatif de droits et obligations, liens de parentalité, processus de stabilité ou transition, et systèmes basiques et complémentaires de relations sociales.Appliquant cette perspective analytique, nous trouvons à Veracruz quatre principaux types de foyers familiaux, selon leur entêtement, par couples mariés, couples en union libre, chefs de famille hommes ou femmes tous seuls, divisés en 22 différents sous-types.Dans l’ensemble, ils couvrent le 88,16% des foyers de l’État, à cette quantité il faut ajouter un 10,71% des foyers de personnes seules, outre un autre petit groupe constitué par quatre types de foyers : Co-résidents, de possible polygamie, couples du même sexe et non spécifiés (1,13% dans son ensemble). On fait aussi une analyse comparative en ce qui concerne les résultats des Censéments de Population et Habitation de 2000 et 2010.Mots clés: Structures de famille, Mexique, Mariage, Cohabitation, Parents seuls

Marianne Dashwood was well able to imagine circumstances both favourable and unfavourable to her. But for all her romantic sensibility she was not able to imagine these things from anything other than her own point of view.‘She expected from other people the same opinions and feelings as her own, and she judged of their motives by the immediate effect of their actions on herself.’ Unlike her sister, she could not see how the ill-crafted attentions of Mrs.Jennings could derive from a good nature. And when Elinor had to explain her troubles with Edward Ferrars, she knew that Marianne would feel it as a reminder of her own relations to Willoughby, judging Edward's behaviour as equivalent to that of Willoughby himself. Without the capacity to shift her point of view, Marianne can get no ironic distance from herself; she cannot see the unrealism of her later determination ‘to live solely for my family’.

Marianne Dashwood was well able to imagine circumstances both favourable and unfavourable to her. But for all her romantic sensibility she was not able to imagine these things from anything other than her own point of view. ‘She expected from other people the same opinions and feelings as her own, and she judged of their motives by the immediate effect of their actions on herself.’ Unlike her sister, she could not see how the ill-crafted attentions of Mrs. Jennings could derive from a good nature. And when Elinor had to explain her troubles with Edward Ferrars, she knew that Marianne would feel it as a reminder of her own relations to Willoughby, judging Edward's behaviour as equivalent to that of Willoughby himself. Without the capacity to shift her point of view, Marianne can get no ironic distance from herself; she cannot see the unrealism of her later determination ‘to live solely for my family’.

Abstract. We present a new model of P- and S-velocity anomalies in the mantle down to 1300 km depth beneath the Izu-Bonin and Mariana (IBM) arcs. This model is derived based on tomographic inversion of global travel time data from the revised ISC catalogue. The results of inversion are thoroughly verified using a series of different tests. The obtained model is generally consistent with previous studies of different authors. We also present the distribution of relocated deep events projected to the vertical surface along the IBM arc. Unexpectedly, the seismicity form elongated vertical clusters instead of horizontal zones indicating phase transitions in the slab. We propose that these vertical seismicity zones mark zones of intense deformation and boundaries between semi-autonomous segments of the subducting plate. The P- and S-seismic tomography models consistently display the slab as prominent high-velocity anomalies coinciding with the distribution of deep seismicity. Based on joint consideration of the tomography results and the seismicity distribution we propose a scenario of the subduction evolution in the IBM zone during the recent time. We can distinguish at least four segments which subduct differently. The northernmost segment of the Izu-Bonin arc has the gentlest angle of dipping which is explained by backward displacement of the trench. In the second segment, the trench stayed at the same location, and we observe the accumulation of the slab material in the transition zone and its further descending to the lower mantle. In third segment, the trench is moving forward that causes steepening of the slab. Finally, for the Mariana segment, despite the backward displacement of the arc, the subducting slab is nearly vertical. We propose that it might be due to the high density of the slab which is responsible for turning any inclined subduction to the vertical position. Between the Izu-Bonin and Mariana arcs we clearly observe a gap which is traced down to about 400 km depth.

The development of female gametophytes and embryos in relation to cumulative growing degree-days was followed to see if the postulated cooling influence of the Robert-Bourassa reservoir (LG2, northern Quebec) slowed the reproductive process of black spruce (Picea mariana (Mill.) B.S.P.). During the 1996 growing season, three to five developing seed cones were harvested 11 times on nine trees distributed along a shore-hinterland gradient of the northern shore of the reservoir. The daily thermal sum (degree-days > 5°C) in the seed cone zone of the same trees was also monitored to describe the female gametophyte and embryo development of this species as a function of heat sum. The 23 developmental stages identified in this study confirm that the female gametophyte and embryo of P. mariana develop according to the same pattern exhibited by other Picea spp. These stages, although unequal in duration, succeeded each other according to a sigmoid function of the temperature sum. Direct temperature measurements taken 0, 25, and 100 m from the shore of the Robert-Bourassa reservoir suggest the interior trees experienced 107 more degree-days > 5°C than the shoreline trees during seed maturation. Although gametophyte development of the shoreline trees was delayed early in the growing season (Kruskall-Wallis, p = 0.05), this delay does not persist afterward. Despite the net cooling effect of the Robert-Bourassa reservoir, all studied trees achieved embryo maturation in 1996. During this growing season, the warmest since 1977, it took embryos 800-940 degree-days to mature. The shoreline trees reached this temperature threshold later than interior trees. It is suggested that the cooling effect of the Robert-Bourassa reservoir could contribute to the inhibition of embryo maturation in shoreline trees during growing seasons with less than 800 degree-days.Key words: black spruce, climate change, cone development, northern boreal forests, Picea mariana, seed maturation.

Abstract. We present a new model of P and S velocity anomalies in the mantle down to a depth of 1300 km beneath the Izu-Bonin and Mariana (IBM) arcs. This model is derived based on tomographic inversion of global travel time data from the revised ISC catalogue. The results of inversion are thoroughly verified using a series of different tests. The obtained model is generally consistent with previous studies by different authors. We also present the distribution of relocated deep events projected to the vertical surface along the IBM arc system. Unexpectedly, the seismicity forms elongated vertical clusters instead of horizontal zones indicating phase transitions in the slab. We propose that these vertical seismicity zones mark zones of intense deformation and boundaries between semi-autonomous segments of the subducting plate. The P and S seismic tomography models consistently display the slab as prominent high-velocity anomalies coinciding with the distribution of deep seismicity. We can distinguish at least four segments which subduct differently. The northernmost segment of the Izu-Bonin arc has the gentlest angle of dipping which is explained by backward displacement of the trench. In the second segment, the trench stayed at the same location, and we observe the accumulation of the slab material in the transition zone and its further descending to the lower mantle. In the third segment, the trench is moving forward causing the steepening of the slab. Finally, for the Mariana segment, despite the backward displacement of the arc, the subducting slab is nearly vertical. Between the Izu-Bonin and Mariana arcs we clearly observe a gap which can be traced down to about 400 km in depth. Based on joint consideration of the tomography results and the seismicity distribution, we propose two different scenarios of the subduction evolution in the IBM zone during the recent time, depending on the reference frame of plate displacements. In the first case, we consider the movements in respect to the Philippine Plate, and explain the different styles of the subduction by the relative backward and forward migrations of the trench. In the second case, all the elements of the subduction system move westward in respect to the stable Asia. Different subduction styles are explained by the "anchoring" of selected segments of the slab, different physical properties of the subducting plate and the existence of buoyant rigid blocks related to sea mount and igneous provinces.

The unique environment of the hadal zone has created material circulation patterns and biological gene characteristics. Microbes play an irreplaceable role in the ocean ecological environment and material circulation due to their pervasiveness, abundance, and metabolic diversity. In this paper, we designed and developed a microbial sampling device that can be used in a depth of 10,000 m, with its working parts suitable for the full-sea depth. The multi-stage membrane realized the in situ multi-stage filtrations. The samples were in situ fixedly preserved by RNAlater storage solution. At the same time, we modeled and calculated the multi-stage membrane separation and filtration process, simulated the interception phenomenon of particles with different sizes passing through the multi-stage membrane area, and explored the influence of varying inlet velocities. A multi-stage membrane separation and filtration test system was built. The operational characteristics of different filters were compared and analyzed, and the appropriate filter material was selected according to the flow capacity and physical properties. A 100 MPa high-pressure test was carried out to check the device’s performance under a high-pressure environment. The sampler prototype was constructed and tested in the Mariana Trench. The results indicated that the device could work at the deepest point of the Mariana trench.

Resumo: O trabalho procura evidenciar a relevância da busca de felicidade nas personagens de Maria Judite de Carvalho e, ao mesmo tempo, a impossibilidade de as personagens encontrarem a felicidade. Para tanto, apoiamo-nos, em primeiro lugar, na obra de Freud, que aponta, no artigo “O mal estar na civilização”, os obstáculos que conspiram contra essa busca. Apoiamo-nos também em Simone de Beauvoir, que mostra, em O segundo sexo, o quanto as busca de felicidade é um processo imposto à mulher, como uma espécie de camisa de força que lhe é imposta, com todo um caminho pré-determinado. Concluímos que a obra termina por evidenciar personagens que, embora tenham uma relativa consciência do processo no qual estão enredadas, não conseguem se libertar das amarras sociais em que estão enredados.Palavras-chave: Maria Judite de Carvalho; busca da felicidade; solidão; imposições sociais.Abstract: The work seeks to highlight the relevance of the search for happiness in the characters of Maria Judite de Carvalho and, at the same time, the impossibility of the characters to find happiness. To this end, we rely first and foremost on Freud’s work, which shows in the article Culture and its discontents the obstacles that conspire against this quest. We also support Simone de Beauvoir, who shows in The Second Sex how much the pursuit of happiness is a process imposed on the woman, like a straitjacket imposed on her, with a predetermined path. We conclude that the work ends by highlighting characters who, although they are relatively aware of the process in which they are entangled, are unable to break free from the social ties in which they are entangled.Keywords: Maria Judite de Carvalho; search for happiness; loneliness; social impositions.

Abstract. Full-depth profiles of hydrographic and geochemical properties at the Izu–Ogasawara Trench were observed for the first time using a CTD-CMS (conductivity–temperature–depth profiler with carousel multiple sampling) system. Additionally, comparative samplings were done at the northern Mariana Trench using the same methods. A well-mixed hydrographic structure below 7000 m was observed within the Izu–Ogasawara Trench. Seawater samples collected from this well-mixed hadal layer exhibited constant concentrations of nitrate, phosphate, silicate, and nitrous oxide as well as constant nitrogen and oxygen isotopic compositions of nitrate and nitrous oxide. These results agree well with previous observations of the Izu–Ogasawara hadal waters and deep-sea water surrounding the Izu–Ogasawara Trench. In turn, methane concentrations and isotopic compositions indicated spatial heterogeneity within the well-mixed hadal water mass, strongly suggesting a local methane source within the trench, in addition to the background methane originating from the general deep-sea bottom water. Sedimentary compound releases, associated with sediment re-suspensions, are considered to be the most likely mechanism for generating this significant CH4 anomaly.

Two experiments in black spruce (Picea mariana (Mill.) BSP) seedling seed orchards were established to determine if a stem injection of paclobutrazol (2RS,3RS)-1-(4-chlorophenyl)-4,4-dimethyl-2-(1H-1,2,4-triazol-1-yl) could be used as an adjunct treatment to increase the efficacy of stem injections of gibberellins A4 and A7 (GA4/7). Trees received a single injection of GA4/7 and (or) paclobutrazol shortly after vegetative bud burst. There was a dose-dependent but nonlinear increase in the production of cones of both sexes in response to stem injections of either GA4/7 or paclobutrazol. The optimum rate of GA4/7 for stimulating pollen-cone production was 3.3 mg, whereas the most seed cones were induced on trees receiving 11 mg. The sex ratio (number of seed cones/number of pollen cones) increased with the rate of GA4/7 applied. Injecting paclobutrazol also promoted cones of both sexes equally, resulting in sex ratios comparable with that of the control trees. Treatments did not affect the total numbers of buds (vegetative, latent, and cone) produced. Seed- and pollen-cone buds occurred in positions that would have otherwise developed vegetatively and become latent, respectively. The mechanisms whereby paclobutrazol could affect flowering in black spruce are discussed. The use of paclobutrazol as an adjunct to GA4/7 treatments in black spruce seedling seed orchards appears effective, practical, and safe.

To assess the relationship between the regenerative potential of black spruce (Picea mariana (Mill.) BSP) and the latitudinal and thermal gradients, the cone crop was monitored in the same selection of trees during the 1989-1995 period in the northern boreal forest (sites A, n = 49, and B, n = 48), in the southern forest-tundra transition zone (site C, n = 35), and at the tree line (site D, n = 21). The size of the cone crop, the amount of seeds extracted per cone, along with the percentages of filled seed and germination were measured on each tree. There was no south to north trend associated with the cone crop. The cone crop at tree line was not significantly lower than in either of the southerly sites in six of the seven observed years. The number of seeds extracted per cone, the percentage of filled seeds, and the germination of filled seeds showed significant decrease northward according to year. Although there was no significant relationship between temperature and the cone production over the study area, the percentages of filled seeds and germination were significantly (0.51 [Formula: see text] r2 [Formula: see text] 0.44; p < 0.001) associated with the regional variation in heat sum.

In recent years, significant development in the high-pressure macromolecular crystallography (HPMX) using a diamond anvil cell (DAC) has been performed especially by Prof. R. Fourme's group in combination with shorter wavelength X-ray of synchrotron radiation [1]. We are also trying to establish HPMX experimental environment at the Photon Factory, Japan [2]. HPMX is a unique method that provides high-resolution structural informations under pressure including hydration waters at a molecular surface and an internal cavity. One of the important applications is studying functional sub-states of biological macromolecules, and we are attempting to elucidate a mechanism of pressure tolerance of proteins from several organisms living in deep seas such as the Mariana Trench. For example, 3-isopropylmalate dehydrogenase (IPMDH) from the deep-sea bacterium Shewanella benthica DB21MT-2 is much more tolerant to the pressure stress than its counterpart from the land bacterium S. oneidensis MR-1 (So-IPMDH), even though these two enzymes share about 85% amino-acid identity. Crystal structures of So-IPMDH have been determined at about 2 Å resolution under pressures ranging from 0.1 to 650 MPa. Waters penetrating into the internal cavity at the dimer interface and squeezing into a molecular surface cleft opposite the active site are observed at above 410 MPa and 580 MPa, respectively [3]. The bottom of the cleft of So-IPMDH is characterized by the presence of Ser266 at the bottom, which is able to form a hydrogen bond to the squeezed water molecule. On the other hand, IPMDHs from deep-sea bacterium favors an alanine at the same position (Ala266). As expected, no water penetration is observed there at the same pressure range for the S266A mutated So-IPMDH, and the mutation develops tolerance to the pressure. In addition, some results of the high-pressure structure analysis of other proteins, and pressure-induced phase transitions in some protein crystals will also be mentioned.

A escravidão é o nexo fundamental para pensar a literatura brasileira do século XIX. Na prosa machadiana, esse nexo histórico foi evidenciado por diferentes críticos (CHALHOUB, 2003, 2012; GLEDSON, 2006; SCHWARZ, 2000). Na leitura dos jornais, desde os anos de 1870, através da leitura de anúncios, vemos o quanto a presença do escravo doméstico era fato naturalizado no cotidiano do Rio de Janeiro (FREYRE, 2012; SCHWARCZ, 1987). Amas, copeiros, cozinheiros, moleques eram anunciados como objeto de venda ou de aluguel. Não apenas o trabalho era vendido ou alugado, mas o próprio trabalhar-escravo. Essa presença cotidiana de escravos é necessária (ou não) para a compreensão dos enredos? Alguns contos machadianos que trazem à primeiro plano do conflito a presença da escravidão: “Mariana” (1871), “O caso da vara” (1899) e “Pai contra mãe” (1906). Entretanto, há um apagamento da história pessoal do escravo enquanto personagem. A expressão “cria da casa” usada para caracterizar Mariana, uma mulata que vive como fosse da família, mostra o quanto a genealogia da personagem se apaga, diluída no pertencimento à casa do dono. Palavras-chave: Machado de Assis. Escravidão. Conto. Cria da casa.ABSTRACTSlavery is the fundamental link to think of nineteenth-century Brazilian literature. In Machado’s prose, this historical nexus was evidenced by different critics (CHALHOUB, 2003, 2012, GLEDSON, 2006, SCHWARZ, 2000). In the reading of the newspapers, from the 1870s, through the reading of advertisements, we see how the presence of the domestic slave was a naturalized fact in the daily life of Rio de Janeiro (FREYRE, 2012; SCHWARCZ, 1987). Mothers, cupbearers, cooks, brats were advertised as objects for sale or rent. Not only was work sold or rented, but the work-slave itself. Is this daily presence of slaves necessary (or not) for the understanding of entanglements? Some Machado tales that bring to the forefront of the conflict the presence of slavery: “Mariana” (1871), “The case of the stick” (1899) and “Father against mother” (1906). However, there is an erasure of the slave’s personal history as a character. The expression “housekeeper” used to characterize Mariana, a mulatta who lives as if she were one of the family, shows how much the character’s genealogy is extinguished, diluted in belonging to the owner’s house.Keywords: Machado de Assis. Slavery. Tale. Of the house.

Between the classic and the avant‑garde. The Maritime Hospital in Oksywie designed by Marian Lalewicz The aim of the article is to present the architectural legacy of the Maritime Hospital in Gdynia, a military investment from the early 1930s, which was created in the office of a significant and renowned architect, Marian Lalewicz. A distinguished designer, representative of academic classicism, he had in his portfolio, among others, several buildings in Gdynia so crucial for the Polish Navy. In 1930 he accepted an extraordinary challenge which was to build a military hospital of a wide spectrum of operations. It was to be the answer to the demands of the growing personnel and their families while at the same time constituting a form of medical security for the naval port. The project, realised as the first modern hospital building in the developing port city, was modernistic and exceptionally functional. It was presented at an opinion‑forming national exhibition and in professional magazines, as it complimented the most important proposals in terms of construction and inventory of hospitals, taking into consideration the influence of nature on treatment and comfort quality improvement of patients. Generally, the hospital comprised two wards: surgical and internal diseases, with additional infectious diseases subdivision. Also, a dental clinic operated there, perhaps also a venereal clinic, an operating theatre, an X‑ray facility, physiotherapy surgery, a laboratory, a pharmacy, a dissection room and a mortuary. From the ground floor of the building there was an easy access to a terrace as well as to verandas, which were duplicated on the first floor. The loggias on two of the storeys were also exceptional. A good location of the hospital on a hillside, strong insolation and the fresh sea air were all elements of the processes of treatment and convalescence. The facility was manned with mixed personnel, both civilian and military. The text broadly describes the architectural values of the structure, spatial arrangement and facade composition adjoining the function it served and juxtaposed with similar European realisations. Also, the architectural detail is brought to attention, both in the layer of the facade as in the interior of the building, which have been destroyed in the last few years due to renovations. Opened in the spring of 1932, the building served its function until the outbreak of World War II and has remained a medical facility until today – currently it serves as a medical clinic. In itself, it is the proof of the timelessness of the project and its functional arrangement, after nearly 90 years of its completion.

Humans reached the Mariana Islands in the western Pacific by ∼3,500 y ago, contemporaneous with or even earlier than the initial peopling of Polynesia. They crossed more than 2,000 km of open ocean to get there, whereas voyages of similar length did not occur anywhere else until more than 2,000 y later. Yet, the settlement of Polynesia has received far more attention than the settlement of the Marianas. There is uncertainty over both the origin of the first colonizers of the Marianas (with different lines of evidence suggesting variously the Philippines, Indonesia, New Guinea, or the Bismarck Archipelago) as well as what, if any, relationship they might have had with the first colonizers of Polynesia. To address these questions, we obtained ancient DNA data from two skeletons from the Ritidian Beach Cave Site in northern Guam, dating to ∼2,200 y ago. Analyses of complete mitochondrial DNA genome sequences and genome-wide SNP data strongly support ancestry from the Philippines, in agreement with some interpretations of the linguistic and archaeological evidence, but in contradiction to results based on computer simulations of sea voyaging. We also find a close link between the ancient Guam skeletons and early Lapita individuals from Vanuatu and Tonga, suggesting that the Marianas and Polynesia were colonized from the same source population, and raising the possibility that the Marianas played a role in the eventual settlement of Polynesia.

The purpose of this research is to describe the theme of sexuality in the main character, Maria (novel "Eleven Minutes") and Kiran (novel "God allows me to become a prostitute! Memoar Luka a Muslimah"). The theory of comparative literature (comparative literature) will be the analysis knife of this research. Comparative literary theory generally emphasizes the comparison of two or more works from at least two different countries. This research will completely reveal two works from different countries. The findings of the study show: (1) the similarities in the sexuality of the characters Maria and Kiran include: (a) feeling pleasure and innocence when having intercourse; (b) having sex to fulfill biological needs; (c) Confide in each other with guests; (d) a prostitute by profession; and (e) the pay is high. (2) The differences in the themes of sexuality between Maria and Kiran include: (a) the main character Maria's sexual needs are carried out not because of a feeling of disappointment towards God but because they want to know what it is like to have a sexual adventure, while the sexual needs of the main character Kiran are used as the most basic needs because sex is made the main character as an escape from disappointment to God; (b) The main character Maria graduated from high school, while the main character Kiran is a student (c) The end of the story the main character Maria stops being a prostitute, while the main character Kiran remains a prostitute. Keywords: comparison, comparative literature, sexuality, and themes Abstrak Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mendeskripsikan tema seksualitas pada tokoh utama, Maria (novel ”Eleven Minutes”) dan Kiran (novel “Tuhan Izinkanlah Aku Menjadi Pelacur! Memoar Luka Seorang Muslimah”). Teori Sastra bandingan (comparative literature) akan menjadi pisau analisis penelitian ini. Teori sastra bandingan umumnya menekankan perbandingan dua karya atau lebih dari sedikitnya dua negara yang berbeda. Penelitian ini akan mengungkap tuntas dua buah karya dari negara yang berbeda. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan: (1) Persamaan tema seksualitas tokoh Maria dan Kiran meliputi: (a) sama-sama merasa nikmat dan tidak berdosa ketika melakukan hubungan intim; (b) melakukan seks untuk memenuhi kebutuhan biologis; (c) Saling curhat dengan tamunya; (d) berprofesi pelacur; dan (e) bayarannya mahal. (2) Perbedaaan tema seksualitas tokoh Maria dan Kiran meliputi: (a) kebutuhan seks oleh tokoh utama Maria dilakukan bukan karena pelarian rasa kecewa terhadap Tuhan tetapi karena ingin tahu bagaimana rasanya berpetualang seks, sedangkan kebutuhan seks tokoh utama Kiran dijadikan sebagai kebutuhan yang paling mendasar karena seks dijadikan tokoh utama sebagai pelarian rasa kecewa terhadap Tuhan; (b) Tokoh utama Maria lulusan SMA, sedangkan tokoh utama Kiran seorang mahasiswa (c) Akhir cerita tokoh utama Maria berhenti menjadi pelacur, sedangkan tokoh utama Kiran tetap menjadi pelacur. Kata kunci: perbandingan, sastra bandingan, seksualitas, dan tema

<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>1975-1985-1995-2005 — the decennial Aarhus conferences have traditionally been instrumental for setting new agendas for critically engaged thinking about information technology. The conference series is fundamentally interdisciplinary and emphasizes thinking that is firmly anchored in action, intervention, and schol- arly critical practice. With the title Critical Computing – between sense and sen- sibility, the 2005 edition of the conference marked that computing was rapidly seeping into everyday life. </span></p><p><span>In 2015, we see critical alternatives in alignment with utopian principles—that is, the aspiration that life might not only be different but also radically better. At the same time, radically better alternatives do not emerge out of nowhere: they emerged from contested analyses of the mundane present and demand both commitment and labor to work towards them. Critical alternatives matter and make people reflect. </span></p><p><span>The fifth decennial Aarhus conference, Critical Alternatives, in 2015 aims to set new agendas for theory and practice in computing for quality of human life. While the early Aarhus conferences, from 1975 and onwards, focused on computing in working life, computing today is influencing most parts of human life (civic life, the welfare state, health, learning, leisure, culture, intimacy, ...), thereby calling for critical alternatives from a general quality of life perspective. </span></p><p><span>The papers selected for the conference have undergone a meticulous reviewing process looking at methodical soundness as well as potentials for the creating alternatives and provoking debate. Among 71 full and short paper submissions 21 were accepted. The accepted papers span a broad range of positions and concerns ranging from play to politics. </span></p><p><span>We would like to express great thanks for help and support to the numerous peo- ple who have contributed to making the conference possible. In particular we want to thank Marianne Dammand and Ann Mølhave for secretarial help, including reg- istration and hotel arrangements. We want to thank the center for Participatory IT (PIT) and the Department of Computer Science, University of Aarhus for providing resources for the planning and operation of the conference. </span></p><p><span>We hope that the conference will inspire critical and alternative thinking and action for the next decennium. </span></p></div></div></div>

Lithium-ion batteries are gaining significant interest as energy storage devices in high power demand applications like power grids and EVs as the world seeks to reduce dependence on fossil fuels. High energy and power densities, high coulombic efficiency and low self-discharge of lithium-ion batteries make them a preferred choice in such applications. When a cell is cycled, various degradation processes occur, leading to a reduction in cell capacity over time. Among the various ageing mechanisms, electrolyte decomposition at the graphite electrode is the most significant contributor to capacity loss due to the consumption of cyclable lithium ions. Another mechanism for capacity loss is lithium plating on the surface of the graphite electrode particles and is observed under harsh cycling conditions or after extended cycling. These reactions lead to the formation of a passive layer, called the solid-electrolyte interface (SEI) layer, on the surface of the anode graphite particles. The ionic resistance offered by the SEI layer to the flow of lithium ions in the electrolyte leads to increased heat generation within the cell, thereby leading to higher cell temperature for the same operating conditions with cell ageing. Moreover, the ageing of the cell due to capacity loss, power reduction and impedance rise, is strongly dependent on the cell’s operating temperature and current. The internal cell temperature can be significantly different from its surface temperature for large-format cells when subjected to high current and different extent of forced cooling leading to a spatially varying degradation effects. Even though highly relevant, the coupled effect of current flow, heat generation and capacity fade have not been adequately examined in the literature. While several works have simulated the temperature distribution in large format cells [1,2] or capacity fade for cells [3] under isothermal conditions, very few have examined their coupled effect. Studies considering the coupled effect of capacity fade with heat generation have incorporated a pseudo-2D electrochemical degradation model [4,5]. The thermal model ranges from one to three-dimensional, with higher dimensional thermal models considering uniform heat generation within the cell. However, in a practical scenario, a large-format cell suffers from a non-uniform temperature distribution, leading to non-uniform electrochemical reactions and degradation. Hence, a detailed coupled thermo-electrochemical, capacity-fade model is required to understand cell degradation and temperature rise during its operational life. In a step towards this goal, a two-dimensional physics-based, coupled thermo-electrochemical model with capacity degradation will be demonstrated for cylindrical lithium-ion cells. The electrochemical model with capacity fade is based on the porous-electrode and concentrated solution theories [6]. The thermal model considers the effect of ohmic heat in various cell components and the reversible and irreversible heat of reactions in the electrodes. The contribution of side reactions in heat generation is incorporated. The effect of changing porosity and thermal and electronic impedance with ageing on the cell is considered in the model. The results will give a better understanding of (a) the safe operation of the cell as the internal temperature of the cell changes with ageing, and of (b) the dependence of cell ageing on temperature. Fig.1 shows the spatial distribution of temperature at the end of discharge for an LMO cell under different convective heat transfer coefficients. The cells were subjected to a 5C current at an ambient temperature of 25°C. While the temperature reached for a convective heat transfer coefficient h=5 W/m2.K is much higher, the temperature gradient developed is more significant for h=50 W/m2.K. This can be attributed to the increased Biot number for the cell under forced cooling. A difference of 8°C for h=50 W/m2.K between the internal and external cell temperature show that the capacity-fade model needs to consider the local temperature distribution within the cell for better prediction of cell degradation with cycling. References: [1] Pan, Y. W., Hua, Y., Zhou, S., He, R., Zhang, Y., Yang, S., Liu, X., Lian, Y., Yan, X. & Wu, B. (2020). Journal of Power Sources, 459, 228070. [2] Zhao, Y., Diaz, L. B., Patel, Y., Zhang, T., & Offer, G. J. (2019). Journal of The Electrochemical Society, 166(13), A2849. [3] Atalay, S., Sheikh, M., Mariani, A., Merla, Y., Bower, E., & Widanage, W. D. (2020). Journal of Power Sources, 478, 229026. [4] Xu, M., Wang, R., Zhao, P., & Wang, X. (2019). Journal of Power Sources, 438, 227015. [5] Jiang, G., Zhuang, L., Hu, Q., Liu, Z., & Huang, J. (2020). Applied Thermal Engineering, 171, 115080. [6] Rashid, M., & Gupta, A. (2014). ECS Electrochemistry Letters, 3(10), A95. Figure 1

The article deals with the last book of the well-known English writer A. S. Byatt Peacock & Vine (2016) in the context of her oeuvre (novels, stories, essays). It is proved that the controversial reviews by British critics are caused by the character of the genre and the author’s mythology. The book combines biographies of two artists and an essay on design of the turn of the 19th–20th centuries. It is concluded that A. S. Byatt uses her particular method of analogy at different levels of poetics. She juxtaposes biographies and oeuvres of William Morris and Mariano Fortuny with the help of such universals as the North and the South, which acquire a complicated character due to their being represented through national (or more specifically, cultural) images and symbols. The emphasis is not so much on the life as on the oeuvre of the designers – first and foremost, their houses and fabrics as seen by Byatt herself and through her biography and oeuvre. Her main principle lies in conceiving something of her own through something of the other’s, and vice versa. While the figure of Morris in Byatt’s novel The Children’s Book (2009) was fitted in the social, political, and psychoanalytical contexts of the epoch, the book Peacock & Vine ‘illuminates’ the artist’s life both with his own works and Fortuny’s experiments with colors and light. The main evaluation criteria are color (light) and proportion (contexture), distinctive for both the artists’ design and Byatt’s style. However, in verbal interpretation of floral and animalistic ornaments (vines and pomegranates, peacocks and phoenixes, lions and dragons), one can see a comprehensive dialogue between paganism and Christianity, past days and modernity, a man and a woman, two famous designers, ars nouveau and ars deco. Illustrations (photographs, drawings, reproductions) together with the verbal text of the biographical essay make an organic whole of the book, which emphasizes a special role of paratext in Byatt’s works. Searching for words to represent visual images is a special task for an author of a biographical essay that she was conscious about in her works. In the book Peacock & Vine, Byatt acquires the accuracy and clarity of the language she was dreaming of when working over the novel Still Life (1985). At the same time, simplicity and complexity of her style have become an integral part of her own mythology. The Englishman Morris, being passionate about the Middle Ages and the North, travelled to Iceland and conceived of the Scandinavian saga as a real history. In the Byatt’s book he is compared with the Spaniard Fortuny, who had a penchant for Classical Antiquity and the Mediterranean world, lived in Paris and Venice, and conceived of the Scandinavian saga only through the prism of the Wagner Theatre. As to the Byatt’s love to Scandinavian mythology, it goes back to her war-time childhood, which is reflected in her book Ragnarok: The End of the Gods (2011).

Background:Hydroxychloroquine (HCQ) is a relatively safe and effective drug widely used as primary or adjunctive treatment for several rheumatological and dermatological disorders1. HCQ modulates immune response through several mechanisms and has a tropism for pigmented ocular tissues, particularly retinal pigment epithelium (RPE)2. Its accumulation within RPE cells can lead to sight threatening retinal toxicity, with bull’s eye maculopathy (BEM) representing its advanced phenotype. 3 Quantitative Auto-Fluorescence (qAF) is an imaging modality that allows the measurement of retinal auto-fluorescence following short-wavelength light (488nm) excitation of retinal fluorophores (lipofuscin). 4 Two recent studies have focused on qAF values in patients treated with HCQ 5,6. In both cases qAF was increased in eyes with BEM. Furthermore, Reichel et al.6 were able to detect increased values of qAF in patients without BEM as early as 6 months after the start of HCQ treatment using an experimental imaging analysis procedure.Objectives:To measure quantitative autofluorescence (qAF) in patients under treatment with hydroxychloroquine (HCQ) with no apparent signs of retinal toxicity and to compare it with that of untreated subjects.Methods:Consecutive patients at risk for the development of HCQ retinal toxicity (duration of treatment >5 years or daily HCQ dose >5 mg/kg of actual body weight (ABW) and/or renal insufficiency)7 but no alterations on Spectral Domain - Optical Coherence Tomography, Short-Wavelength Autofluorescence and 10-2 Visual Field examination were recruited. Healthy subject matched by age and sex were also enrolled in the study. All subjects underwent qAF measurements in one eye. Images were analyzed using the conventional qAF grid by Delori calculating the qAF of 8 sectors of the intermediate ring and the mean of those values (qAF8).Results:Thirty-nine patients treated with HCQ (38 females, mean age 52,1 ± 8,6 years) and 39 untreated subjects (38 females, mean age 51,2 ± 8,6 years). In both HCQ patients and untreated subjects, qAF8 was positively correlated with age (p=0.004) (Figure 1). Although HCQ patients showed a higher mean qAF8 compared to untreated subjects (294,7 ±65,3 vs 268,9 ± 57,5), the difference was not significant (p=0.068). HCQ patients showed significantly higher mean qAF values in the inferior-temporal, inferior and inferior-nasal sectors of the intermediate ring of qAF grid compared to untreated subjects (all p<0.05).Figure 1.Visual representation of a model predicting the standardized qAF values as influenced by age and HCQ daily dose/ABW, calculated for a treatment duration of 15 years.Conclusion:These results suggest a possible preclinical increase of qAF values in inferior parafoveal sectors probably induced by HCQ exposure. Further studies are required to improve our understanding of preclinical stages of HCQ retinopathy and the possible role of qAF in the HCQ toxicity screening.References:[1]Haładyj, E., Sikora, M., Felis-Giemza, A. & Olesińska, M. Antimalarials - are they effective and safe in rheumatic diseases? Reumatologia56, 164–173 (2018).[2]Rosenthal, A. R., Kolb, H., Bergsma, D., Huxsoll, D. & Hopkins, J. L. Chloroquine retinopathy in the rhesus monkey. Invest. Ophthalmol. Vis. Sci.17, 1158–1175 (1978).[3]Modi, Y. S. & Singh, R. P. Bull’s-Eye Maculopathy Associated with Hydroxychloroquine. N. Engl. J. Med.380, 1656 (2019).[4]Sparrow, J. R., Duncker, T., Schuerch, K., Paavo, M. & de Carvalho, J. R. L. J. Lessons learned from quantitative fundus autofluorescence. Prog. Retin. Eye Res.74, 100774 (2020).[5]Greenstein, V. C. et al. Quantitative Fundus Autofluorescence in HCQ Retinopathy. Invest. Ophthalmol. Vis. Sci.61, 41 (2020).[6]Reichel, C. et al. Quantitative Fundus Autofluorescence in Systemic Chloroquine/Hydroxychloroquine Therapy. Transl. Vis. Sci. Technol.9, 42 (2020).[7]Yusuf, I. H., Sharma, S., Luqmani, R. & Downes, S. M. Hydroxychloroquine retinopathy. Eye (Lond).31, 828–845 (2017).Disclosure of Interests:Salvatore Parrulli: None declared, Mariano Cozzi Grant/research support from: Bayer, Nidek, Zeiss, Matteo Airaldi: None declared, Francesco Romano: None declared, Francesco Viola: None declared, Piercarlo Sarzi-Puttini: None declared, Giovanni Staurenghi Grant/research support from: Heidelberg Engineering (C), QuantelMedical (C), Centervue (C), Carl Zeiss Meditec (C), Alcon (C), Allergan (C), Bayer (C), Boheringer (C), Genentech (C), GSK (C),Novartis (C), and Roche (C), Optos (F), Optovue (F) and Centervue (F), Alessandro Invernizzi Grant/research support from: Novartis (C), Bayer (C)

This article is about a Qualitative Documentary Research that investigated aspects of the Revista Ciência Hoje das Crianças – CHC in Brazil. We seek, through an Visual Content Analysis, to categorize the representation of the human being present in cartoons in that we call “Curiosities Section”. The analyzed images report the minimization of the female image before the male, portraying the female as fragile, vulnerable, housewife, submissive to the family and to the male sex. The masculine being predominates, being represented in 75% of all the considered human figures, portrayed like strong, involved with the science, fearless, independent and bearer of power on the opposite sex. We suggest that the cartoons analyzed also suggest a "cultural whitening", since white men and white women represent the ethnic majority depicted in the editions analyzed.ResumoA revista Ciência Hoje das Crianças (CHC) é um importante veículo de comunicação de massa que atua na divulgação de temas científicos, culturais e de costumes do povo brasileiro. Trata-se de uma rica ferramenta em prol do ensino de ciências que pode ser utilizada por professores de ciências e de biologia de modo a complementar os temas abordados em aulas e favorecer muitas possibilidades de leituras. A revista CHC contém imagens fotográficas e muitos cartuns ilustrando seus temas. O presente artigo trata-se de uma Pesquisa Qualitativa Documental que investigou aspectos constantes da CHC. Buscamos, através de uma Análise de Conteúdo de Imagens, categorizar a representação do ser humano presente em cartuns no que chamamos de Seção Curiosidades. As imagens analisadas reportam a minimização da imagem feminina perante a masculina, retratando o sexo feminino como frágil, vulnerável, dona de casa, submissa à família e ao sexo masculino. O ser masculino predomina, pois foi representado em 75% de todas as figuras humanas consideradas, retratado como forte, envolvido com a ciência, destemido, independente e portador de poder sobre o sexo oposto. Sugerimos que os cartuns analisados também sugerem um “branqueamento cultural”, já que homens brancos e mulheres brancas representam a maioria étnica retratada nas edições analisadas.Keywords: Communication and education, Mass culture, Cartoons, Science education.Palavras-chave: Cultura de massa, Cartum, Material didático, Ensino de ciências.ReferencesBANKS, Marcus. Dados visuais para a pesquisa qualitativa. Porto Alegre: ArtMed, 2009. 176p.BAUER, Martin W.; GASKELL, George. Pesquisa qualitativa com texto, imagem e som: um manual prático. Petrópolis, RJ: Editora Vozes, 2013, pp.137-155.BELL, Philip. Content analysis of visual images. In: VAN LEEUWEN, Theo; JEWITT, Carey. The handbook of visual analysis (pp. 10-34). London: SAGE Publications Ltd., 2004. DOI: 10.4135/9780857020062BELL, Philip. Content analysis of visual images. In: VAN LEEUWEN, Theo; JEWITT, Carey. Handbook of visual analysis (pp. 10-34). London: SAGE Publications Ltd., 2001.CORRÊA, Mariana Rocha Amarante. Divulgação científica na internet: um estudo de caso sobre a Ciência Hoje das Crianças Online. 2015. 148p. Dissertação de Mestrado. (Mestre em Ensino em Biociências e Saúde). Instituto Oswaldo Cruz. Rio de Janeiro. Em web: <https://www.arca.fiocruz.br/bitstream/icict/12874/1/mariana_correa_ioc_mest_2015.pdf> Acesso em 30.10.2017.DORFMAN, Ariel.; MATTELART, Armand. Para ler o Pato Donald: comunicação de massa e colonialismo. São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 2010. 164p.GIL, Antônio Carlos. Como elaborar projetos de pesquisa. São Paulo, SP: Atlas, 2010.GIL, Antônio Carlos. Métodos e técnicas de pesquisa social. São Paulo, SP: Atlas, 2012.GOUVÊA, Guaracira. A revista Ciência Hoje das Crianças e práticas de leituras do público infantil. In: MASSARANI, L. (Org.) O pequeno cientista amador: a divulgação científica e o público infantil. Rio de Janeiro: Vieira e Lent, 2005. p. 47-57.GOUVÊA, Guaracira. A divulgação científica para crianças: o caso da Ciência Hoje das Crianças. 2000. 305p. Tese (Doutorado em Educação Gestão e Difusão Em Biociências). Universidade Federal Fluminense. Rio de Janeiro, 2000.LOIZOS, Peter. Vídeo, filme e fotografias como documentos de pesquisa. In: BAUER, M.W.; GASKELL, G. Pesquisa qualitativa com texto, imagem e som: um manual prático. Petrópolis, RJ: Editora Vozes, 2013, pp.137-155.MASSARANI, Luísa. Reflexões sobre a divulgação científica para crianças. In: CONGRESSO BRASILEIRO DE CIÊNCIAS DA COMUNICAÇÃO, 22, 1999. Rio de Janeiro. Anais... Rio de Janeiro: Intercom, 1999. pp.1-5.MASSARANI, Luísa. O pequeno cientista amador: a divulgação científica e o público infantil. Rio de Janeiro: Vieira & Lent: UFRJ, Casa da Ciência: FIOCRUZ, 2005.MATTOS, Amália Ivine Santana; CARNEIRO E CORDEIRO, Técia Maria Santos; ARAÚJO, Tânia Maria de; ALMEIDA, Maura Maria Guimarães de. Desigualdade de gênero: uma revisão narrativa. Rev. Saúde.Com 2015. 11, 3, pp.266-279. Em web: http://www.uesb.br/revista/rsc/v11/v11n3a09.pdf Acesso em 24.11.2016.MORAIS, Paola Graciela dos Santos; JUNQUEIRA, Heloisa; MONTANAR, Tatiana. Corpo humano e sexualidade na revista Ciência Hoje das Crianças (2001 a 2010). Reprod Clim. 2017. Em web: < https://doi.org/10.1016/j.recli.2017.01.005 > Acesso em 04.10.2017.NASCIMENTO, Abdias. O genocídio do negro brasileiro: processo de racismo mascarado. Rio de Janeiro: Terra e Paz, 1978. OLÍMPIO. Ana Filipa Pereira Miguel. Uma caricatura de país. (Mestrado em Desenho). 2013. Universidade de Lisboa. Faculdade de Belas Artes. Em web: http://repositorio.ul.pt/bitstream/10451/8499/2/ULFBA_TES%20584.pdf Acesso em 03.11.2017PEREIRA, Ana Rita Rodrigues. “C de capitalismo é análogo do C de cartoon”: uma análise de conteúdo de cartoons. 2015. 196p. Dissertação de Mestrado. (Mestrado em Sociologia). Universidade do Porto. Universidade do Porto – UP. Porto, Portugal. Em web <https://repositorio-aberto.up.pt/bitstream/10216/84754/2/37499.pdf> Acesso em 31.10.2017.RCHC. Revista Ciência Hoje das crianças. Disponível em: http://chc.cienciahoje.uol.com.br/sobre-a-chc/ROSE, Gillian. Visual methodologies: an introduction to the interpretation of visual materials. London: SAGE, 2002. 229p.SHAW, M. Matthew J. Drawing on the collections. Journalism Studies, 8 (5), 742–754. 2007. Em web: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616700701504716 Acesso em 02.11.2017SILVA, James Roberto. Fotografia e ciência: a utopia da imagem objetiva e seus usos nas ciências e na medicina. Bol. Mus. Para. Emílio Goeldi. Cienc. Hum., Belém, v. 9, n. 2, p. 343-360, maio-ago. 2014.STAKE, Robert. Pesquisa qualitativa: estudando como as coisas funcionam. Porto Alegre, RS: Penso, 2011.VERGUEIRO, Waldomiro. Quadrinhos Infantis. In: VERGUEIRO, Waldomiro; RAMOS, Paulo (Org.). Quadrinhos na Educação: da rejeição à prática. São Paulo: Contexto, 2009. pp.185-217.VERGUEIRO, Waldomiro; RAMOS, Paulo (Org.). Quadrinhos na Educação: da rejeição à prática. São Paulo: Contexto, 2009.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.14244/198271992568

The International American Studies Association is dismayed to see the explosion of anger, bitterness and desperation that has been triggered by yet another senseless, cruel and wanton act of racialized violence in the United States. We stand in solidarity with and support the ongoing struggle by African Americans, indigenous peoples, ethnic minorities, migrants and the marginalized against the racialized violence perpetrated against them. As scholars of the United States, we see the killing of George Floyd and many before them as acts on the continuum of the history of the powerful committing racialized violence against the powerless in the United States from before the birth of that country to the here and now of the present day. This continuum stretches from the transatlantic slave trade, the genocide of the indigenous population, the denial of rights and liberties to women, through the exploitation of American workers, slavery and Jim Crow, to the exclusion and inhumane treatment of the same migrants who make a profit for American corporations and keep prices low for the U.S. consumer. As scholars of the United States, we are acutely aware of how racialized violence is systemic, of how it has been woven into the fabric of U.S. society and cultures by the powerful, and of how the struggle against it has produced some of the greatest contributions of U.S. society to world culture and heritage. The desperate rebellion of the powerless against racialized violence by the powerful is in turn propagandized as unreasonable or malicious. It is neither. It is an uprising to defend their own lives, their last resort after waiting for generations for justice and equal treatment from law enforcement, law makers, and the courts. In too many instances, those in power have answered such uprisings with deadly force—and in every instance, they have had alternatives to this response. We are calling on those in power and the people with the guns in the United States now to exercise their choices and choose an alternative to deadly force as a response to the struggle against racialized violence. You have the power and the weapons—you have a choice to do the right thing and make peace. We are calling on U.S. law makers to listen and address the issues of injustice and racialized violence through systemic reform that remakes the very fabric of the United States justice system, including independent accountability oversight for law enforcement. We are calling on our IASA members and Americanists around the world to redouble their efforts at teaching their students and educating the public of the truth about the struggle against racialized violence in the United States. We are calling on our IASA members and Americanists around the world to become allies in the struggle against racialized violence in the United States and in their home societies by publicizing scholarship on the truth, by listening to and amplifying the voices of black people, ethnic minorities and the marginalized, and supporting them in this struggle on their own terms. We are calling on all fellow scholarly associations to explore all the ways in which they can put pressure with those in power at all levels in the United States to do the right thing and end racialized violence. There will be no peace in our hearts and souls until justice is done and racialized violence is ended—until all of us are able “to breathe free.” Dr Manpreet Kaur Kang, President of the International American Studies Association, Professor of English and Dean, School of Humanities & Social Sciences, Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University, India;Dr Jennifer Frost, President of the Australian and New Zealand American Studies Association, Associate Professor of History, University of Auckland, New Zealand;Dr S. Bilge Mutluay Çetintaş, Associate Professor, Department of American Culture and Literature, Hacettepe University, Turkey;Dr Gabriela Vargas-Cetina, Professor of Anthropology, Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán, Mexico;Dr Paweł Jędrzejko, Associate Professor of American Literature, University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland;Dr Marietta Messmer, Associate Professor of American Studies, University of Groningen, The Netherlands;Dr Kryštof Kozák, Department of North American Studies, Charles University, Prague;Dr Giorgio Mariani, Professor of English and American Languages and Literatures, Department of European, American and Intercultural Studies, Università “Sapienza” of Rome;Dr György Tóth, Lecturer, History, Heritage and Politics, University of Stirling, Scotland, United Kingdom;Dr Manuel Broncano, Professor of American Literature and Director of English, Spanish, and Translation, Texas A&M International University, Laredo, USA;Dr Jiaying Cai, Lecturer at the School of English Studies, Shanghai International Studies University, China;Dr Alessandro Buffa, Secretary, Center for Postcolonial and Gender Studies, University of Naples L’Orientale, Italy;

BackgroundCOVID-19 and autoinflammatory diseases, such as Adult-onset Still’s Disease (AOSD), are characterized by a massive production and uncontrolled secretion of pro-inflammatory cytokines. The specialized pro-resolving lipid mediators (SPMs) family is one the most important processes counteracting hyperinflammation inducing tissue repair and homeostasis restoration. Among SPMs, Protectin D1 is able to exert antiviral features in animal models.ObjectivesThe aim of this study was to compare the transcriptome of peripheral blood mononuclear cells (PBMCs) from patients with AOSD and COVID-19 and to evaluate the role of PD1 on those diseases, especially in modulating macrophages polarization.MethodsThis study enrolled patients with AOSD, COVID-19, and healthy donors (HD). Next-generation deep sequencing was performed on to identify the differences in PBMCs transcripts profiles. Plasma levels of PD1 were assessed by commercial ELISA kits. Monocytes-derived macrophages were polarized into M1 and M2 phenotype. We analyzed the effect of PD1 on macrophages differentiation. At 10 days, macrophages were analyzed for surface. expression of subtypes markers by flow cytometry. Cytokines production was measured in supernatants using Bio-Plex Pro Human Cytokine 17-plex Assay kit (Bio-Rad).ResultsAll COVID-19 participants (n=21) were hospitalized. We found statistically significant higher ferritin levels between intensive care unit (ICU) and non-ICU patients (p=0.006), and higher procalcitonin (p=0.03). Five patients with AOSD, out of 13, had a systemic score (SS) ≥1. The most frequent manifestations were arthralgia (8/13), arthritis (5/13) and fever (3/13). Moreover, we found higher levels of ferritin and CRP in the AOSD SS ≥1 group as compared to AOSD SS=0 group. We also enrolled thirteen HD age- and sex-matched to AOSD patients. Transcriptome analysis of PBMCs from HD, AOSD, and COVID-19 patients is reported in Figure 1, showing the PCA plot (A), the pathway analysis by Pantherdb.org (B), the volcano plots representing differential expression analysis of genes in COVID-19 vs HD, AOSD vs HD, and COVID-19 vs AOSD (C), and the transcriptome heatmaps (D), showing that inflammation- and lipid catabolism-related genes are specifically dysregulated and those associated with monocytes phenotype and function were upregulated in COVID-19 and AOSD patients compared to HDs.Figure 1.Patients affected by COVID-19, hospitalized in intensive care unit (ICU), showed higher levels of PD1 compared to not-ICU hospitalized patients and HDs (ICU COVID-19 vs not-ICU COVID-19, p= 0.02; HDs vs ICU COVID-19, p= 0.0006). PD1 levels were increased in AOSD patients with SS ≥1 compared to patients with SS=0 (p=0.028) and HD (p=0.048). PD1 stimulation increased the expression of CD206 in M2 monocytes-derived macrophages from both COVID-19 and AOSD patients (COVID-19: untreated vs PD1, p=0.0098; AOSD: untreated vs PD1 p= 0.0234), whilst PD1 did not affect CD80 expression in both M1 and M2 macrophages and CD206 expression in M1 macrophages. A significant increase of both IL-10 and macrophage inflammatory protein (MIP-1β) was observed in M2 macrophages from COVID-19 patients after PD1 stimulation (IL-10, p= 0.03; MIP-1β, p= 0.003); the same results were found in AOSD patients (IL-10, p= 0.03; MIP-1β, p= 0.03).ConclusionPD1 can induce pro-resolutory programs in both AOSD and COVID-19 increasing M2 polarization and inducing their activity. PD1-treated M2 macrophages from AOSD and COVID-19 patients increased the production of IL-10, thus promoting anti-inflammation, and enhanced homeostatic restoration through MIP-1β production.References[1]P. Ruscitti et al, Ann. Rheum. Dis. 79 (2020) 1152–1155[2]C.N. Serhan et al, Nat. Immunol. 6 (2005) 1191–1197Acknowledgements:NIL.Disclosure of Interestsluca navarini Speakers bureau: MSD, UCB, Eli Lilly, Novartis, Janssen-Cilag, AbbVie, Pfizer, BMS, Consultant of: Janssen, Marta Vomero: None declared, Damiano Currado: None declared, Onorina Berardicurti: None declared, Alice Biaggi: None declared, Annalisa Marino: None declared, Pietro Bearzi: None declared, Erika Corberi: None declared, Amelia Rigon: None declared, Luisa Arcarese: None declared, Alessandro Leuti: None declared, Marina Fava: None declared, Marta Fogolari: None declared, Alessia Mattei: None declared, Piero Ruscitti: None declared, Ilenia Di Cola: None declared, Federico Sambuco: None declared, Francesco Travaglino: None declared, silvia angeletti: None declared, Francesco Ursini: None declared, Erminia Mariani: None declared, Felice Eugenio Agrò: None declared, Paola Cipriani: None declared, Annamaria Iagnocco Speakers bureau: Abbvie, MSD, Alfasigma, Celltrion, BMS, Celgene, Eli-Lilly, Sanofi Genzyme, Pfizer, Galapagos, Gilead, Novartis, SOBI, Janssen, Grant/research support from: Pfizer, Abbvie, Raffaele Antonelli Incalzi Paid instructor for: MSD, GSK, Mauro Maccarrone Consultant of: InMed Pharmaceuticals, Jazz Pharmaceuticals, Roberto Giacomelli Speakers bureau: MSD, UCB, Eli Lilly, Novartis, Janssen-Cilag, AbbVie, Pfizer, BMS, Sobi, Grant/research support from: Sobi, Pfizer.

Abstract The Saint-Gilles breccias, on the western flank of Piton des Neiges volcano, are clearly identified as debris avalanche deposits. A petrographic, textural and structural analysis of the breccias and inter-bedded autochthonous lava flows enables us to distinguish at least four successive flank slides. The oldest deposit sampled the hydrothermally-altered inner parts of the volcano, and has a large volume. Failure was favored by the presence of a deep intensely-weathered layer. The younger deposits are from superficial sources, as their products are rarely hydrothermalized and are more vesicular. The breccia formation, and especially the progressive breaking up occurring during the debris avalanche displacement, indicates the existence of high speed transport. In the Cap La Houssaye coastal area, abrasion and striation of the underlying lava formation, as well as the packing features observed in the breccia, are considered to be deceleration structures. Introduction Huge landslides of volcano flanks, whether or not initiated by magmatic intrusions, have been recognized as catastrophic events since the 1980 Mount St Helens eruption. On oceanic shield volcanoes, the contribution of failure to the edifice-building process was proposed by Moore [1964] and suggested elsewhere for Hawaii [Lipman et al., 1985 ; Moore et al., 1989], Reunion island [Lénat et al., 1989], Etna [McGuire et al., 1991], and Canarias [Carracedo, 1994, 1996 ; Marty et al., 1996]. This contribution is particularly obvious in island volcanoes showing a U-shaped caldera open to the ocean. Several mechanisms inherent to the causes of failure have been proposed, such as dyke intrusion [McGuire et al., 1990 ; Iverson, 1995 ; Voight and Elsworth, 1997], caldera collapse [Marty et al., 1997], or volcanic spreading [Borgia et al., 1992 ; van Wyk de Vries and Francis, 1997]. Invariably, other factors have been proposed as favorable to volcanic destabilization, such as the probable occurrence of deep low-cohesion layers due to the existence of pyroclastic or hyaloclastic layers [Duffield et al., 1982 ; Siebert, 1984] or an old basement. Gravity spreading models are now frequently proposed to explain the destruction of volcanic edifices [Borgia et al., 1992 ; Merle and Borgia, 1996 ; van Wyk de Vries and Borgia, 1996 ; van Wyk de Vries and Francis, 1997], most of them taking into account basal or intra-volcanic weakness zones. We propose that in such a scenario, density heterogeneity should be an important factor governing the slow evolution of the volcanic pile. Clague and Denlinger [1994] proposed a olivine-rich ductile basal layer that influences the stability of volcano flanks. On Reunion island, a large volcanic landslide has been proposed to explain the peculiar morphology of Piton de la Fournaise-Grand Brûlé [Vincent and Kieffer, 1978]. Bathymetric surveys [Bachèlery and Montagionni, 1983 ; Lénat et al., 1989, 1990 ; Cochonnat et al., 1990 ; Lénat and Labazuy, 1990 ; Labazuy, 1991 ; Bachèlery, 1995 ; Ollier et al., 1998] have confirmed the offshore occurrence of debris avalanche deposits. Similar deposits are also known to exist along the western, northern and southwestern submarine flanks of the Piton des Neiges volcano. Unlike other deposits showing inland prolongation, “Saint-Gilles breccias” displays a well-preserved and non-weathered texture and structure. Because of striking analogies between the “Saint-Gilles breccias” and, for example, the Cantal stratovolcano debris avalanche deposits [Cantagrel, 1995], we conclude that these formations are the products of repeated avalanches during the Piton des Neiges basaltic period [Bachèlery et al., 1996]. We propose an interpretation of their origin, emplacement mechanism and their role in the evolutionary process of the western flank of Piton des Neiges. Volcano-structural setting Mechanical instability of oceanic volcanic edifices generates huge flank landslides, with lateral and mainly submarine transport of sub-aerial materials. These landslides participate in the building of the lower submarine slopes of the volcano. Geophysical surveys have detected low cohesion materials in most offshore Reunion island areas [Malengrau et al., 1999 ; de Voogd et al., 1999 ; Lénat et al., 2001] showing that these materials have largely contributed to the construction of offshore Reunion Island. Such deposits are also found in the inner part (“Cirques”) of Piton des Neiges [Maillot, 1999]. On the other hand, electric and electromagnetic soundings have revealed a deep extending conductor within the Piton de la Fournaise volcanic pile [Courteaud et al., 1997 ; Lenat et al., 2000]. Interpretations about the nature and origin of this conductor depend on its location. In the central caldera zone, as revealed by SP positive anomalies [Malengrau et al., 1994 ; Zlotnicki et al., 1994], the hydrothermal and magmatic complex is probably responsible for the observed low resistivities. Along the flanks, such a hypothesis may not be realistic. Courteaud [1996] suggests the occurrence of a deep argilized layer of volcano-detritic origin. In any case, the hydrothermal complex with high fluid pressures and secondary minerals appears as a potential weak zone that may contribute to the volcano’s instability [Lopez and Williams, 1993 ; Frank, 1995]. Chronology and stratigraphy Extent of the debris avalanche deposits The various breccias found at the western end of Reunion island, on the Piton des Neiges volcano flank, cover a 16 km2 area between Cap Marianne and Saint-Gilles (fig. 1). They are overlain upwards (&gt; 250 to 300 m) by trachyandesitic (mugearite) lava flows of Piton des Neiges differentiated series [Billard, 1974]. Some restricted breccia outcrops in deep valleys from Bernica to the north up to l’Hermitage to the south indicate the existence of larger extension of the debris avalanche deposits. Furthermore, breccias with similar “Saint-Gilles” facies appear down the Maïdo cliff to Mafate “Cirque” at an altitude 1300 m, beneath 600 m of mugearite and some olivine basalt flows. Unpublished electromagnetic data (CSAMT soundings) confirm the inland continuity of the “Saint-Gilles breccias” up to the Maïdo along the Piton des Neiges western flank, hidden by mugearitic flows. Available bathymetric surveys offshore Saint Paul – Saint Gilles areas show the obvious underwater prolongation of “Saint-Gilles breccias” : a shallow depth (&lt; 100 m) plateau followed by a slope with hummocky surface down to 2 500 m depth [Bachèlery et al., 1996 and fig. 2]. From this data, the total surface of “Saint-Gilles” debris avalanche deposits is estimated as more than 500 km2. Chronology A coastal cliff, from Ravine Bernica to Boucan Canot, provides the best outcrop of the northern part of “Saint-Gilles breccias”, with a clear inter-bedding of breccia units and lava formations (photo 1and fig. 3). – The lower breccia unit (Br I), of unknown thickness, has a remarkable friable aspect and a grayish color. – The first autochthonous lava formation (L1) consists in thin pahoehoe olivine basalt flows filling large valleys dug into “Br I”. The top of this formation is striated by the overlying “Br II” unit (photo 2). – Breccia unit “Br II” is interbedded between L1 and L2 olivine basalts. More compact and massive, “Br II” is characterized by a reddish matrix and dark blocks, with many curved fracture surfaces. – On “Br II” or directly on L1, picritic basalt flows L2 are found, filling narrow valleys. – Breccia unit “Br III” lies on “Br II” with a striking sheared contact plane visible along the main road (photo 3). It is a typical debris avalanche deposit with large imbricate blocks within a fine-grained beige matrix. – Once again, basaltic flows of lava formation L3 fill a valley dug into “Br III” near Petite Anse river. – Breccia unit “Br IV” rests on L3 at Petite Anse, but its contact with “Br III” elsewhere is not clear. The facies of this unit is very similar to the “Br III”. All the breccia units are covered by basaltic and trachyandesitic flows from the end of the Piton des Neiges basaltic series, and differentiated series. In the Saint-Gilles river, two formations are superposed : picritic basalts (L4) have flowed on the “Br IV” breccia unit, latter aphyric trachy-andesitic (mugearite) flows (L6) overlapped L4 and the breccia landforms, reaching in places the coastal area. To the north, at Plateau Caillou, plagioclase-phyric basalt flows (L5) are found between mugearite and breccias. Elsewhere on Piton des Neiges, such flows are symptomatic of the transition from the basaltic series to the differentiated series [Billard, 1974]. The occurrence of autochthonous basaltic formations L1 to L3, inter-bedded with “Saint-Gilles breccias”, enables us to distinguish at least four superposed breccia units. Although the emplacement age of the lower “Br I” is not known precisely, it is overlain and therefore older than Cap Marianne pahoehoe lavas (L1) dated at 0.452 Ma [Mc Dougall, 1971]. On the other hand, the upper breccia units are younger than the pahoehoe olivine basalt at Cap la Houssaye dated at 0,435 Ma but older than L5 plagioclasic basalts dated at 0.35 Ma. Geological description of the “breccia sequence” In the synthetic lithologic log (fig. 4) of the Saint-Gilles area, autochthonous lava formations are clearly broken into four separate breccia units. Lava formations. – L1 formation consists of numerous thin pahoehoe olivine-rich to aphyric basaltic flows. Both L2 and L3 formations are characterized by a few thicker (decametric) olivine (frequently picritic) basalt flows. Breccia units. – All breccia units display common characteristics such as the universal association of two facies (photo 4) : (i) a matrix – sandy to silty – facies containing a non-sorted mixture of non-stratified heterogeneous materials ranging from granular size to blocky elements, (ii) coherent large blocks and large pieces (‘block’ facies) of various lithology such as lava flow, scorias, pyroclastics or other breccias ; blocks displaying frequent “jigsaw” features. The lower breccia unit “Br 1” (fig. 4) has a more compact but very heterogeneous aspect, with a chaotic distribution of blocks in a less-developed matrix. This unit is characterized by a deep hydrothermal alteration with a lot of zeolites, chlorite, clays, calcite and oxides. The upper breccia units, “Br II” to “Br IV” (fig. 4) are less heterogeneous than “Br I” because their matrix facies are more voluminous and because the matrix clearly separates the bigger blocks. In both facies, a great diversity of fresh lithologic types such as picritic basalt, olivine-phyric basalt, plagioclase-phyric basalt and aphyric more or less vesicular basalts, gabbro, dunite are found, with no or only few slightly zeolitised blocks. Plurimetric to metric blocks are severely fractured, disintegrated into millimetric to decimetric angular pieces. The frequent polygenic aspect is due to block juxtaposition or imbrication. The abundant matrix is composed of crushed rocks and mineral elements, fine-grained (&lt; mm), showing frequent fluidity and bedding marks (photo 5). The very heterogeneous composition of the matrix is confirmed at a microscopic scale. On the contrary, cores of blocks appear as jigsaw-puzzle-like monolithologic pieces of various basaltic rocks. At their edges, disintegration leads to progressive mixing with neighboring blocks that feed the matrix. Discussion Originality of “Saint-Gilles breccias” “Saint-Gilles breccias” constitute one of the few cases [see also Cantagrel et al., 1999] of debris avalanche deposit outcroppings on the sub-aerial part of an oceanic shield volcano. The main part of the deposit is suspected to be offshore. Their hummocky surface in delineating parallel ridges can be compared to the one described offshore the Grand Brûlé area, east of Piton de la Fournaise [Bachèlery et al., 1996]. “Saint-Gilles breccias” were deposited after several Piton des Neiges flank slide events that were separated by basaltic flows. Repeated debris avalanches have also been proposed to explain Piton de la Fournaise offshore deposits [Lenat et al., 1990 ; Labazuy, 1991]. The occurrence of autochthonous interbedded lava formations is essential to interpret the thick piling up of slide material along Reunion volcano flanks as deposits of repeated avalanches at the same place, instead of as being the products of a single huge event. Many structural and textural features noticed in the upper breccia units reveal crucial information on the emplacement mechanism of debris avalanches. For instance, brecciated blocks are typical of progressive break-up during transport processes. Blocks can simply be fractured, or they can be so severely disintegrated that stretching and mixing with other blocks and matrix formation are observed. The observation of such phenomena implies the existence of numerous percussive events between rocks, as well as internal vibrations in the debris avalanche and therefore the existence of high-speed transport. Lava formations L1 underlying upper breccia units are truncated and strongly striated in a seaward direction (photo 2), parallel to the breccia morphological ridges. In the same way, internal contact surfaces between upper breccia units are shear planes underlain by cataclastic layers and lenses (photo 3). Such structures are interpreted as due to drastic deceleration effects of avalanches reaching a topographic leveling out in the coastal area. This concords with the occurrence of sub-vertical contact areas between the blocks and the matrix. These injections of matrix between the blocks are generated bottom-up from the shear plane at the moment of the sudden deceleration of the avalanche. Other fracture planes that are in accordance with the morphology of ridges, are found in “Br III” unit (see fig. 5). They are interpreted as the result of packing effects. Origin of flank failures Although the source area of breccia formations has not yet been clearly identified, it has to be in the central part of Piton des Neiges as seen in the western cliff of “cirque de Mafate”. Furthermore, “Br I” deeply weathered materials evidently come from the hydrothermalized core of the volcano. Though the “Br I” thickness is not known, the volume involved may be considerable and a part of this volume must constitute the main body of Saint-Gilles offshore deposits. The upper breccias units “Br II” to “Br IV” display very similar textures and lithologies, with dominant non-altered basaltic rocks from the “Phase II” building stage of Piton des Neiges [Billard, 1974]. These units are very thin in the coastal area of Cap La Houssaye (see fig. 2) despite a proximal facies (meaning a deposit in the transport zone nearer than the main deposit zone). They obviously originate from shallow flank slides of restricted extent. We suggest that the upper Saint-Gilles deposits are due to repeated events that produced thin high-speed debris avalanches. Emplacement modalities The morphology of “Saint-Gilles breccias”, or submarine deposits offshore Grand Brûlé (east of Piton de la Fournaise volcano), are typical of sliding movements along shallow depth shear planes (several hundred meters up to two kilometers) within the volcanic pile. But several levels of decollement are suggested by seismic refraction and reflection profiles offshore La Reunion, the deepest corresponding to the top of the preexisting oceanic sediments [de Voogt et al., 1999]. Until now, in Reunion Island, only shallow failures affecting the upper parts of volcanic edifices, with deposits on the lower slopes, have been positively identified. Conditions that trigger giant flank landslides affecting oceanic shields remain poorly understood but we can reasonably speculate that weak hydrothermally-altered layers in the inner part of the volcano favor these gravity-driven processes related to repeated dike injections. The “Saint-Gilles breccia” sequence is considered as a multiphase lateral collapse structure whose first event (“Br I”) was apparently the most voluminous. The corresponding deposit displays frequent hydrothermally-altered material symptomatic of originating from the Piton des Neiges core. Within Piton des Neiges, the low cohesive weathered layer is quite extensive [Nativel, 1978 ; Rançon, 1982] possibly reaching down the volcano flanks [Courteaud et al., 1997]. The interpretative scheme that we propose (fig. 6) in our evaluation of the conditions for the emplacement of Saint-Gilles sequence, takes into account the existence of such a mechanical discontinuity within the volcanic pile. We propose that the massive landslide failure of the west flank of Piton des Neiges volcano that produced the “Br I” breccia, provided efficient channels for younger Piton des Neiges lavas to reach the western and southwestern coastline. Morphological features, as well as radiometric data [Mc Dougall, 1971 ; Gillot and Nativel, 1982] and magnetic surveys [Lénat et al., 2001], yield evidence for preferential accumulation of lava during the last 0.5 m.y. (corresponding mainly to the differentiated series) in this part of the volcano. The relative asymmetry of Piton des Neiges was acquired by rift migration in response to the first huge landslide that produced the “Br I” unit of “Saint-Gilles breccia”, in the manner described by Lipman et al. [1990] for Mauna Loa volcano in Hawaii. The later repetition of flank collapses is consistent with similar structures on other oceanic islands. Since the first lateral collapse, the Piton des Neiges edifice was probably characterized by the existence of an asymmetrical steeper western flank where the old zeolite-rich “Br I” deposits possibly act as a detachment surface for later successive landslides which may have occurred recurrently over a short time interval.

Education in Oceania continues to reflect the embedded implicit and explicit colonial practices and processes from the past. This paper conceptualises a cultural approach to education and leadership appropriate and relevant to the Republic of the Marshall Islands. As elementary school leaders, we highlight Kanne Lobal, a traditional Marshallese navigation practice based on indigenous language, values and practices. We conceptualise and develop Kanne Lobal in this paper as a framework for understanding the usefulness of our indigenous knowledge in leadership and educational practices within formal education. Through bwebwenato, a method of talk story, our key learnings and reflexivities were captured. We argue that realising the value of Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices for school leaders requires purposeful training of the ways in which our knowledge can be made useful in our professional educational responsibilities. Drawing from our Marshallese knowledge is an intentional effort to inspire, empower and express what education and leadership partnership means for Marshallese people, as articulated by Marshallese themselves. Introduction As noted in the call for papers within the Waikato Journal of Education (WJE) for this special issue, bodies of knowledge and histories in Oceania have long sustained generations across geographic boundaries to ensure cultural survival. For Marshallese people, we cannot really know ourselves “until we know how we came to be where we are today” (Walsh, Heine, Bigler & Stege, 2012). Jitdam Kapeel is a popular Marshallese concept and ideal associated with inquiring into relationships within the family and community. In a similar way, the practice of relating is about connecting the present and future to the past. Education and leadership partnerships are linked and we look back to the past, our history, to make sense and feel inspired to transform practices that will benefit our people. In this paper and in light of our next generation, we reconnect with our navigation stories to inspire and empower education and leadership. Kanne lobal is part of our navigation stories, a conceptual framework centred on cultural practices, values, and concepts that embrace collective partnerships. Our link to this talanoa vā with others in the special issue is to attempt to make sense of connections given the global COVID-19 context by providing a Marshallese approach to address the physical and relational “distance” between education and leadership partnerships in Oceania. Like the majority of developing small island nations in Oceania, the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) has had its share of educational challenges through colonial legacies of the past which continues to drive education systems in the region (Heine, 2002). The historical administration and education in the RMI is one of colonisation. Successive administrations by the Spanish, German, Japanese, and now the US, has resulted in education and learning that privileges western knowledge and forms of learning. This paper foregrounds understandings of education and learning as told by the voices of elementary school leaders from the RMI. The move to re-think education and leadership from Marshallese perspectives is an act of shifting the focus of bwebwenato or conversations that centres on Marshallese language and worldviews. The concept of jelalokjen was conceptualised as traditional education framed mainly within the community context. In the past, jelalokjen was practiced and transmitted to the younger generation for cultural continuity. During the arrival of colonial administrations into the RMI, jelalokjen was likened to the western notions of education and schooling (Kupferman, 2004). Today, the primary function of jelalokjen, as traditional and formal education, it is for “survival in a hostile [and challenging] environment” (Kupferman, 2004, p. 43). Because western approaches to learning in the RMI have not always resulted in positive outcomes for those engaged within the education system, as school leaders who value our cultural knowledge and practices, and aspire to maintain our language with the next generation, we turn to Kanne Lobal, a practice embedded in our navigation stories, collective aspirations, and leadership. The significance in the development of Kanne Lobal, as an appropriate framework for education and leadership, resulted in us coming together and working together. Not only were we able to share our leadership concerns, however, the engagement strengthened our connections with each other as school leaders, our communities, and the Public Schooling System (PSS). Prior to that, many of us were in competition for resources. Educational Leadership: IQBE and GCSL Leadership is a valued practice in the RMI. Before the IQBE programme started in 2018, the majority of the school leaders on the main island of Majuro had not engaged in collaborative partnerships with each other before. Our main educational purpose was to achieve accreditation from the Western Association of Schools and Colleges (WASC), an accreditation commission for schools in the United States. The WASC accreditation dictated our work and relationships and many school leaders on Majuro felt the pressure of competition against each other. We, the authors in this paper, share our collective bwebwenato, highlighting our school leadership experiences and how we gained strength from our own ancestral knowledge to empower “us”, to collaborate with each other, our teachers, communities, as well as with PSS; a collaborative partnership we had not realised in the past. The paucity of literature that captures Kajin Majol (Marshallese language) and education in general in the RMI is what we intend to fill by sharing our reflections and experiences. To move our educational practices forward we highlight Kanne Lobal, a cultural approach that focuses on our strengths, collective social responsibilities and wellbeing. For a long time, there was no formal training in place for elementary school leaders. School principals and vice principals were appointed primarily on their academic merit through having an undergraduate qualification. As part of the first cohort of fifteen school leaders, we engaged in the professional training programme, the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL), refitted to our context after its initial development in the Solomon Islands. GCSL was coordinated by the Institute of Education (IOE) at the University of the South Pacific (USP). GCSL was seen as a relevant and appropriate training programme for school leaders in the RMI as part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded programme which aimed at “Improving Quality Basic Education” (IQBE) in parts of the northern Pacific. GCSL was managed on Majuro, RMI’s main island, by the director at the time Dr Irene Taafaki, coordinator Yolanda McKay, and administrators at the University of the South Pacific’s (USP) RMI campus. Through the provision of GCSL, as school leaders we were encouraged to re-think and draw-from our own cultural repository and connect to our ancestral knowledge that have always provided strength for us. This kind of thinking and practice was encouraged by our educational leaders (Heine, 2002). We argue that a culturally-affirming and culturally-contextual framework that reflects the lived experiences of Marshallese people is much needed and enables the disruption of inherent colonial processes left behind by Western and Eastern administrations which have influenced our education system in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Kanne Lobal, an approach utilising a traditional navigation has warranted its need to provide solutions for today’s educational challenges for us in the RMI. Education in the Pacific Education in the Pacific cannot be understood without contextualising it in its history and culture. It is the same for us in the RMI (Heine, 2002; Walsh et al., 2012). The RMI is located in the Pacific Ocean and is part of Micronesia. It was named after a British captain, John Marshall in the 1700s. The atolls in the RMI were explored by the Spanish in the 16th century. Germany unsuccessfully attempted to colonize the islands in 1885. Japan took control in 1914, but after several battles during World War II, the US seized the RMI from them. In 1947, the United Nations made the island group, along with the Mariana and Caroline archipelagos, a U.S. trust territory (Walsh et al, 2012). Education in the RMI reflects the colonial administrations of Germany, Japan, and now the US. Before the turn of the century, formal education in the Pacific reflected western values, practices, and standards. Prior to that, education was informal and not binded to formal learning institutions (Thaman, 1997) and oral traditions was used as the medium for transmitting learning about customs and practices living with parents, grandparents, great grandparents. As alluded to by Jiba B. Kabua (2004), any “discussion about education is necessarily a discussion of culture, and any policy on education is also a policy of culture” (p. 181). It is impossible to promote one without the other, and it is not logical to understand one without the other. Re-thinking how education should look like, the pedagogical strategies that are relevant in our classrooms, the ways to engage with our parents and communities - such re-thinking sits within our cultural approaches and frameworks. Our collective attempts to provide a cultural framework that is relevant and appropriate for education in our context, sits within the political endeavour to decolonize. This means that what we are providing will not only be useful, but it can be used as a tool to question and identify whether things in place restrict and prevent our culture or whether they promote and foreground cultural ideas and concepts, a significant discussion of culture linked to education (Kabua, 2004). Donor funded development aid programmes were provided to support the challenges within education systems. Concerned with the persistent low educational outcomes of Pacific students, despite the prevalence of aid programmes in the region, in 2000 Pacific educators and leaders with support from New Zealand Aid (NZ Aid) decided to intervene (Heine, 2002; Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). In April 2001, a group of Pacific educators and leaders across the region were invited to a colloquium funded by the New Zealand Overseas Development Agency held in Suva Fiji at the University of the South Pacific. The main purpose of the colloquium was to enable “Pacific educators to re-think the values, assumptions and beliefs underlying [formal] schooling in Oceania” (Benson, 2002). Leadership, in general, is a valued practice in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Despite education leadership being identified as a significant factor in school improvement (Sanga & Chu, 2009), the limited formal training opportunities of school principals in the region was a persistent concern. As part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded project, the Improve Quality Basic Education (IQBE) intervention was developed and implemented in the RMI in 2017. Mentoring is a process associated with the continuity and sustainability of leadership knowledge and practices (Sanga & Chu, 2009). It is a key aspect of building capacity and capabilities within human resources in education (ibid). Indigenous knowledges and education research According to Hilda Heine, the relationship between education and leadership is about understanding Marshallese history and culture (cited in Walsh et al., 2012). It is about sharing indigenous knowledge and histories that “details for future generations a story of survival and resilience and the pride we possess as a people” (Heine, cited in Walsh et al., 2012, p. v). This paper is fuelled by postcolonial aspirations yet is grounded in Pacific indigenous research. This means that our intentions are driven by postcolonial pursuits and discourses linked to challenging the colonial systems and schooling in the Pacific region that privileges western knowledge and learning and marginalises the education practices and processes of local people (Thiong’o, 1986). A point of difference and orientation from postcolonialism is a desire to foreground indigenous Pacific language, specifically Majin Majol, through Marshallese concepts. Our collective bwebwenato and conversation honours and values kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness) (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Pacific leaders developed the Rethinking Pacific Education Initiative for and by Pacific People (RPEIPP) in 2002 to take control of the ways in which education research was conducted by donor funded organisations (Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). Our former president, Dr Hilda Heine was part of the group of leaders who sought to counter the ways in which our educational and leadership stories were controlled and told by non-Marshallese (Heine, 2002). As a former minister of education in the RMI, Hilda Heine continues to inspire and encourage the next generation of educators, school leaders, and researchers to re-think and de-construct the way learning and education is conceptualised for Marshallese people. The conceptualisation of Kanne Lobal acknowledges its origin, grounded in Marshallese navigation knowledge and practice. Our decision to unpack and deconstruct Kanne Lobal within the context of formal education and leadership responds to the need to not only draw from indigenous Marshallese ideas and practice but to consider that the next generation will continue to be educated using western processes and initiatives particularly from the US where we get a lot of our funding from. According to indigenous researchers Dawn Bessarab and Bridget Ng’andu (2010), doing research that considers “culturally appropriate processes to engage with indigenous groups and individuals is particularly pertinent in today’s research environment” (p. 37). Pacific indigenous educators and researchers have turned to their own ancestral knowledge and practices for inspiration and empowerment. Within western research contexts, the often stringent ideals and processes are not always encouraging of indigenous methods and practices. However, many were able to ground and articulate their use of indigenous methods as being relevant and appropriate to capturing the realities of their communities (Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Fulu-Aiolupotea, 2014; Thaman, 1997). At the same time, utilising Pacific indigenous methods and approaches enabled research engagement with their communities that honoured and respected them and their communities. For example, Tongan, Samoan, and Fijian researchers used the talanoa method as a way to capture the stories, lived realities, and worldviews of their communities within education in the diaspora (Fa’avae, Jones, & Manu’atu, 2016; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014; Vaioleti, 2005). Tok stori was used by Solomon Islander educators and school leaders to highlight the unique circles of conversational practice and storytelling that leads to more positive engagement with their community members, capturing rich and meaningful narratives as a result (Sanga & Houma, 2004). The Indigenous Aborigine in Australia utilise yarning as a “relaxed discussion through which both the researcher and participant journey together visiting places and topics of interest relevant” (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010, p. 38). Despite the diverse forms of discussions and storytelling by indigenous peoples, of significance are the cultural protocols, ethics, and language for conducting and guiding the engagement (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014). Through the ethics, values, protocols, and language, these are what makes indigenous methods or frameworks unique compared to western methods like in-depth interviews or semi-structured interviews. This is why it is important for us as Marshallese educators to frame, ground, and articulate how our own methods and frameworks of learning could be realised in western education (Heine, 2002; Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). In this paper, we utilise bwebwenato as an appropriate method linked to “talk story”, capturing our collective stories and experiences during GCSL and how we sought to build partnerships and collaboration with each other, our communities, and the PSS. Bwebwenato and drawing from Kajin Majel Legends and stories that reflect Marshallese society and its cultural values have survived through our oral traditions. The practice of weaving also holds knowledge about our “valuable and earliest sources of knowledge” (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019, p. 2). The skilful navigation of Marshallese wayfarers on the walap (large canoes) in the ocean is testament of their leadership and the value they place on ensuring the survival and continuity of Marshallese people (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019; Walsh et al., 2012). During her graduate study in 2014, Kathy Jetnil-Kijiner conceptualised bwebwenato as being the most “well-known form of Marshallese orality” (p. 38). The Marshallese-English dictionary defined bwebwenato as talk, conversation, story, history, article, episode, lore, myth, or tale (cited in Jetnil Kijiner, 2014). Three years later in 2017, bwebwenato was utilised in a doctoral project by Natalie Nimmer as a research method to gather “talk stories” about the experiences of 10 Marshallese experts in knowledge and skills ranging from sewing to linguistics, canoe-making and business. Our collective bwebwenato in this paper centres on Marshallese ideas and language. The philosophy of Marshallese knowledge is rooted in our “Kajin Majel”, or Marshallese language and is shared and transmitted through our oral traditions. For instance, through our historical stories and myths. Marshallese philosophy, that is, the knowledge systems inherent in our beliefs, values, customs, and practices are shared. They are inherently relational, meaning that knowledge systems and philosophies within our world are connected, in mind, body, and spirit (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Nimmer, 2017). Although some Marshallese believe that our knowledge is disappearing as more and more elders pass away, it is therefore important work together, and learn from each other about the knowledges shared not only by the living but through their lamentations and stories of those who are no longer with us (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). As a Marshallese practice, weaving has been passed-down from generation to generation. Although the art of weaving is no longer as common as it used to be, the artefacts such as the “jaki-ed” (clothing mats) continue to embody significant Marshallese values and traditions. For our weavers, the jouj (check spelling) is the centre of the mat and it is where the weaving starts. When the jouj is correct and weaved well, the remainder and every other part of the mat will be right. The jouj is symbolic of the “heart” and if the heart is prepared well, trained well, then life or all other parts of the body will be well (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). In that light, we have applied the same to this paper. Conceptualising and drawing from cultural practices that are close and dear to our hearts embodies a significant ontological attempt to prioritize our own knowledge and language, a sense of endearment to who we are and what we believe education to be like for us and the next generation. The application of the phrase “Majolizing '' was used by the Ministry of Education when Hilda Heine was minister, to weave cultural ideas and language into the way that teachers understand the curriculum, develop lesson plans and execute them in the classroom. Despite this, there were still concerns with the embedded colonized practices where teachers defaulted to eurocentric methods of doing things, like the strategies provided in the textbooks given to us. In some ways, our education was slow to adjust to the “Majolizing '' intention by our former minister. In this paper, we provide Kanne Lobal as a way to contribute to the “Majolizing intention” and perhaps speed up yet still be collectively responsible to all involved in education. Kajin Wa and Kanne Lobal “Wa” is the Marshallese concept for canoe. Kajin wa, as in canoe language, has a lot of symbolic meaning linked to deeply-held Marshallese values and practices. The canoe was the foundational practice that supported the livelihood of harsh atoll island living which reflects the Marshallese social world. The experts of Kajin wa often refer to “wa” as being the vessel of life, a means and source of sustaining life (Kelen, 2009, cited in Miller, 2010). “Jouj” means kindness and is the lower part of the main hull of the canoe. It is often referred to by some canoe builders in the RMI as the heart of the canoe and is linked to love. The jouj is one of the first parts of the canoe that is built and is “used to do all other measurements, and then the rest of the canoe is built on top of it” (Miller, 2010, p. 67). The significance of the jouj is that when the canoe is in the water, the jouj is the part of the hull that is underwater and ensures that all the cargo and passengers are safe. For Marshallese, jouj or kindness is what living is about and is associated with selflessly carrying the responsibility of keeping the family and community safe. The parts of the canoe reflect Marshallese culture, legend, family, lineage, and kinship. They embody social responsibilities that guide, direct, and sustain Marshallese families’ wellbeing, from atoll to atoll. For example, the rojak (boom), rojak maan (upper boom), rojak kōrā (lower boom), and they support the edges of the ujelā/ujele (sail) (see figure 1). The literal meaning of rojak maan is male boom and rojak kōrā means female boom which together strengthens the sail and ensures the canoe propels forward in a strong yet safe way. Figuratively, the rojak maan and rojak kōrā symbolise the mother and father relationship which when strong, through the jouj (kindness and love), it can strengthen families and sustain them into the future. Figure 1. Parts of the canoe Source: https://www.canoesmarshallislands.com/2014/09/names-of-canoe-parts/ From a socio-cultural, communal, and leadership view, the canoe (wa) provides understanding of the relationships required to inspire and sustain Marshallese peoples’ education and learning. We draw from Kajin wa because they provide cultural ideas and practices that enable understanding of education and leadership necessary for sustaining Marshallese people and realities in Oceania. When building a canoe, the women are tasked with the weaving of the ujelā/ujele (sail) and to ensure that it is strong enough to withstand long journeys and the fierce winds and waters of the ocean. The Kanne Lobal relates to the front part of the ujelā/ujele (sail) where the rojak maan and rojak kōrā meet and connect (see the red lines in figure 1). Kanne Lobal is linked to the strategic use of the ujelā/ujele by navigators, when there is no wind north wind to propel them forward, to find ways to capture the winds so that their journey can continue. As a proverbial saying, Kanne Lobal is used to ignite thinking and inspire and transform practice particularly when the journey is rough and tough. In this paper we draw from Kanne Lobal to ignite, inspire, and transform our educational and leadership practices, a move to explore what has always been meaningful to Marshallese people when we are faced with challenges. The Kanne Lobal utilises our language, and cultural practices and values by sourcing from the concepts of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). A key Marshallese proverb, “Enra bwe jen lale rara”, is the cultural practice where families enact compassion through the sharing of food in all occurrences. The term “enra” is a small basket weaved from the coconut leaves, and often used by Marshallese as a plate to share and distribute food amongst each other. Bwe-jen-lale-rara is about noticing and providing for the needs of others, and “enra” the basket will help support and provide for all that are in need. “Enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara” is symbolic of cultural exchange and reciprocity and the cultural values associated with building and maintaining relationships, and constantly honouring each other. As a Marshallese practice, in this article we share our understanding and knowledge about the challenges as well as possible solutions for education concerns in our nation. In addition, we highlight another proverb, “wa kuk wa jimor”, which relates to having one canoe, and despite its capacity to feed and provide for the individual, but within the canoe all people can benefit from what it can provide. In the same way, we provide in this paper a cultural framework that will enable all educators to benefit from. It is a framework that is far-reaching and relevant to the lived realities of Marshallese people today. Kumit relates to people united to build strength, all co-operating and working together, living in peace, harmony, and good health. Kanne Lobal: conceptual framework for education and leadership An education framework is a conceptual structure that can be used to capture ideas and thinking related to aspects of learning. Kanne Lobal is conceptualised and framed in this paper as an educational framework. Kanne Lobal highlights the significance of education as a collective partnership whereby leadership is an important aspect. Kanne Lobal draws-from indigenous Marshallese concepts like kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness, heart). The role of a leader, including an education leader, is to prioritise collective learning and partnerships that benefits Marshallese people and the continuity and survival of the next generation (Heine, 2002; Thaman, 1995). As described by Ejnar Aerōk, an expert canoe builder in the RMI, he stated: “jerbal ippān doon bwe en maron maan wa e” (cited in Miller, 2010, p. 69). His description emphasises the significance of partnerships and working together when navigating and journeying together in order to move the canoe forward. The kubaak, the outrigger of the wa (canoe) is about “partnerships”. For us as elementary school leaders on Majuro, kubaak encourages us to value collaborative partnerships with each other as well as our communities, PSS, and other stakeholders. Partnerships is an important part of the Kanne Lobal education and leadership framework. It requires ongoing bwebwenato – the inspiring as well as confronting and challenging conversations that should be mediated and negotiated if we and our education stakeholders are to journey together to ensure that the educational services we provide benefits our next generation of young people in the RMI. Navigating ahead the partnerships, mediation, and negotiation are the core values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). As an organic conceptual framework grounded in indigenous values, inspired through our lived experiences, Kanne Lobal provides ideas and concepts for re-thinking education and leadership practices that are conducive to learning and teaching in the schooling context in the RMI. By no means does it provide the solution to the education ills in our nation. However, we argue that Kanne Lobal is a more relevant approach which is much needed for the negatively stigmatised system as a consequence of the various colonial administrations that have and continue to shape and reframe our ideas about what education should be like for us in the RMI. Moreover, Kannel Lobal is our attempt to decolonize the framing of education and leadership, moving our bwebwenato to re-framing conversations of teaching and learning so that our cultural knowledge and values are foregrounded, appreciated, and realised within our education system. Bwebwenato: sharing our stories In this section, we use bwebwenato as a method of gathering and capturing our stories as data. Below we capture our stories and ongoing conversations about the richness in Marshallese cultural knowledge in the outer islands and on Majuro and the potentialities in Kanne Lobal. Danny Jim When I was in third grade (9-10 years of age), during my grandfather’s speech in Arno, an atoll near Majuro, during a time when a wa (canoe) was being blessed and ready to put the canoe into the ocean. My grandfather told me the canoe was a blessing for the family. “Without a canoe, a family cannot provide for them”, he said. The canoe allows for travelling between places to gather food and other sources to provide for the family. My grandfather’s stories about people’s roles within the canoe reminded me that everyone within the family has a responsibility to each other. Our women, mothers and daughters too have a significant responsibility in the journey, in fact, they hold us, care for us, and given strength to their husbands, brothers, and sons. The wise man or elder sits in the middle of the canoe, directing the young man who help to steer. The young man, he does all the work, directed by the older man. They take advice and seek the wisdom of the elder. In front of the canoe, a young boy is placed there and because of his strong and youthful vision, he is able to help the elder as well as the young man on the canoe. The story can be linked to the roles that school leaders, teachers, and students have in schooling. Without each person knowing intricately their role and responsibility, the sight and vision ahead for the collective aspirations of the school and the community is difficult to comprehend. For me, the canoe is symbolic of our educational journey within our education system. As the school leader, a central, trusted, and respected figure in the school, they provide support for teachers who are at the helm, pedagogically striving to provide for their students. For without strong direction from the school leaders and teachers at the helm, the students, like the young boy, cannot foresee their futures, or envisage how education can benefit them. This is why Kanne Lobal is a significant framework for us in the Marshall Islands because within the practice we are able to take heed and empower each other so that all benefit from the process. Kanne Lobal is linked to our culture, an essential part of who we are. We must rely on our own local approaches, rather than relying on others that are not relevant to what we know and how we live in today’s society. One of the things I can tell is that in Majuro, compared to the outer islands, it’s different. In the outer islands, parents bring children together and tell them legends and stories. The elders tell them about the legends and stories – the bwebwenato. Children from outer islands know a lot more about Marshallese legends compared to children from the Majuro atoll. They usually stay close to their parents, observe how to prepare food and all types of Marshallese skills. Loretta Joseph Case There is little Western influence in the outer islands. They grow up learning their own culture with their parents, not having tv. They are closely knit, making their own food, learning to weave. They use fire for cooking food. They are more connected because there are few of them, doing their own culture. For example, if they’re building a house, the ladies will come together and make food to take to the males that are building the house, encouraging them to keep on working - “jemjem maal” (sharpening tools i.e. axe, like encouraging workers to empower them). It’s when they bring food and entertainment. Rubon Rubon Togetherness, work together, sharing of food, these are important practices as a school leader. Jemjem maal – the whole village works together, men working and the women encourage them with food and entertainment. All the young children are involved in all of the cultural practices, cultural transmission is consistently part of their everyday life. These are stronger in the outer islands. Kanne Lobal has the potential to provide solutions using our own knowledge and practices. Connie Joel When new teachers become a teacher, they learn more about their culture in teaching. Teaching raises the question, who are we? A popular saying amongst our people, “Aelon kein ad ej aelon in manit”, means that “Our islands are cultural islands”. Therefore, when we are teaching, and managing the school, we must do this culturally. When we live and breathe, we must do this culturally. There is more socialising with family and extended family. Respect the elderly. When they’re doing things the ladies all get together, in groups and do it. Cut the breadfruit, and preserve the breadfruit and pandanus. They come together and do it. Same as fishing, building houses, building canoes. They use and speak the language often spoken by the older people. There are words that people in the outer islands use and understand language regularly applied by the elderly. Respect elderly and leaders more i.e., chiefs (iroj), commoners (alap), and the workers on the land (ri-jerbal) (social layer under the commoners). All the kids, they gather with their families, and go and visit the chiefs and alap, and take gifts from their land, first produce/food from the plantation (eojōk). Tommy Almet The people are more connected to the culture in the outer islands because they help one another. They don’t have to always buy things by themselves, everyone contributes to the occasion. For instance, for birthdays, boys go fishing, others contribute and all share with everyone. Kanne Lobal is a practice that can bring people together – leaders, teachers, stakeholders. We want our colleagues to keep strong and work together to fix problems like students and teachers’ absenteeism which is a big problem for us in schools. Demetria Malachi The culture in the outer islands are more accessible and exposed to children. In Majuro, there is a mixedness of cultures and knowledges, influenced by Western thinking and practices. Kanne Lobal is an idea that can enhance quality educational purposes for the RMI. We, the school leaders who did GCSL, we want to merge and use this idea because it will help benefit students’ learning and teachers’ teaching. Kanne Lobal will help students to learn and teachers to teach though traditional skills and knowledge. We want to revitalize our ways of life through teaching because it is slowly fading away. Also, we want to have our own Marshallese learning process because it is in our own language making it easier to use and understand. Essentially, we want to proudly use our own ways of teaching from our ancestors showing the appreciation and blessings given to us. Way Forward To think of ways forward is about reflecting on the past and current learnings. Instead of a traditional discussion within a research publication, we have opted to continue our bwebwenato by sharing what we have learnt through the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL) programme. Our bwebwenato does not end in this article and this opportunity to collaborate and partner together in this piece of writing has been a meaningful experience to conceptualise and unpack the Kanne Lobal framework. Our collaborative bwebwenato has enabled us to dig deep into our own wise knowledges for guidance through mediating and negotiating the challenges in education and leadership (Sanga & Houma, 2004). For example, bwe-jen-lale-rara reminds us to inquire, pay attention, and focus on supporting the needs of others. Through enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara, it reminds us to value cultural exchange and reciprocity which will strengthen the development and maintaining of relationships based on ways we continue to honour each other (Nimmer, 2017). We not only continue to support each other, but also help mentor the next generation of school leaders within our education system (Heine, 2002). Education and leadership are all about collaborative partnerships (Sanga & Chu, 2009; Thaman, 1997). Developing partnerships through the GCSL was useful learning for us. It encouraged us to work together, share knowledge, respect each other, and be kind. The values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity) are meaningful in being and becoming and educational leader in the RMI (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Miller, 2010; Nimmer, 2017). These values are meaningful for us practice particularly given the drive by PSS for schools to become accredited. The workshops and meetings delivered during the GCSL in the RMI from 2018 to 2019 about Kanne Lobal has given us strength to share our stories and experiences from the meeting with the stakeholders. But before we met with the stakeholders, we were encouraged to share and speak in our language within our courses: EDP05 (Professional Development and Learning), EDP06 (School Leadership), EDP07 (School Management), EDP08 (Teaching and Learning), and EDP09 (Community Partnerships). In groups, we shared our presentations with our peers, the 15 school leaders in the GCSL programme. We also invited USP RMI staff. They liked the way we presented Kannel Lobal. They provided us with feedback, for example: how the use of the sail on the canoe, the parts and their functions can be conceptualised in education and how they are related to the way that we teach our own young people. Engaging stakeholders in the conceptualisation and design stages of Kanne Lobal strengthened our understanding of leadership and collaborative partnerships. Based on various meetings with the RMI Pacific Resources for Education and Learning (PREL) team, PSS general assembly, teachers from the outer islands, and the PSS executive committee, we were able to share and receive feedback on the Kanne Lobal framework. The coordinators of the PREL programme in the RMI were excited by the possibilities around using Kanne Lobal, as a way to teach culture in an inspirational way to Marshallese students. Our Marshallese knowledge, particularly through the proverbial meaning of Kanne Lobal provided so much inspiration and insight for the groups during the presentation which gave us hope and confidence to develop the framework. Kanne Lobal is an organic and indigenous approach, grounded in Marshallese ways of doing things (Heine, 2002; Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Given the persistent presence of colonial processes within the education system and the constant reference to practices and initiatives from the US, Kanne Lobal for us provides a refreshing yet fulfilling experience and makes us feel warm inside because it is something that belongs to all Marshallese people. Conclusion Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices provide meaningful educational and leadership understanding and learnings. They ignite, inspire, and transform thinking and practice. The Kanne Lobal conceptual framework emphasises key concepts and values necessary for collaborative partnerships within education and leadership practices in the RMI. The bwebwenato or talk stories have been insightful and have highlighted the strengths and benefits that our Marshallese ideas and practices possess when looking for appropriate and relevant ways to understand education and leadership. Acknowledgements We want to acknowledge our GCSL cohort of school leaders who have supported us in the development of Kanne Lobal as a conceptual framework. A huge kommol tata to our friends: Joana, Rosana, Loretta, Jellan, Alvin, Ellice, Rolando, Stephen, and Alan. References Benson, C. (2002). Preface. In F. Pene, A. M. Taufe’ulungaki, & C. Benson (Eds.), Tree of Opportunity: re-thinking Pacific Education (p. iv). Suva, Fiji: University of the South Pacific, Institute of Education. Bessarab, D., Ng’andu, B. (2010). Yarning about yarning as a legitimate method in indigenous research. International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies, 3(1), 37-50. Fa’avae, D., Jones, A., & Manu’atu, L. (2016). Talanoa’i ‘a e talanoa - talking about talanoa: Some dilemmas of a novice researcher. AlterNative: An Indigenous Journal of Indigenous Peoples,12(2),138-150. Heine, H. C. (2002). A Marshall Islands perspective. In F. Pene, A. M. Taufe’ulungaki, & C. Benson (Eds.), Tree of Opportunity: re-thinking Pacific Education (pp. 84 – 90). Suva, Fiji: University of the South Pacific, Institute of Education. Infoplease Staff (2017, February 28). Marshall Islands, retrieved from https://www.infoplease.com/world/countries/marshall-islands Jetnil-Kijiner, K. (2014). Iep Jaltok: A history of Marshallese literature. (Unpublished masters’ thesis). Honolulu, HW: University of Hawaii. Kabua, J. B. (2004). We are the land, the land is us: The moral responsibility of our education and sustainability. In A.L. Loeak, V.C. Kiluwe and L. Crowl (Eds.), Life in the Republic of the Marshall Islands, pp. 180 – 191. Suva, Fiji: University of the South Pacific. Kupferman, D. (2004). Jelalokjen in flux: Pitfalls and prospects of contextualising teacher training programmes in the Marshall Islands. Directions: Journal of Educational Studies, 26(1), 42 – 54. http://directions.usp.ac.fj/collect/direct/index/assoc/D1175062.dir/doc.pdf Miller, R. L. (2010). Wa kuk wa jimor: Outrigger canoes, social change, and modern life in the Marshall Islands (Unpublished masters’ thesis). Honolulu, HW: University of Hawaii. Nabobo-Baba, U. (2008). Decolonising framings in Pacific research: Indigenous Fijian vanua research framework as an organic response. AlterNative: An Indigenous Journal of Indigenous Peoples, 4(2), 141-154. Nimmer, N. E. (2017). Documenting a Marshallese indigenous learning framework (Unpublished doctoral thesis). Honolulu, HW: University of Hawaii. Sanga, K., & Houma, S. (2004). Solomon Islands principalship: Roles perceived, performed, preferred, and expected. Directions: Journal of Educational Studies, 26(1), 55-69. Sanga, K., & Chu, C. (2009). Introduction. In K. Sanga & C. Chu (Eds.), Living and Leaving a Legacy of Hope: Stories by New Generation Pacific Leaders (pp. 10-12). NZ: He Parekereke & Victoria University of Wellington. Suaalii-Sauni, T., & Fulu-Aiolupotea, S. M. (2014). Decolonising Pacific research, building Pacific research communities, and developing Pacific research tools: The case of the talanoa and the faafaletui in Samoa. Asia Pacific Viewpoint, 55(3), 331-344. Taafaki, I., & Fowler, M. K. (2019). Clothing mats of the Marshall Islands: The history, the culture, and the weavers. US: Kindle Direct. Taufe’ulungaki, A. M. (2014). Look back to look forward: A reflective Pacific journey. In M. ‘Otunuku, U. Nabobo-Baba, S. Johansson Fua (Eds.), Of Waves, Winds, and Wonderful Things: A Decade of Rethinking Pacific Education (pp. 1-15). Fiji: USP Press. Thaman, K. H. (1995). Concepts of learning, knowledge and wisdom in Tonga, and their relevance to modern education. Prospects, 25(4), 723-733. Thaman, K. H. (1997). Reclaiming a place: Towards a Pacific concept of education for cultural development. The Journal of the Polynesian Society, 106(2), 119-130. Thiong’o, N. W. (1986). Decolonising the mind: The politics of language in African literature. Kenya: East African Educational Publishers. Vaioleti, T. (2006). Talanoa research methodology: A developing position on Pacific research. Waikato Journal of Education, 12, 21-34. Walsh, J. M., Heine, H. C., Bigler, C. M., & Stege, M. (2012). Etto nan raan kein: A Marshall Islands history (First Edition). China: Bess Press.

Mapping Iron Age field systemsAn assessment of the applicability of aerial photographyThere is little doubt that agriculture constituted the fundamental activity in prehistoric Denmark following its introduction 6000 years ago. Traces of cultivation are, however, almost solely preserved in the form of ard marks on surfaces sealed beneath barrows or layers of aeolian sand. Only one period in prehistory shows coherent traces revealing how field systems were formed and how they fitted into the landscape. During the course of the Late Bronze Age (1000-500 BC), a system of cultivation was introduced over large parts of NW Europe in which the individual fields or plots were separated from one another by low earthen banks and terrace edges or lynchets. These field systems could extend over several hundred hectares.These cultivation systems appear primarily to have been in use between 500 BC and AD 200. Research into prehistoric field systems has a long tradition extending all the way back to the 1920s in England, The Netherlands and Denmark, whereas in NW Germany and on Gotland work took place during the 1970s, with the Baltic Countries being involved in the 1990s. Early research was directed in particular towards mapping the field systems which, at that time, lay untouched in agriculturally marginal areas such as heath and woodland.In Denmark, Gudmund Hatt was a pioneer in this field. During the course of several campaigns, especially during the 1930s, he recorded 120 occurrences of field systems, primarily on the heaths of Northern and Western Jutland. These were published in 1949 in his major work Oldtidsagre (i.e. Prehistoric Fields). His work was continued by Viggo Nielsen who recorded 200 field systems in the forests of Zealand and Bornholm, largely between 1953 and 1963. In the former Aarhus county, the record has subsequently been augmented by a systematic reconnaissance of the forests which took place between 1988 and 1992. Subsequently, this led to the extensive investigations of field systems at Alstrup Krat near Mariager. As early as the 1920s, English researchers were aware of the fact that both ploughed-down and preserved field systems were visible on aerial photographs. However, the method was first applied in Denmark, The Netherlands and NW Germany in the 1970s, leading to a several-fold increase in the number known localities. In Denmark, P.H. Sørensen recorded 447 field systems in the former Viborg and North Jutland counties alone. P. H. Sørensen has published a series of articles dealing with various aspects of aerial photography in relation to ancient field systems. For example, the colour and origin of the various soil marks, the shape and size of the plots, different types of field systems and the relationship with soil type. He has also published several surveys of individual field systems. A significant problem with P.H. Sørensen’s work relates to the very few published plans showing the field systems and to the fact that these are based exclusively on a single series of aerial photographs.The main aim of this article is to demonstrate the potential for mapping field systems on the basis of not one but several series of aerial photographs. This is done through the detailed survey and mapping of three individual field systems and access to a series of data sources with respect to the interpretation of information contained in the aerial photographs. These comprise an interpretation of the origin of soil marks of banks and lynchets and an evaluation of the degree to which this interpretation is influenced by subjectivity. It is beyond the scope of this investigation to locate the field systems within a settlement and landscape context.Sources and study areaIn order to explore the problems and questions outlined above, three field systems were chosen in the central part of Himmerland: Skørbæk Hede, Gundersted and Store Binderup (fig. 1). This selection took place on the basis of an examination and assessment of almost all recorded field systems in Himmerland evident on several series of aerial photographs. These three field systems chosen are among those best preserved and also the most cohesive. Furthermore, all three have been mapped previously: Skørbæk Hede by Hatt on the basis of field survey, and the two others by P.H. Sørensen on the basis of aerial photographs. This provides the opportunity to evaluate any possible subjectivity in the procedure employed. Hatt makes a distinction between field boundary banks and lynchets. This opens up the possibility of evaluating how the two forms of boundary appear on aerial photographs. At Gundersted Hatt cut two sections through boundary banks. These, together with sections from other of Hatt’s excavations and more recent examples from the investigations at Alsing Krat, form the basis for an investigation of how soil marks arise and develop over time. In this investigation, use has also been made of historical maps in order to reveal the influence of historical cultivation on the presence/absence of soil marks. The earliest maps are from c. 1780. The primary source remains, however, series of vertical aerial photographs. Access to the latter has become considerably easier in recent years. A large proportion is now accessible via various web portals, and recently an overview became available of the contents of private and public archives. For the purposes of this investigation, use has been made of scanned contact copies of aerial photograph series from 1954, 1961 and 1967. From digital archives, use has been made of aerial photographs from 1979 and 1981 and the orthophoto maps from 2007 and 2008, respectively.Digitalisation and rectification of aerial photographsPreviously, mapping on the basis of aerial photographs was a laborious process involving tracing paper and the transfer of features to topographic maps. The introduction of GIS has, however, eased the process considerably and has also made it easy to compare various map themes such as soil-type, land-use, and digital finds databases. Before mapping can commence, the aerial photograph must be scanned, rectified and geo-referenced. rectification was carried out using the programme Airphoto, while geo-referencing and drawing in of the features were done in MapInfo. An example is shown in figure 2.Soil marks – how do they originate?In order to understand how the boundary banks and lynchets between plots appear as soil marks on the aerial photographs, it is necessary to examine how these boundaries were built up and also the influences to which they have been exposed from their creation and up until the time when they are visible on aerial photographs. Figures 3 and 4 show sections through two boundary banks at Gundersted These were carried out by Hatt at the beginning of the 1930s, just prior to the area coming under cultivation again and 20-25 years before the first aerial photographs revealed pale traces of boundary banks. As the area had not been cultivated since the Iron Age, the stratigraphy is the result of natural soil-formation processes: a podsol has been formed, comprising a heath mor layer uppermost, beneath this a bleached sand layer and an iron pan, and at the base the old cultivation layer and the topsoil core of the boundary bank, consisting of brown and grey sand. Ploughing of the boundary banks will, initially, not result in significant soil marks as the three uppermost layers are of equal thickness along the whole length of the section. A pale soil mark will, however, appear when the boundary bank has been levelled out and the plough begins to turn up material from the light topsoil core. This soil transport can in some instances continue for more than 70 years, but the soil marks will as a consequence also become wide and fragmented. This account of the processes leading to the appearance of the pale soil marks is completely different from the only other theory proposed in this respect, i.e. that of P.H. Sørensen. He describes a development involving three phases, beginning with the ploughing up of the bleached sand horizon which generates a pale soil-colour trace. Later in the development there is a shift to a dark trace, when the material in the topsoil core becomes ploughed up. In the final phase, the trace shifts again to a pale colour, when the plough begins to bring up the subsoil. However, these two sections show neither a bleached sand horizon nor a darker topsoil core. Furthermore, no colour changes have been observed at any of the localities. The fact that the boundary banks are apparent as pale soil marks is not due to ploughing up of the bleached sand layer but of the topsoil bank core. Ploughing down of the other boundary form, the terrace edge or lynchet, as shown in figure 5, will similarly result in the formation of a pale soil-colour trace through material being brought up from the pale topsoil core. P.H. Sørensen was also fully aware of this situation, and it can be confirmed by comparing Hatt’s map of the Skørbæk Hede site, where a distinction is made between boundary banks and lynchets, with the soil marks apparent on the aerial photograph series Basic Cover 1954 (fig. 6).Dark vegetation marks and pale erosion marksAlmost all the soil marks that form a basis for the mapping of the three field systems appear pale in relation to the surroundings. There are, however, occasional exceptions to this rule in the form of dark marks in areas of heather heathland and newly-ploughed heath. On the aerial photograph of Skørbæk Hede from 1954, a few dark marks can be seen directly south of Trenddalen (fig. 6) which correspond with the results of Hatt’s survey. These lie in an area which was cultivated between 1937 and 1954. In 1961, the area was taken out of cultivation and became covered with small trees. A corresponding phenomenon can be observed to the west of the settlement where the heather heathland was cultivated between 1954 and 1961 (fig. 7). These marks probably arise from the vegetation as a consequence of better growing conditions over the topsoil cores of the boundary banks. The fact that lynchets and boundary banks offer different growing conditions has been documented at Alstrup Krat where it could be seen that in several places anemones grew on the lynchets. Differences in the vegetation on the field surfaces and the boundary banks have also been observed on aerial photographs showing the scheduled examples of field systems at Lundby Hede and Øster Lem Hede.The final type of soil-colour trace to be dealt with here comprises the very pale patches that occur on both sides of Trenddalen at Skørbæk Hede and on the western margins of the field system at Gundersted. These could possibly be interpreted as ploughed-up deposits of aeolian sand, but this is not the case. By comparison with the topography and through stereoscopic viewing of the aerial photographs it becomes clear that these features are located on steeply sloping terrain and that they are due to ploughing up of the sandy subsoil. They become both larger and more pronounced with time as more and more subsoil sand is progressively eroded out due to ploughing (figs. 6, 7, 8 and 9).The influence of historic cultivation on soil marksThe fact that Hatt could still see boundary banks and lynchets in the landscape during his investigations in the 1930s was of course due to these areas not having been ploughed since they were abandoned at some time during the Iron Age. The Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters’ conceptual map from the end of the 18th century shows that 30% of Himmerland was covered by heath, 42% was cultivated, 21% lay as meadow and bog and only 4% was covered by woodland (fig. 1). By comparing the identified field systems with the heath areas on the maps, an idea can be gained of the duration of cultivation and how it has influenced the soil marks. Correspondingly, by comparing plans showing soil marks with the cultivated area shown on the conceptual map, it is possible to investigate whether cultivation, presumably continuous here since the 12th century, has erased traces of field systems dating from the Early Iron Age. Plates I-III show combined plans of soil marks from boundary banks, lynchets and recorded barrows at the three localities. The ordnance maps from the 1880s have been chosen as a background, showing contour lines, land use and wetland areas, and the cultivated areas have been added from the conceptual map. At both Gundersted and Skørbæk Hede, there are clearly no soil marks in the areas marked as cultivated on the conceptual map. Conversely, the immediately adjacent heath areas show many coherent traces. On this basis, it must be assumed that the field systems from the Early Iron Age also once extended into areas shown as cultivated on the conceptual map but that the long-term cultivation has apparently erased any trace of them. It should, however, be mentioned that Lis Helles Olesen’s investigations in NW Jutland only reveal a slight preponderance of field systems located on the old heath areas, so there may well be regional differences.The original total extent of the field systems is of course difficult to assess, but the field system at Store Binderup provides an idea of the order of magnitude. This field system is apparent as a well-defined topographic unit surrounded by wetland areas; the latter are shown on the conceptual map to be completely covered by heath. The field system extends over c. 75% of the cultivable area. In order to examine the influence of modern cultivation on the clarity of the soil marks, plans showing traces of the boundary banks have been compared with a series of historical maps. In general, the soil marks at all three localities appear most clear in areas which were cultivated latest. Former heath areas completely lacking in soil marks have probably never been cultivated. The last 50 years of cultivation with large agricultural machinery has had a dramatic effect on the soil marks. On figures 7, 8 and 9, clear evidence of ploughing out can be seen, whereby the soil marks in several places increase from 5 to 9 m in width. The negative effect of long-term cultivation on soil marks documented here only applies to pale soil marks on sandy soils. A number of field systems are apparent as dark soil marks, the visibility of which does not appear to be affected to the same extent by long-term cultivation. These make up only 3% of those recorded by P.H. Sørensen, and no sections through boundary banks are available from any of these field systems.Comparison of maps produced by field survey and from aerial photographsEvery map expresses an interpretation of what has been observed. This also applies of course to both Hatt’s mapping of the field systems on the ground in the 1930s and the subsequent mapping conducted on the basis of aerial photographs. Quality and credibility are, however, increased considerably, if the features observed can be confirmed by several sources or several researchers, reducing the subjective aspect to a minimum.On figures 10 and 11, the author’s plan of Skørbæk Hede based on aerial photographs is compared with the results of Hatt’s field survey. There is no doubt whatsoever that the aerial photographs are better able to show the overall extent of the field system. Conversely, the resulting plan is less detailed than Hatt’s map. In a few cases, however, sub-divisions of the fields are seen on the aerial photographs which Hatt did not record in his survey (figs. 8-9). In order to investigate subjectivity in the interpretation of the aerial photographs, a comparison has been made between the author’s and P.H. Sørensen’s plans of the field systems at Gundersted and Store Binderup (figs. 12, 13 and 14). Good agreement can be seen in the interpretation of the soil marks apparent on the aerial photographs of both localities. This suggests that the subjective aspect of the interpretational process is not a major problem.Evaluation of the method’s range with respect to studies of the agrarian landscapeAerial photographs encompass a great research potential relative to studies of the arable landscape during the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. They are the only source available with respect to mapping the morphology and extent of the field systems, with the exception of the few remains tangible which still exist in woodland and on heaths. Field systems are particularly important in a cultural-historical context because they constitute the sole example from prehistory of the appearance of a total integrated cultivation system and how it was adapted to the landscape.The information contained on the aerial photographs, particularly in the form of pale soil marks resulting from the exposure or ploughing-up of the topsoil core of the boundary banks and lynchets, is a credible source relative to the mapping of the morphology and extent of field systems. Comparison between the maps and plans produced by several researchers mapping does not give cause to perceive the interpretation of the information as the aerial photographs as being particularly subjective. On the contrary, very good agreement can be seen between these interpretations.In a mapping exercise, use should be made of a number of different series of vertical aerial photographs as this provides the most detailed picture of the morphology of the field systems.A very significant source of error has been identified which must be taken into account when mapping the extent of the field systems, i.e. cultivation during historical times. In areas that were cultivated prior to the enclosure movement, i.e. in the very great majority of cases presumably since the 12th century, it cannot be expected to find pale soil marks. Long-term cultivation and the consequent mixing of the upper soil layers have erased most traces of boundary banks and lynchets. Renewed cultivation within the last 100-150 years appears, conversely, only seems to have had a marginal effect on the occurrence of soil marks. As mentioned above there can, however, be marked regional differences on the influence of historical cultivation on the clarity and degree of preservation of the soil marks. This is an aspect it will be interesting to study in more detail in the future.Michael VinterMoesgård Museum

ABSTRACT This article considers issues of social cohesion, national identity, and national values as they appeared in Canadian newspaper coverage of the same-sex marriage debate between September 2003 and the federal election of June 2004. Media reports in Canada about the issue of same-sex marriage reflected a range of reactions. For some, same-sex marriage was a symbol of fracture, of a split in the country over core values—a split that could undermine the very commonality that makes Canada a society. For others, same-sex marriage was an affirmation of the high value Canadians place on equality and diversity. This article examines the roles played by newspapers in their coverage of same-sex marriage as it relates to Canadian values and social cohesion.RÉSUMÉ Cet article considère les questions de cohésion sociale, d’identité nationale, et de valeurs nationales telles qu’elles figuraient dans la couverture des journaux canadiens en ce qui concernait le débat sur le mariage entre conjoints de même sexe entre septembre 2003 et l’élection fédérale de juin 2004. Les informations diffusées par les médias au Canada sur la question du mariage entre conjoints de même sexe reflètaient toute une gamme de réactions. Pour certains, le mariage entre conjoints de même sexe était un symbole de la fracture, d’une scission dans le pays par rapport aux valeurs fondamentales—une scission qui pourrait saper la communité qui fait du Canada une société. Pour d’autres, le marriage entre conjoints de même sexe était une affirmation de la grande valeur qu’accordent les Canadiens et Canadiennes à l’égalité et à la diversité. Dans cet article, j’examine le rôle joué par les journaux dans leur couverture du mariage entre conjoints de même sexe en tant qu’une question de valeurs canadiennes et de cohésion sociale.

This article concerns the comparison of data collected in different Antarctic seas by the same team, same platform (mainly from the bridge of icebreaking RV Polarstern, 18 m above sea level), and thus the same methodology. Drastic differences were noted, from very high numbers in the Weddell Sea to very low ones in the Amundsen Sea. Biodiversity was low, as reflected by low numbers of species, a few of them representing the vast majority in numbers of individuals: between 85% and 95% of the total.

AbstractSalmonids are well known for their natal homing behaviour, meaning they return to breed in the same area where they originated. However, not all individuals return to their natal breeding grounds—a behavioural trait known as straying. The prevalence of straying is difficult to explore and therefore quantitative estimates for straying are seldom reported. In this study, otolith microchemistry and genetics were combined to investigate patterns of straying over ecological and evolutionary time, respectively, between neighbouring rivers flowing into Mariager fjord, Denmark. Otolith microchemistry was used to determine the river of origin for sea trout (Salmo trutta) upon their return to freshwater and 288 SNP markers were used to determine genetic structure among the rivers in the fjord. In this system, where the distance between rivers is short, otolith microchemistry achieved 80% accuracy in assigning juvenile brown trout to their natal river, thus allowing us to determine that approximately 43% of the adult sea trout had returned to non‐natal rivers to spawn, with a similar proportion of strayers and natal homers in all of the rivers. Genetic analysis further supported that there was substantial gene flow among individuals originating from different rivers, indicating that sea trout in Mariager fjord make up one population. The findings obtained from otolith microchemistry and genetics complement each other and provide further evidence that sea trout in this system migrate to non‐natal rivers and spawn there, which consequently affects the genetic structure of the population.

This article concerns the comparison of data collected in different high Arctic seas by the same team, mainly same platform (from the bridge of icebreaking RV Poarstern), and thus the same methodology. Drastic differences were noted, from high numbers in the Bering Strait and Chukchi Sea on the one hand, and Fram Strait and Barents Sea on the other. In contrast, abundance, mainly of seabirds, was very low in the Arctic Basin. Most numerous bird species varied in different areas, mainly fulmar, kittiwake, Brünnich’s guillemot and locally ivory gull. Biodiversity was low, as reflected by low numbers of species, a few of them representing the vast majority in numbers of individuals: between 85% and 95% of the total. Cetaceans were close to absent from the High Arctic Ocean, the Wandel Sea off North Greenland and the shallow seas along the North-East Passage; pinnipeds and polar bear were tallied on the Outer Marginal Zone OMIZ, basically absent in the Closed Pack Ice Zone CPI.

I dette nummer er følgnde bøger blevet anmeldt:Maja Bissenbakker Frederiksen: Begreb om begær. Queeringer af nyere dansk litteratur. Syddansk Universitetsforlag, 2005.Ulrikke Moustgaard (red.): Rettigheder? – en antologi om kvinders virkelighed. Dansk Kvindesamfund, Kvindernes U-landsudvalg (KULU) og Kvinderådet, 2006.Shirley Ardener & Alison Shaw (eds.): Changing sex and Bending Gender. Berghahn Books, 2005.Christian Groes-Green og Marianne Grums Tyllesen (red.): Sex i grænselandet. Tiderne Skifter, 2006.Unge, køn og pornografi i Norden. Mediestudier, kvalitative studier & kvantitative studier. TemaNord 2006: 544, 545 & 546, 2006.Simon Baron-Cohen: Den afgørende forskel. Akademisk Forlag, 2003.Anna van der Vleuten: The Price of Gender Equality. Member States and Governance in the European Union. Ashgate, 2007.Ulla Angkjær Jørgensen: Kropslig kunst: Æstetik, kunst og kunstanalyse. Museum Tusculanums Forlag, 2007.Sachidananda Mohanty (ed.): Early Women’s Writings in Orissa, 1898-1950: A Lost Tradition, Sage Publications, 2005.

This paper focuses on the semantic properties and the syntactic behaviour of Modern Greek (hence MG) Experiencer-Subject Psych Verb Constructions (hence ESPVCs). MG ESPVCs include verbs like miso (hate), agapo (love), or latrevo (adore), which feature a nominative experiencer in agreement with the verb and an accusative theme (see examples (1)-(3)). MG ESPVCs include also predicates like fovame (fear), which feature an experiencer-subject in agreement with the verb and either an accusative theme (example (4)), or a theme as the object of a prepositional phrase (example (5)). We should underline here that examples (4) and (5) below convey the same meaning. That is, they do NOT differ semantically. O Gianis misi to sholio.the Gianis.N hate.3S the school.A"John hates school." O Gianis agapa tin Maria.the Gianis.N loves.3S the Maria.A"John loves Mary." O Gianis latrevi tin musiki.the Gianis.N adore.3S the music.A"John adores music." I Maria fovate tis kategides.the Maria.N fear.3S the storms.A"Maria is afraid of the storms." I Maria fovate me tis kategides.the Maria.N fear.3S with the storms.A"Maria is afraid of the storms." The challenge that constructions like the ones in (4) and (5) pose lies on the split syntactic realization of the "experienced" (hence EXPD) semantic role (i.e., the theme), which in constructions like (4) is syntactically realized as the object of the sentence, while in constructions like (5) it is syntactically realized as the object of a prepositional phrase. Our aim is to propose a unified linking account of the MG ESPVCs. This unified account is based on the assumption that the individual denoted by the object NP (or PP) of the MG ESPVCs is entailed to be semantically underspecified, and makes use of Wechsler's (1995) Notion Rule, Davis and Koenig's (2000) linking theory, as well as Markantonatou and Sadler's (1996) proposal for the linking of indirect arguments. References Davis, A.R. and J.-P. Koenig (2000). Linking as constraints on word classes in a hierarchical lexicon. Language 76, 56-91. Markantonatou, S. and L. Sadler (1996). Linking Indirect Arguments. Essex Research Reports in Linguistics 9, 24-63. Wechsler, S. (1995). The Semantic Basis of Argument Structure. Stanford: CSLI Publications. Series: Dissertations in Linguistics, Joan Bresnan, Sharon Inkelas, William J. Poser, and Peter Sells (eds.).

Two novel Gram-stain-negative, facultative anaerobic, non-flagellated, rod-shaped bacterial strains, designated MT13T and MT32, were isolated from sediment samples collected from the Mariana Trench at a depth of 8300 m. The two strains grew at −2–30 °C (optimum, 25 °C), at pH 5.5–10.0 (optimum, pH 7.5–8.0) and with 0–15 % (w/v) NaCl (optimum, 3–6 %). They did not reduce nitrate to nitrite nor hydrolyse Tweens 40 and 80, aesculin, casein, starch and DNA. The genomic G+C contents of draft genomes of strain MT13T and MT32 were 52.2 and 54.1 m ol%, respectively. Phylogenetic analysis based on 16S rRNA gene sequences revealed that strains MT13T and MT32 were affiliated with the genus Halomonas , with the highest similarity to the type strain of Halomonas olivaria . The values of average nucleotide identity and in silico DNA–DNA hybridization between strain MT13T and MT32, and between strain MT13T and five closely related type strains of Halomonas species indicated that strains MT13T and MT32 belonged to the same species, but represented a novel species in the genus of Halomonas . The major cellular fatty acids of strains MT13T and MT32 were C16 : 0, summed feature 3(C16 : 1 ω7c/ω6c) and summed feature 8 (C18 : 1 ω7c/ω6c). Major polar lipids of strains MT13T and MT32 included phosphatidylglycerol, phosphatidylethanolamine and diphosphatidylglycerol. Ubiquinone-9 was the predominant respiratory quinone. Based on data from the present polyphasic study, strains MT13T and MT32 represent a novel species of the genus Halomonas , for which the name Halomonas profundi sp. nov. is proposed. The type strain is MT13T (=MCCC 1K06389T=KCTC 82923T).

The article discusses translation as a critical approach to how we see culture. According to the anthropologist Marianne Gullestad culture is part of mechanism of exclusion when it is linked to identity or “sameness”. Belonging to the same culture becomes a criterion for being included into a society, whereas having a different cultural belonging is a criterion for exclusion. Culture is thus placed within an oppositional logic of same-different. By seeing a parallel between languages and cultures, translation indicates another kind of thinking which is not based on this oppositional logic and hence question the reason for exclusion and inclusion. By the help of philosopher Paul Ricoeur the article looks at Martin Luther’s translation of the Bible in the 16th century as an example of how to avoid seeing linguistic sameness and difference as the only point of departure for thinking relations between languages, and analogically speaking: relations between cultures.

Environmental pharmaceuticals represent a threat of emerging concern for marine ecosystems. Widely distributed and bioaccumulated, these contaminants could provoke adverse effects on aquatic organisms through modes of action like those reported for target species. In contrast to pharmacological uses, organisms in field conditions are exposed to complex mixtures of compounds with similar, different, or even opposing therapeutic effects. This review summarizes current knowledge of the main cellular pathways modulated by the most common classes of environmental pharmaceuticals occurring in marine ecosystems and accumulated by nontarget species—including nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs, psychiatric drugs, cardiovascular and lipid regulator agents, steroidal hormones, and antibiotics—and describes an intricate network of possible interactions with both synergistic and antagonistic effects on the same cellular targets and metabolic pathways. This complexity reveals the intrinsic limits of the single-chemical approach to predict the long-term consequences and future impact of pharmaceuticals at organismal, population, and community levels. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Marine Science, Volume 14 is January 2022. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.

Hadal zones are marine environments deeper than 6,000 m, most of which comprise oceanic trenches. Microbes thriving at such depth experience high hydrostatic pressure and low temperature. The genomic potentials of these microbes to such extreme environments are largely unknown. Here, we compare five complete genomes of bacterial strains belonging to Labrenzia aggregata (Alphaproteobacteria), including four from the Mariana Trench at depths up to 9,600 m and one reference from surface seawater of the East China Sea, to uncover the genomic potentials of this species. Genomic investigation suggests all the five strains of L. aggregata as participants in nitrogen and sulfur cycles, including denitrification, dissimilatory nitrate reduction to ammonium (DNRA), thiosulfate oxidation, and dimethylsulfoniopropionate (DMSP) biosynthesis and degradation. Further comparisons show that, among the five strains, 85% gene functions are similar with 96.7% of them encoded on the chromosomes, whereas the numbers of functional specific genes related to osmoregulation, antibiotic resistance, viral infection, and secondary metabolite biosynthesis are majorly contributed by the differential plasmids. A following analysis suggests the plasmidic gene numbers increase along with isolation depth and most plasmids are dissimilar among the five strains. These findings provide a better understanding of genomic potentials in the same species throughout a deep-sea water column and address the importance of externally originated plasmidic genes putatively shaped by deep-sea environment.

Introduction Gore Vidal, the famous writer and literary critic, was recently buried next to his long-term partner, Howard Austen. The couple, who met in the 1950s, had lived together happily for decades. They were in many ways the kind of same-sex couple frequently valorised in contemporary gay marriage campaigns. Vidal and Austen, however, could not serve as emblematic figures for this campaign, and not only because the two men had no interest in marriage. Vidal, who reportedly had over a hundred lovers, both male and female, once attributed the longevity of their relationship to its platonic nature; both men continued to sleep with other people, and they reportedly stopped having sex with each other after they moved in together (Vidal, Palimpsest, 131–32). A relationship that decoupled monogamy, romance, companionship, and sexuality, and reconnected them in a way that challenged the accepted truths of institutionalised marriage, stands as an implicit questioning of the way in which gay marriage campaigns construct the possibilities for life, love, and sex. It is this questioning that we draw out in this article. In his writing, Vidal also offers a perspective that challenges the assumptions and certainties of contemporary politics around gay marriage. In 1981, he wrote “Some Jews and the Gays” in response to an article entitled “The Boys on the Beach” by conservative Jewish writer Midge Decter. Vidal’s riposte to Decter’s depiction of the snide superiority of the “boys” who disturbed her beachside family holidays highlighted the lack of solidarity conservative members of the Jewish community displayed towards another persecuted minority. From Vidal’s perspective, this was because Decter could not conceive of gay identity as anything other than pathological: Since homosexualists choose to be the way they are out of idle hatefulness, it has been a mistake to allow them to come out of the closet to the extent that they have, but now that they are out (which most are not), they will have no choice but to face up to their essential hatefulness and abnormality and so be driven to kill themselves with promiscuity, drugs, S-M, and suicide. (Vidal, Some Gays) In response, Vidal made a strong case for solidarity between Jews, African-Americans, and what he termed “homosexualists” (or “same-sexers”). More importantly for our argument, he also contested Decter’s depiction of the typical homosexual: To begin to get at the truth about homosexualists, one must realise that the majority of those millions of Americans who prefer same-sex to other-sex are obliged, sometimes willingly and happily but often not, to marry and have children and to conform to the guidelines set down by the heterosexual dictatorship. (Vidal, Some Gays) According to Vidal, Decter’s article applied only to a relatively privileged section of homosexualists who were able to be “self-ghettoized”, and who, despite Decter’s paranoid fantasies, lived lives perfectly “indifferent to the world of the other-sexers.” In the thirty years since the publication of “Some Jews and the Gays” much has clearly changed. It is unlikely that even a conservative publication would publish an article that depicts all homosexualists as marked by idle hatefulness. However, Decter’s self-hating homosexualist continues to haunt contemporary debates about same-sex marriage, albeit in sublimated form. Critiques of gay marriage campaigns, which are becoming increasingly difficult to ignore, often focus on the politics of inclusion and exclusion, whether on the terrain of gender (non)conformity (Spade), or the campaigns’ implicit and racialised assumption of a white, middle-class homosexual couple as the subject of their efforts (Riggs; Farrow). While our article is indebted to these critiques, our argument is focused more specifically on the unintended effect of the Australian debate about same-sex marriage, namely the (re)creation of the married couple’s other in the form of the adolescent, promiscuous, and unhappy homosexual. It is here that we find the source of our title, also chosen in tribute to Vidal, who in his life and writing disrupts this dichotomy. We argue that the construction of the respectable white middle-class same-sexer who sits at the centre of gay marriage discourse relies on a contemporary manifestation of the self-hating homosexualist – the sexually irresponsible queer constructed in contrast to the responsible gay. The first half of this article traces this construction. In the second section, we argue that this process cannot be divorced from the ways that advocates of same-sex marriage depict the institution of marriage. While critics such as Judith Butler have attempted to separate arguments against homophobic discrimination from the need to advocate for marriage, we argue that the two are intrinsically linked in marriage equality campaigns. These campaigns seek to erase both the explicit critique of marriage found in Vidal’s article and the implicit possibility of living otherwise found in his life. Instead of a heterosexual dictatorship that can be successfully avoided, marriage is proclaimed to be not only benign but the only institution capable of saving self-hating queers from misery by turning them into respectable gay married couples. This is, therefore, not an article about today’s Midge Decters, but about how contemporary same-sex marriage supporters rely on a characterisation of those of us who would or could not choose to marry as, to return to Vidal (Some Jews), “somehow evil or inadequate or dangerous.” As queer people who continue to question both the desirability and inevitability of marriage, we are ultimately concerned with thinking through the political consequences of the same-sex marriage campaign’s obsessive focus on normative sexuality and on the supposedly restorative function of the institution of marriage itself. Hateful Queers and Patient Gays Contemporary supporters of gay marriage, like Vidal so many years earlier, do often oppose conservative attempts to label homosexualists as inherently pathological. Tim Wright, the former convenor of “Equal Love,” one of Australia’s primary same-sex marriage campaign groups, directly addressing this in an opinion piece for Melbourne’s The Age newspaper, writes, “Every so often, we hear them in the media calling homosexuals promiscuous or sick.” Disputing this characterisation, Wright supplants it with an image of patient lesbians and gay men “standing at the altar.” Unlike Vidal, however, Wright implicitly accepts the link between promiscuity and pathology. For Wright, homosexuals are not sick precisely because, and only to the extent that they accept, a forlorn chastity, waiting for their respectable monogamous sexuality to be sanctified through matrimony. A shared moral framework based upon conservative norms is a notable feature of same-sex marriage debates. Former Rainbow Labor convenor Ryan Heath articulates this most clearly in his 2010 Griffith Review article, excerpts of which also appeared in the metropolitan Fairfax newspapers. In this article, Heath argues that marriage equality would provide a much-needed dose of responsibility to “balance” the rights that Australia has accorded to homosexuals. For Heath, Australia’s gay and lesbian communities have been given sexual freedoms by an indulgent adult (heterosexual) society, but are not sufficiently mature to develop the social responsibilities that go with them: “Like teenagers getting their hands on booze and cars and freedom from parental surveillance for the first time, Australia’s gay and lesbian communities have enthusiastically taken up their new rights.” For Heath, the immaturity of the (adult) gay community, with its lack of married role models, results in profound effects for same-sex attracted youth: Consider what the absence of role models, development paths, and stability might do to those who cannot marry. Is there no connection between this and the disproportionate numbers of suicides and risky and addictive behaviours found in gay communities? It is this immaturity, rather than the more typically blamed homophobic prejudice, bullying or persecution, that is for Heath the cause of the social problems that disproportionately affect same-sex attracted adolescents. Heath continues, asking why, after journalist Jonathan Rauch, any parent would want to “condemn their child to…‘a partnerless life in a sexual underworld’.” His appeal to well-meaning parental desires for the security and happiness of children echoes countless insidious commentaries about the tragedy of homosexual existence, such as Decter’s above. These same commentaries continue to be used to justify exclusionary and even violent reactions by families and communities when children reveal their (non-heterosexual) sexualities. As for so many social conservatives, for Heath it is inconceivable to view a partnerless life as anything other than tragedy. Like Wright, he is also convinced that if one must be partnerless it is far better to be forlornly chaste than to participate in an “underworld” focused primarily on promiscuous sex. The opinions of those condemned to this purgatorial realm, either through compulsion or their own immaturity, are of little interest to Heath. When he states that “No families and couples I have interviewed in my research on the topic want this insecure existence,” we are to understand that it is only the desires of these responsible adults that matter. In this way, Heath explicitly invokes the image of what Mariana Valverde has called the “respectable same-sex couple”, homosexualists who are socially acceptable because being “same-sex” is the only thing that differentiates them from the white, middle-class norm that continues to sit at the heart of Australian politics. Heath goes on to describe marriage as the best “social safety net”, adopting the fiscal rhetoric of conservatives such as former federal leader of the Liberal party, Malcolm Turnbull. Turnbull argued in 2012’s annual Michael Kirby lecture (a lecture organised by Southern Cross University’s School of Law and Justice in tribute to the retired gay High Court justice) that same-sex marriage would save the state money, as other relationship recognition such as the 2008 Rudd reforms have. In one of the few passages widely reported from his speech he states: “There will plainly be less demand for social services, medical expenses, hospital care if people, especially older people, like Michael [Kirby] and [partner] Johan, live together as opposed to being in lonely isolation consoled only by their respective cats.” Same-sex marriage is not simply a fight for equality but a fight to rescue homosexualists from the immiserated and emotionally impoverished lives that they, through their lack of maturity, have constructed for themselves, and which, after a brief sojourn in the sexual underworld, can only end in a lonely feline-focused existence funded by the responsible citizens that constitute the bulk of society. We are told by gay marriage advocates that the acceptance of proper adult relationships and responsibilities will not only cure the self-hatred of same-sexers, but simultaneously end the hatred expressed through homophobia and bullying. In the most recent Victorian state election, for example, the Greens ran an online Q&A session about their policies and positions in which they wrote the following in response to a question on relationship recognition: “It would create a more harmonious, less discriminatory society, more tolerant of diversity. It would also probably reduce bullying against same-sex attracted teenagers and lower the suicide rate.” This common position has been carefully unpicked by Rob Cover, who argues that while there may be benefits for the health of some adults in recognition of same-sex marriage, there is absolutely no evidence of a connection between this and youth suicide. He writes: “We are yet to have evidence that there are any direct benefits for younger persons who are struggling to cope with being bullied, humiliated, shamed and cannot (yet) envisage a liveable life and a happy future—let alone a marriage ceremony.” While same-sex marriage advocates consider themselves to be speaking for these same-sex attracted youth, offering them a happy future in the form of a wedding, Cover reminds us that these are not the same thing. As we have shown here, this is not a process of simple exclusion, but an erasure of the possibility of a life outside of heteronormative or “respectable”, coupledom. The “respectable same-sex couple”, like its respectable heterosexual counterpart, not only denies the possibility of full participation in adult society to those without partners but also refuses the lived experience of the many people like Vidal and Austen who do not accept the absolute equation of domesticity, responsibility, and sexual monogamy that the institution of marriage represents. A Good Institution? The connection between marriage and the mythical end of homophobia is not about evidence, as Cover rightly points out. Instead it is based on an ideological construction of marriage as an inherently valuable institution. Alongside this characterisation of marriage as a magical solution to homophobia and other social ills, comes the branding of other models of living, loving and having sex as inherently inferior and potentially harmful. In this, the rhetoric of conservatives and same-sex marriage advocates becomes disturbingly similar. Margaret Andrews, the wife of former Howard minister Kevin and a prominent (straight) marriage advocate, featured in the news a couple of years ago after making a public homophobic outburst directed at (queer) writer Benjamin Law. In response, Andrews outlined what for her were the clearly evident benefits of marriage: “For centuries, marriage has provided order, stability, and nurture for both adults and children. Indeed, the status of our marriages influences our well-being at least as much as the state of our finances.” Despite being on the apparent opposite of the debate, Amanda Villis and Danielle Hewitt from Doctors for Marriage Equality agree with Andrews about health benefits, including, significantly, those linked to sexual behaviour: It is also well known that people in long term monogamous relationships engage in far less risky sexual behaviour and therefore have significantly lower rates of sexually transmitted infections. Therefore legalisation of same sex marriage can lead to a reduction in the rates of sexually transmitted disease by decreasing stigma and discrimination and also promoting long term, monogamous relationships as an option for LGBTI persons. Here same-sex marriage is of benefit precisely because it eradicates the social risks of contagion and disease attributed to risky and promiscuous queers. To the extent that queers continue to suffer it can be attributed to the moral deficiency of their current lifestyle. This results in the need to “promote” marriage and marriage-like relationships. However, this need for promotion denies that marriage itself could be subject to discussion or debate and constructs it as both permanent and inevitable. Any discussion which might question the valuation of marriage is forestalled through the rhetoric of choice, as in the following example from a contributor to the “Equal Love” website: We understand that not everyone will want to get married, but there is no denying that marriage is a fundamental institution in Australian society. The right to be married should therefore be available to all those who choose to pursue it. It is a right that we chose to exercise. (Cole) This seemingly innocuous language of choice performs a number of functions. The first is that it seeks to disallow political debates about marriage by simply reducing critiques of the institution to a decision not to partake in it. In a process mirroring the construction of queers as inherently immature and adolescent, as discussed in the previous section, this move brands political critiques of marriage as historical remnants of an immature radicalism that has been trumped by liberal maturity. The contribution of Alyena Mohummadally and Catherine Roberts to Speak Now highlights this clearly. In this piece, Roberts is described as having used “radical feminism” as a teenage attempt to fill a “void” left by the lack of religion in her life. The teenage Roberts considered marriage “a patriarchal institution to be dismantled” (134). However, ten years later, now happily living with her partner, Roberts finds that “the very institutions she once riled against were those she now sought to be a part of” (137). Roberts’ marriage conversion, explained through a desire for recognition from Mohummadally’s Muslim family, is presented as simply a logical part of growing up, leaving behind the teenage commitment to radical politics along with the teenage attraction to “bars and nightclubs.” Not coincidentally, “life and love” taught Roberts to leave both of these things behind (134). The second consequence of arguments based on choice is that the possibility of any other terrain of choice is erased. This rhetoric thus gives marriage a false permanence and stability, failing to recognise that social institutions are vulnerable to change, and potentially to crisis. Beyond the same-sex marriage debates, the last fifty years have demonstrated the vulnerability of marriage to social change. Rising divorce rates, increasing acceptance of de facto relationships and the social recognition of domestic violence and rape within marriage have altered marriage inescapably, and forced questions about its inevitability (see: Stacey). This fact is recognised by conservatives, such as gay marriage opponent Patrick Parkinson who stated in a recent opinion piece in the Sydney Morning Herald that a “heartening aspect” of the “otherwise divisive” debate around gay marriage is that it has marked a “turnaround” in support for marriage, particularly among feminists, gays and other progressives. Malcolm Turnbull also explains his transition to support for same-sex marriage rights on the basis of this very premise: “I am very firmly of the view that families are the foundation of our society and that we would be a stronger society if more people were married, and by that I mean formally, legally married, and fewer were divorced.” He continued, “Are not the gays who seek the right to marry, to formalise their commitment to each other, holding up a mirror to the heterosexuals who are marrying less frequently and divorcing more often?” As Parkinson and Turnbull note, the decision to prioritise marriage is a decision to not only accept the fundamental nature of marriage as a social institution but to further universalise it as a social norm against the historical trends away from such normalisation. This is also acknowledged by campaign group Australian Marriage Equality who suggests that people like Parkinson and Turnbull who are “concerned about the preservation of marriage may do best to focus on ways to increase its appeal amongst the current population, rather than direct their energies towards the exclusion of a select group of individuals from its privileges.” Rather than challenging conservatism then, the gay marriage campaign aligns itself with Turnbull and Parkinson against the possibility of living otherwise embodied in the shadowy figure of the sexually irresponsible queer. The connection between ideological support for marriage and the construction of the “respectable homosexual couple” is made explicit by Heath in the essay quoted earlier. It is, he says, part of “the pattern of Western liberal history” to include “in an institution good people who make a good case to join.” The struggle for gay marriage, he argues, is linked to that of “workers to own property, Indigenous Australians to be citizens, women to vote.” By including these examples, Heath implicitly highlights the assimilationist dimension of this campaign, a dimension which has been importantly emphasised by Damien Riggs. Heath’s formulation denies the possibility of Indigenous sovereignty beyond assimilationist incorporation into the Australian state, just as it denies the possibility of a life of satisfying love and sex beyond marriage. More generally, Heath fails to acknowledge that none of these histories have disrupted the fundamental power dynamics at play: the benefits of property ownership accrue disproportionately to the rich, those of citizenship to white Australians, and political power remains primarily in the hands of men. Despite the protestations of gay marriage advocates there is no reason to believe that access to marriage would end homophobia while racism, class-based exploitation, and institutional sexism continue. This too, is part of the pattern of Western liberal history. Conclusion Our intention here is not to produce an anti-marriage manifesto—there are many excellent ones out there (see: Conrad)—but rather to note that gay marriage campaigns are not as historically innocuous as they present themselves to be. We are concerned that the rush to enter fully into institutions that, while changed, remain synonymous with normative (hetero)sexuality, has two unintended but nonetheless concerning consequences. Gay marriage advocates risk not only the discarding of a vision in which people may choose to not worship at the altar of the nuclear family, they also reanimate a new version of Decter’s self-hating gay. Political blogger Tim Dunlop encapsulates the political logic of gay marriage campaigns when he says, rather optimistically, that barring homosexualists from marriage “is the last socially acceptable way of saying you are not like us, you do not count, you matter less.” An alternative view proffered here is that saying yes to gay marriage risks abandoning a project that says we do not wish to be like you, not because we matter less, but because we see the possibility of different lives, and we refuse to accept a normative political logic that brands those lives as inferior. In casting this critique as adolescent, as something that a mature community should have grown out of, the same-sex marriage campaign rejects what we see as the most important social contributions that “same-sexers” have made. Where we think Vidal was mistaken back in 1981 was in his assertion that we “same-sexers” have been simply indifferent to the world of the “other-sexers.” We have also turned a critical eye upon “heterosexualist” existence, offering important critiques of a so-called adult or responsible life. It is this history that queer writer Sara Ahmed reminds us of, when she celebrates the angry queer at the family dinner table who refuses to simply succumb to a coercive demand to be happy and pleasant. A similar refusal can be found in queer critiques of the “dead citizenship” of heterosexuality, described by José Esteban Muñoz as: a modality of citizenship that is predicated on negation of liveness or presentness on behalf of a routinized investment in futurity. This narrative of futurity is most familiar to those who live outside of it. It is the story of the [sic] nation's all-consuming investment in the nuclear family, and its particular obsession with the children, an investment that instantly translates into the (monological) future. (399) In the clamour to fully assert their membership in the world of adult citizenship, same-sex marriage advocates negate the potential liveness and presentness of queer experience, opting instead for the routinised futurity that Muñoz warns against. Imagining ourselves as forlorn figures, standing with tear-stained cheeks and quivering lips at the altar, waiting for normative relationships and responsible citizenship is not the only option. Like Vidal and Austen, with whom we began, queers are already living, loving, and fucking, in and above our sexual underworlds, imagining that just possibly there may be other ways to live, both in the present and in constructing different futures. References Ahmed, Sara. The Promise of Happiness. Durham: Duke UP, 2010. 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Farrow, Kenyon, “Why is gay marriage anti-black?” Against Equality: queer critiques of gay marriage. Ed. Ryan Conrad. Lewiston: Against Equality Publishing Collective, 2010. 21–33. Frequently Asked Questions, Australian Marriage Equality, 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.australianmarriageequality.com/faqs.htm›. Grattan, Michelle. “Turnbull’s Gay Marriage Swipe.” The Age. 7 July 2012. 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.smh.com.au/opinion/political-news/turnbulls-gay-marriage-swipe-20120706-21mou.html›. Heath, Ryan. “Love in a Cold Climate.” Griffith Review. 29 (2010). 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.griffithreview.com/edition-29-prosper-or-perish/251-essay/949.html›. Mohummadally, Alyena and Catherine Roberts. “When Worlds, Happily, Collide.” Speak Now: Australian Perspectives on Same-Sex Marriage. Ed. Victor Marsh. Thornbury: Clouds of Magellan, 2012, 134–139. Muñoz, José Esteban. “Citizens and Superheroes.” American Quarterly. 52.2 (2000): 397–404. Parkinson, Patrick. “About Time We All Cared More About Marriage.” Sydney Morning Herald, 24 Aug. 2012. 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.smh.com.au/opinion/politics/about-time-we-all-cared-more-about-marriage-20120823-24p2g.html›. Rauch, Jonathan. Gay Marriage: Why It Is Good for Gays, Good for Straights, and Good for America. New York: Holt Paperbacks, 2004. Riggs, Damien. “The Racial Politics of Marriage Claims.” Speak Now: Australian Perspectives on Gay Marriage. Ed. Victor Marsh. Thornbury: Clouds of Magellan, 2012. 191–201. Stacey, Judith. Brave New Families: Stories of Domestic Upheaval in Late Twentieth-Century America. Berkeley and Los Angeles: U of California P, 1998. Spade, Dean. Normal Life: Administrative Violence, Critical Trans Politics and the Limits of Law. Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 2011. 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As in many fields, the coronavirus has had effects and consequences in the religious field. One of them is the birth of new goddesses and the updating and re-functioning of an old saint and her cult that can be seen in Hinduism and Christianity. Shortly after the pandemic outbreak, new goddesses, Corona Devi and Corona Mata, began to appear in India. Those who created the goddesses did not neglect to erect idols of these goddesses, in which they reflect some objects and depictions related to the coronavirus and pandemic, to build temples in their names, and even appoint priests to these temples. This Hinduist tradition, which has been maintained throughout history to protect itself against various pandemics such as smallpox, chickenpox, plague, and cholera, has also emerged in its own way in the coronavirus pandemic. The purpose of these idols, which, according to Hindus, who worshipped the goddesses mentioned above, consisted of the incarnation of the coronavirus, was to alleviate the effects of the virus. Therefore, these statues shaped as goddesses were nothing but idols representing the virus itself. On the other hand, those who worshipped her took refuge in the goddesses mentioned above, who represented the virus, from the evil of her, that is, the virus, according to their statements. While these interesting events, which could perhaps be counted as the first among the effects of the pandemic on a colorful religious tradition, were taking place in India, a similar development was seen in entirely different geography and religious climate simultaneously. In contrast to the newly born goddesses in this eastern corner of the world, which has a polytheistic religion like Hinduism; although no new goddesses appeared in the western corner, where the ambiguous monotheistic Christian religion was dominant, an old saint to whom divine powers were ascribed per the religion's theological structure was being remembered again. This development has become a current phenomenon, showing a modern reflection of the cult of saints, which has its roots in the religion concerned. Throughout their history, Christians, like Hindus, sought divine but tangible authorities that they could apply to protect themselves from pandemics or get rid of pandemics. They found these authorities in saints. Because when it comes to healing, there is a chain of traditions and practices as old as religion itself. Healing, which is considered within the scope of a unique ability believed to be inherited from Jesus Christ to the apostles and from them to the saints, has often been an expected result from religious practices, and especially miracles, rather than medical ones. Acting with this belief, Christians applied to some people who were previously declared saints during various pandemics, assuming that they were protected from the current pandemic, and expected healing or protection from them. This deep-rooted belief and practice have also manifested itself during the pandemic we live in, with a saint considered to have lived a long time ago and arousing interest due to being the namesake of the pandemic. This saint, St. Corona, although there are different details about her in various sources, is a female figure accepted to have lived in the second century AD. It is known that over time, different groups such as lumberjacks, butchers, grave diggers, treasure hunters, those who are in financial trouble or who want to have plenty of money, lottery, gambling, and betting players see her as a patron saint and a cult has formed around her name. With the Covid-19 pandemic, she came to the fore again because she bears the same name as the virus that caused the pandemic, and it was claimed that she was the patron saint of pandemics. However, the existence of such a protective function in history cannot be verified. St. Corona, if not in history, is now the patron saint of pandemics and especially the coronavirus pandemic. In this study, her process of becoming a patron saint from the pandemic will be followed through the data of digital media, and then her historical personality will be introduced.

Hadal trenches are the deepest but underexplored ecosystems on the Earth. Inhabiting the trench bottom is a group of micro-organisms termed obligate piezophiles that grow exclusively under high hydrostatic pressures (HHP). To reveal the genetic and physiological characteristics of their peculiar lifestyles and microbial adaptation to extreme high pressures, we sequenced the complete genome of the obligately piezophilic bacterium Moritella yayanosii DB21MT-5 isolated from the deepest oceanic sediment at the Challenger Deep, Mariana Trench. Through comparative analysis against pressure sensitive and deep-sea piezophilic Moritella strains, we identified over a hundred genes that present exclusively in hadal strain DB21MT-5. The hadal strain encodes fewer signal transduction proteins and secreted polysaccharases, but has more abundant metal ion transporters and the potential to utilize plant-derived saccharides. Instead of producing osmolyte betaine from choline as other Moritella strains, strain DB21MT-5 ferments on choline within a dedicated bacterial microcompartment organelle. Furthermore, the defence systems possessed by DB21MT-5 are distinct from other Moritella strains but resemble those in obligate piezophiles obtained from the same geographical setting. Collectively, the intensive comparative genomic analysis of an obligately piezophilic strain Moritella yayanosii DB21MT-5 demonstrates a depth-dependent distribution of energy metabolic pathways, compartmentalization of important metabolism and use of distinct defence systems, which likely contribute to microbial adaptation to the bottom of hadal trench.

John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester presents in his poetry an enigmatic and seemingly contradictory worldview that is a common topic of discussion amongst his critics. Marianne Thormählen talks about a “fundamental paradox that confronts a student of Rochester’s stances and values as expressed in his verse” which is that “the mind pursues satisfaction through the body;” but “minds are particularly unreliable guides and bodies are lamentably fallible” (27). Paul Hammond further argues, “His poetry often disturbs […] continuity through the fragmentation of experience into discrete moments which may be severed from any possible narrative” (49). It makes sense then that a body of work lacking narrative continuity can best be analyzed through the application of a theory that shares the same fragmented construction. Hammond’s description of Rochester’s poetry sounds a great deal like Devra Lee Davis’ assertion about Theodor Adorno that “His [thought] models are not duplicable, system-bound expressions: they are moments, expressions, and sketches,” and are arguably “mood betraying.” She goes on to describe his writing as an “orchestrated cacophony of outrage” (396), as if the author’s mood itself were the center of the interpretation, which is then “orchestrated” around it. From these critical observations it can be concluded that Rochester and Adorno are both notable for an intense authorial presence in their writing, revealing inconsistencies that can only come from the changeability of an active, individual mind that is not content with constructions of abstract theory, but also insists on the importance of individual experience. For Adorno, critical theory is only valuable when it considers specificity and difference, which makes his theory an ideal approach to consider the writing of the Earl of Rochester. Using Adorno’s Minima Moralia alongside a selection of Rochester’s poems, this study examines the interesting intersections in the observations and beliefs of Adorno and Rochester, specifically as they are expressed in ideas about sex, pleasure, and love, and explores the implications of these shared viewpoints as they manifest themselves in Rochester’s life and work.

A slash manip is a photo remix that montages visual signs from popular media with those from gay pornography, creating a new cultural artefact. Slash (see Russ) is a fannish practice that homoeroticises the bonds between male media characters and personalities—female pairings are categorised separately as ‘femslash’. Slash has been defined almost exclusively as a female practice. While fandom is indeed “women-centred” (Bury 2), such definitions have a tendency to exclude male contributions. Remix has been well acknowledged in discussions on slash, most notably video remix in relation to slash vids (Kreisinger). Non-written slash forms such as slash vids (see Russo) and slash fanart (see Dennis) have received increased attention in recent years. This article continues the tradition of moving beyond fiction by considering the non-written form of slash manips, yet to receive sustained scholarly attention. Speaking as a practitioner—my slash manips can be found here—I perform textual analysis from an aca–fan (academic and fan) position of two Merlin slash manips by male Tumblr artist wandsinhand. My textual analysis is influenced by Barthes’s use of image semiotics, which he applies to the advertising image. Barthes notes that “all images are polysemous”, that underlying their signifiers they imply “a ‘floating chain’ of signifieds, the reader able to choose some and ignore others” (274). That said, the advertising image, he argues, constructs an “undoubtedly intentional […] signification”, making it ideally suited for analysis (270). By supplementing my analysis with excerpts from two interviews I conducted with wandsinhand in February and April 2013 (quoted here with permission), I support my readings with respect to the artist’s stated ‘intentional reading’. I then contextualise these readings with respect to canon (Merlin) representations and gay pornography—via the chosen sexual acts/positions, bukkake and doggystyle, of the pornographic base models, as selected by the artist. This approach allows me to examine the photo remix qualities of slash manips with respect to the artist’s intentions as well as how artistic choices of inclusion function to anchor meaning in the works. I describe these choices as the ‘semiotic significance of selection’. Together the readings and interviews in this article help illustrate the value of this form and the new avenues it opens for slash scholars, such as consideration of photo remix and male production, and the importance of gay pornography to slash. My interviews also reveal, via the artist’s own assessment of the ‘value’ of his practice, a tendency to devalue or overlook the significance of this particular slash form, affirming a real need for further critical engagement with this under-examined practice. Slash Photo Remix: Famous Faces, Porny Bodies Lessig defines remix culture as based on an activity of “rip, mix and burn” (12–5); while Navas describes it as a “practice of cut/copy and paste” (159)—the latter being more applicable to photo remix. Whereas Lessig is concerned primarily with issues of copyright, Navas is interested in remix’s role in aesthetics and the political economy. Within fan studies, slash vids—a form of video remix—has been a topic of considerable academic interest in recent years. Slash manips—a form of photo or image remix—however, has not attracted the same degree of interest. Stasi’s description of slash as “a non-hierarchical, rich layering of genres” points to the usefulness of slash manips as an embodiment of the process of slash; whereby artists combine, blend and mutate graphic layers from popular media with those from gay pornography. Aesthetics and the slash manip process are central concerns of this article’s consideration of slash photo remix. Slash manips, or slash photo montage, use image manipulation software (Adobe Photoshop being the community standard, see wandsinhand’s tutorial) to layer the heads of male fictional characters from stills or promotional images with scenes—static or moving—from gay pornography. Once an artist has selected pornographic ‘base models’ anatomically suited to canon characters, these models are often then repositioned into the canon universe, which in the case of Merlin means a medieval setting. (Works not repositioned and without added details from canon are generally categorised as ‘male celebrity fakes’ rather than ‘slash manips’.) Stedman contends that while many fan studies scholars are interested in remix, “studies commonly focus on examples of remixed objects rather than the compositional strategies used by remix composers themselves” (107). He advocates moving beyond an exclusive consideration of “text-centred approaches” to also consider “practice-” and “composer-centred” approaches. Such approaches offer insight into “the detailed choices composers actually make when composing” (107). He refers to recognition of the skills required by a remix composer as “remix literacy” (108). This article’s consideration of the various choices and skills that go into the composition of slash manips—what I term the ‘semiotic significance of selection’—is explored with respect to wandsinhand’s practice, coupling my reading—informed by my experience as a practitioner—with the interpretations of the artist himself. Jenkins defines slash as “reaction against” constructions of male sexuality in both popular media and pornography (189). By their very nature, slash manips also make clear the oft-overlooked connections between slash and gay pornography, and in turn the contributions of gay male participants, who are well represented by the form. This contrasts with a tendency within scholarship to compare slash with heterosexual female forms, such as the romance genre (Salmon and Symons). Gay pornography plays a visible role in slash manips—and slash vids, which often remix scenes from popular media with gay cinema and pornography. Slash as Romance, Slash as Pornography Early scholarship on slash (see Russ; Lamb and Veith) defines it as a form of erotica or pornography, by and for women; a reductive definition that fails to take into account men’s contribution, yet one that many researchers continue to adopt today. As stated above, there has also been a tendency within scholarship to align the practice with heterosexual female forms such as the romance genre. Such a tendency is by and large due to theorisation of slash as heterosexual female fantasy—and concerned primarily with romance and intimacy rather than sex (see Woledge). Weinstein describes slash as more a “fascination with” than a “representation of” homosexual relationships (615); while MacDonald makes the point that homosexuality is not a major political motivator for slash (28–9). There is no refuting that slash—along with most fannish practice—is female dominated, ethnographic work and fandom surveys reveal that is the case. However there is great need for research into male production of slash, particularly how such practices might challenge reigning definitions and assumptions of the practice. In similar Japanese practices, for example, gay male opposition to girls’ comics (shōjo) depicting love between ‘pretty boys’ (bishōunen) has been well documented (see Hori)—Men’s Love (or bara) is a subgenre of Boys’ Love (or shōnen’ai) predominately created by gay men seeking a greater connection with the lived reality of gay life (Lunsing). Dennis finds male slash fanart producers more committed to muscular representations and depiction of graphic male/male sex when compared with female-identifying artists (14, 16). He also observes that male fanart artists have a tendency of “valuing same-sex desire without a heterosexual default and placing it within the context of realistic gay relationships” (11). I have observed similar differences between male and female-identifying slash manip artists. Female-identifying Nicci Mac, for example, will often add trousers to her donor bodies, recoding them for a more romantic context. By contrast, male-identifying mythagowood is known for digitally enlarging the penises and rectums of his base models, exaggerating his work’s connection to the pornographic and the macabre. Consider, for example, mythagowood’s rationale for digitally enlarging and importing ‘lips’ for Sam’s (Supernatural) rectum in his work Ass-milk: 2012, which marks the third anniversary of the original: Originally I wasn’t going to give Sammy’s cunt any treatment (before I determined the theme) but when assmilk became the theme I had to go find a good set of lips to slap on him and I figured, it’s been three years, his hole is going to be MUCH bigger. (personal correspondence, used with permission) While mythagowood himself cautions against gendered romance/pornography slash arguments—“I find it annoying that people attribute certain specific aspects of my work to something ‘only a man’ would make.” (ibid.)—gay pornography occupies an important place in the lives of gay men as a means for entertainment, community engagement and identity-construction (see McKee). As one of the only cultural representations available to gay men, Fejes argues that gay pornography plays a crucial role in defining gay male desire and identity. This is confirmed by an Internet survey conducted by Duggan and McCreary that finds 98% of gay participants reporting exposure to pornographic material in the 30-day period prior to the survey. Further, the underground nature of gay pornographic film (see Dyer) aligns it with slash as a subcultural practice. I now analyse two Merlin slash manips with respect to the sexual positions of the pornographic base models, illustrating how gay pornography genres and ideologies referenced through these works enforce their intended meaning, as defined by the artist. A sexual act such as bukkake, as wandsinhand astutely notes, acts as a universal sign and “automatically generates a narrative for the image without anything really needing to be detailed”. Barthes argues that such a “relation between thing signified and image signifying in analogical representation” is unlike language, which has a much more ‘arbitrary’ relationship between signifier and signified (272). Bukkake and the Assertion of Masculine Power in Merlin Merlin (2008–12) is a BBC reimagining of the Arthurian legend that focuses on the coming-of-age of Arthur and his close bond with his manservant Merlin, who keeps his magical identity secret until Arthur’s final stand in the iconic Battle of Camlann. The homosexual potential of Merlin and Arthur’s story—and of magic as a metaphor for homosexuality—is something slash fans were quick to recognise. During question time at the first Merlin cast appearance at the London MCM Expo in October 2008—just one month after the show’s pilot first aired—a fan asked Morgan and James, who portray Merlin and Arthur, is Merlin “meant to be a love story between Arthur and Merlin?” James nods in jest. Wandsinhand, who is most active in the Teen Wolf (2011–present) fandom, has produced two Merlin slash manips to date, a 2013 Merlin/Arthur and a 2012 Arthur/Percival, both untitled. The Merlin/Arthur manip (see Figure 1) depicts Merlin bound and on his knees, Arthur ejaculating across his face and on his chest. Merlin is naked while Arthur is partially clothed in chainmail and armour. They are both bruised and dirty, Arthur’s injuries suggesting battle given his overall appearance, while Merlin’s suggesting abuse, given his subordinate position. The setting appears to be the royal stables, where we know Merlin spends much of his time mucking out Arthur’s horses. I am left to wonder if perhaps Merlin did not carry out this duty to Arthur’s satisfaction, and is now being punished for it; or if Arthur has returned from battle in need of sexual gratification and the endorsement of power that comes from debasing his manservant. Figure 1: wandsinhand, Untitled (Merlin/Arthur), 2013, photo montage. Courtesy the artist. Both readings are supported by Arthur’s ‘spent’ expression of disinterest or mild curiosity, while Merlin’s face emotes pain: crying and squinting through the semen obscuring his vision. The artist confirms this reading in our interview: “Arthur is using his pet Merlin to relieve some stress; Merlin of course not being too pleased about the aftermath, but obedient all the same.” The noun ‘pet’ evokes the sexual connotations of Merlin’s role as Arthur’s personal manservant, while also demoting Merlin even further than usual. He is, in Arthur’s eyes, less than human, a sexual plaything to use and abuse at will. The artist’s statement also confirms that Arthur is acting against Merlin’s will. Violence is certainly represented here, the base models having been ‘marked up’ to depict sexualisation of an already physically and emotionally abusive relationship, their relative positioning and the importation of semen heightening the humiliation. Wandsinhand’s work engages characters in sadomasochistic play, with semen and urine frequently employed to degrade and arouse—“peen wolf”, a reference to watersports, is used within his Teen Wolf practice. The two wandsinhand works analysed in this present article come without words, thus lacking a “linguistic message” (Barthes 273–6). However even so, the artist’s statement and Arthur’s stance over “his pet Merlin” mean we are still able to “skim off” (270) the meanings the image contains. The base models, for example, invite comparison with the ‘gay bukkake’ genre of gay pornography—admittedly with a single dominant male rather than a group. Gay bukkake has become a popular niche in North American gay pornography—it originated in Japan as a male–female act in the 1980s. It describes a ritualistic sexual act where a group of dominant men—often identifying as heterosexual—fuck and debase a homosexual, submissive male, commonly bareback (Durkin et al. 600). The aggression on display in this act—much like the homosocial insistency of men who partake in a ‘circle jerk’ (Mosher 318)—enables the participating men to affirm their masculinity and dominance by degrading the gay male, who is there to service (often on his knees) and receive—in any orifice of the group’s choosing—the men’s semen, and often urine as well. The equivalencies I have made here are based on the ‘performance’ of the bukkake fantasy in gay niche hazing and gay-for-pay pornography genres. These genres are fuelled by antigay sentiment, aggression and debasement of effeminate males (see Kendall). I wish here to resist the temptation of labelling the acts described above as deviant. As is a common problem with anti-pornography arguments, to attempt to fix a practice such as bukkake as deviant and abject—by, for example, equating it to rape (Franklin 24)—is to negate a much more complex consideration of distinctions and ambiguities between force and consent; lived and fantasy; where pleasure is, where it is performed and where it is taken. I extend this desire not to label the manip in question, which by exploiting the masculine posturing of Arthur effectively sexualises canon debasement. This began with the pilot when Arthur says: “Tell me Merlin, do you know how to walk on your knees?” Of the imported imagery—semen, bruising, perspiration—the key signifier is Arthur’s armour which, while torn in places, still ensures the encoding of particular signifieds: masculinity, strength and power. Doggystyle and the Subversion of Arthur’s ‘Armoured Self’ Since the romanticism and chivalric tradition of the knight in shining armour (see Huizinga) men as armoured selves have become a stoic symbol of masculine power and the benchmark for aspirational masculinity. For the medieval knight, armour reflects in its shiny surface the mettle of the man enclosed, imparting a state of ‘bodilessness’ by containing any softness beneath its shielded exterior (Burns 140). Wandsinhand’s Arthur/Percival manip (see Figure 2) subverts Arthur and the symbolism of armour with the help of arguably the only man who can: Arthur’s largest knight Percival. While a minor character among the knights, Percival’s physical presence in the series looms large, and has endeared him to slash manip artists, particularly those with only a casual interest in the series, such as wandsinhand: Why Arthur and Percival were specifically chosen had really little to do with the show’s plot, and in point of fact, I don’t really follow Merlin that closely nor am I an avid fan. […] Choosing Arthur/Percival really was just a matter of taste rather than being contextually based on their characterisations in the television show. Figure 2: wandsinhand, Untitled (Arthur/Percival), 2012, photo montage. Courtesy the artist. Concerning motivation, the artist explains: “Sometimes one’s penis decides to pick the tv show Merlin, and specifically Arthur and Percival.” The popularity of Percival among manip artists illustrates the power of physicality as a visual sign, and the valorisation of size and muscle within the gay community (see Sánchez et al.). Having his armour modified to display his muscles, the implication is that Percival does not need armour, for his body is already hard, impenetrable. He is already suited up, simultaneously man and armoured. Wandsinhand uses the physicality of this character to strip Arthur of his symbolic, masculine power. The work depicts Arthur with a dishevelled expression, his armoured chest pressed against the ground, his chainmail hitched up at the back to expose his arse, Percival threading his unsheathed cock inside him, staring expressionless at the ‘viewer’. The artist explains he “was trying to show a shift of power”: I was also hinting at some sign of struggle, which is somewhat evident on Arthur’s face too. […] I think the expressions work in concert to suggest […] a power reversal that leaves Arthur on the bottom, a position he’s not entirely comfortable accepting. There is pleasure to be had in seeing the “cocky” Arthur forcefully penetrated, “cut down to size by a bigger man” (wandsinhand). The two assume the ‘doggystyle’ position, an impersonal sexual position, without eye contact and where the penetrator sets the rhythm and intensity of each thrust. Scholars have argued that the position is degrading to the passive party, who is dehumanised by the act, a ‘dog’ (Dworkin 27); and rapper Snoop ‘Doggy’ Dogg exploits the misogynistic connotations of the position on his record Doggystyle (see Armstrong). Wandsinhand is clear in his intent to depict forceful domination of Arthur. Struggle is signified through the addition of perspiration, a trademark device used by this artist to symbolise struggle. Domination in a sexual act involves the erasure of the wishes of the dominated partner (see Cowan and Dunn). To attune oneself to the pleasures of a sexual partner is to regard them as a subject. To ignore such pleasures is to degrade the other person. The artist’s choice of pairing embraces the physicality of the male/male bond and illustrates a tendency among manip producers to privilege conventional masculine identifiers—such as size and muscle—above symbolic, nonphysical identifiers, such as status and rank. It is worth noting that muscle is more readily available in the pornographic source material used in slash manips—muscularity being a recurrent component of gay pornography (see Duggan and McCreary). In my interview with manip artist simontheduck, he describes the difficulty he had sourcing a base image “that complimented the physicality of the [Merlin] characters. […] The actor that plays Merlin is fairly thin while Arthur is pretty built, it was difficult to find one. I even had to edit Merlin’s body down further in the end.” (personal correspondence, used with permission) As wandsinhand explains, “you’re basically limited by what’s available on the internet, and even then, only what you’re prepared to sift through or screencap yourself”. Wandsinhand’s Arthur/Percival pairing selection works in tandem with other artistic decisions and inclusions—sexual position, setting, expressions, effects (perspiration, lighting)—to ensure the intended reading of the work. Antithetical size and rank positions play out in the penetration/submission act of wandsinhand’s work, in which only the stronger of the two may come out ‘on top’. Percival subverts the symbolic power structures of prince/knight, asserting his physical, sexual dominance over the physically inferior Arthur. That such a construction of Percival is incongruent with the polite, impeded-by-my-size-and-muscle-density Percival of the series speaks to the circumstances of manip production, much of which is on a taste basis, as previously noted. There are of course exceptions to this, the Teen Wolf ‘Sterek’ (Stiles/Derek) pairing being wandsinhand’s, but even in this case, size tends to couple with penetration. Slash manips often privilege physicality of the characters in question—as well as the base models selected—above any particular canon-supported slash reading. (Of course, the ‘queering’ nature of slash practice means at times there is also a desire to see such identifiers subverted, however in this example, raw masculine power prevails.) This final point is in no way representative—my practice, for example, combines manips with ficlets to offer a clearer connection with canon, while LJ’s zdae69 integrates manips, fiction and comics. However, common across slash manip artists driven by taste—and requests—rather than connection with canon—the best known being LJ’s tw-31988, demon48180 and Tumblr’s lwoodsmalestarsfakes, all of whom work across many fandoms—is interest in the ‘aesthetics of canon’, the blue hues of Teen Wolf or the fluorescent greens of Arrow (2012–present), displayed in glossy magazine format using services such as ISSUU. In short, ‘the look’ of the work often takes precedent over canonical implications of any artistic decisions. “Nothing Too Serious”: Slash Manips as Objects Worth Studying It had long been believed that the popular was the transient, that of entertainment rather than enlightenment; that which is manufactured, “an appendage of the machinery”, consumed by the duped masses and a product not of culture but of a ‘culture industry’ (Adorno and Rabinbach 12). Scholars such as Radway, Ang pioneered a shift in scholarly practice, advancing the cultural studies project by challenging elitism and finding meaning in traditionally devalued cultural texts and practices. The most surprising outcome of my interviews with wandsinhand was hearing how he conceived of his practice, and the study of slash: If I knew I could get a PhD by writing a dissertation on Slash, I would probably drop out of my physics papers! […] I don’t really think too highly of faking/manip-making. I mean, it’s not like it’s high art, is it? … or is it? I guess if Duchamp’s toilet can be a masterpiece, then so can anything. But I mainly just do it to pass the time, materialise fantasies, and disperse my fantasies unto others. Nothing too serious. Wandsinhand erects various binaries—academic/fan, important/trivial, science/arts, high art/low art, profession/hobby, reality/fantasy, serious/frivolous—as justification to devalue his own artistic practice. Yet embracing the amateur, personal nature of his practice frees him to “materialise fantasies” that would perhaps not be possible without self-imposed, underground production. This is certainly supported by his body of work, which plays with taboos of the unseen, of bodily fluids and sadomasochism. My intention with this article is not to contravene views such as wandsinhand’s. Rather, it is to promote slash manips as a form of remix culture that encourages new perspectives on how slash has been defined, its connection with male producers and its symbiotic relationship with gay pornography. I have examined the ‘semiotic significance of selection’ that creates meaning in two contrary slash manips; how these works actualise and resist canon dominance, as it relates to the physical and the symbolic. This examination also offers insight into this form’s connection to and negotiation with certain ideologies of gay pornography, such as the valorisation of size and muscle. 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