Articoli di riviste: "S. Pietro di Carnia"

1

Sordi, Italo. "Il culto di S. Pietro martire in Sant'Eustorgio a Milano". La Ricerca Folklorica, n. 13 (aprile 1986): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1479680.

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Natta, Federica. "Il viaggio di Enrico di Valois, Re di Francia e Polonia, da Cracovia a Lione (18 giugno – 5 settembre 1574)". Perspektywy Kultury 41, n. 2/1 (30 giugno 2023): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2023.410201.14.

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Il saggio descrive i preparativi cerimoniali per la visita a Mantova di Enrico di Valois, re della Polonia, nell’agosto del 1574. Il re visitò la città durante il suo viaggio da Cracovia a Lione (18 giugno – 5 settembre 1574), prima di essere incoronato re di Francia. In questa occasione il duca di Mantova Guglielmo Gonzaga preparò archi trionfali, sculture, danze e celebrazioni per Enrico. Il re visitò la città, ma anche le chiese di S. Andrea e S. Pietro, con le loro importanti reliquie. Il saggio ricostruisce le installazioni attraverso la lettura delle cronache, e soprattutto, della corrispondenza e dei materiali del tempo, ritrovati nell’Archivio Gonzaga di Mantova.

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3

Manacorda, Daniele. "Siena e Roma nell’alto Medioevo : qualche lume sui secoli bui". Mélanges de l École française de Rome Moyen Âge 119, n. 1 (2007): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.2007.9431.

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Il riesame dei documenti relativi al Monastero di S. Sebastiano in Pallara sul Palatino mette in luce l’esistenza di rapporti significativi tra Roma e Siena nel corso del X secolo. L’iniziativa di Pietro medico de Seni, fondatore del monastero, si colloca nell’ambito dell’evergetismo che è all’origine di altri insediamenti coevi e induce ad approfondire le conoscenze circa le prime fasi di vita della Cattedrale di Siena sul colle di S. Maria e dell’annesso ospedale, che prenderà poi il nome di S. Maria della Scala. Un’analisi della bolla di Celestino III, che nel 1192 riconferma i beni della chiesa di S. Maria domine Rose in castello aureo, permette di avanzare ipotesi circa la natura di questo insediamento, attestato nella seconda metà del IX secolo, e l’eventuale presenza di personaggi rappresentanti del potere imperiale e legati alla famiglia di Winighis, conte franco di Siena nell’età di Ludovico II e dei suoi immediati sucessori.

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Cielo, Luigi R. "Insediamento e incastellamento nell’area di S. Agata dei Goti". Mélanges de l École française de Rome Moyen Âge 118, n. 1 (2006): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.2006.9403.

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Quando verso la metà del X sec. anche nell’area di S. Agata dei Goti si stampa l’impronta rivoluzionante dell’incastellamento, alcuni nuclei abitati dovevano già presentarsi in forma accentrata e strutturata a difesa come a Forchia-Arpaia in uno dei punti nevralgici a ridosso dell’Appia. Così come in tempi ancora più precoci va registrata la nascita di S. Agata, già nel VI sec., successivamente sede di un gastaldato longobardo, destinato ad essere in età normanna uno dei centri comitali più vivaci sotto i Quarel di Airola. In pieno processo sembrano porsi Airola e probabilmente Arienzo accanto a villaggi aperti come S. Pietro a Romagnano presso S. Agata, mentre la seconda ondata di castra fortificati (XI-XII sec.) dovrebbe annoverare Valle, Dugenta, Orcoli, Frasso, le cui dislocazioni trovano una logica stringente nel controllo degli assi viari o nella prossimità del fiume Volturno.

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Cavalieri Manasse, Giuliana. "Verona: la città oltre le mura". Anales de Arquelogía Cordobesa 29 (11 gennaio 2019): 41–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/aac.v29i0.11011.

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L’insediamento più antico sorse nel corso del V sec. a.C. sulla collina di Castel S. Pietro e alle sue pendici, in corrispondenza di un agevole passaggio dell’Adige. Lì il nucleo indigeno continuò a svilupparsi, acquisendo sempre maggiore importanza, soprattutto a partire dalla metà del II sec. a.C., con l’apertura della via Postumia (148 a.C.) che collegava Aquileia con Genova e che proprio qui superava il fiume.

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Gorga, Roberto. "Pseudomorfosi di rutilo da cloromelanite nelle rocce eclogitiche di Monte Tarme presso S. Pietro d’Olba (Appennino settentrionale)". Rendiconti Lincei 15, n. 3 (settembre 2004): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02904459.

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Żurek, Antoni. "Wierność tradycji. Jan Paweł II a 1200. rocznica soboru nicejskiego II". Vox Patrum 50 (15 giugno 2007): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6679.

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Nell'anno 1987 accadeva 1200 anniversario del concilio ecumenico di Nicea (787). Nella sua Lettera Apostolica Duodecimum saeculum Giovanni Paolo II ha ricordato il problema trattato dal concilio ma anche ha messo in rilievo alcuni punti essenziali risultati dall'insegnamento di Nicea. Cosi il concilio viene non solo ricordato ma anche interpretato dalia prospettiva del successore di S. Pietro. Dal punto di vista papale ci vuole rivolgere attenzione all’insegnamento sulla tradizione della Chiesa. E una tradizione comune della Chiesa: occidentale et orientalne. Dal punto di vista del dialogo ecumenico ąuesto crea un punto di riferimento. In riferimento alla dottrina del concilio sul culto delle immagini sacre Giovanni Paolo II ha presentato i punti cardinali dell'insegnamento della Chiesa rispetto all'arte cristiana e il suo ruolo nell'annuncio del vangelo.

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8

Bürgel, Matthias. "Pier Damiani zwischen vita eremitica und vita apostolica". Deutsches Dante-Jahrbuch 97, n. 1 (24 ottobre 2022): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/dante-2022-0008.

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Riassunto Come dimostra una lettura incrociata con i rispettivi canti dell’Inferno e del Purgatorio, il »dittico« Par. XXI/Par. XXII mette in risalto la possibilità di unire stile di vita contemplativo con fervore apostolico e pastorale. S. Pier Damiani funge da exemplum paradigmatico per una tale unione: infatti, il santo ravennate dimostra che l’ascesa dell’anima è basata sull’umiltà, sulla consapevolezza di essere peccatori, da cui sfocia però anche l’attività missionaria della predicazione. Autodefinendosi Pietro peccator (Par. XXI, 122), Pier Damiani evoca la confessione pietrina di Lc 5, 8: «peccator sum Domine». L’implicita presenza di quest’ultimo versetto neotestamentario spiega anche la variante pescator, lezione attestata da un folto numero di manoscritti appartenenti in modo compatto al gruppo del cento e che conferma ulteriormente il fatto che il verso dantesco in oggetto si riferisca al santo stesso.

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9

Bergstein, Mary. "Marian Politics in Quattrocento Florence: The Renewed Dedication of Santa Maria del Fiore in 1412". Renaissance Quarterly 44, n. 4 (1991): 673–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862484.

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On the Feastday of the Nativity of the Virgin, September 8, 1296, the papal legate of Boniface VIII, Pietro Valeriano di Piperno, blessed the rebuilding of the church of S. Reparata in Florence. In the ceremonial presence of the podestà, the Standard-Bearer of Justice, and the priors of the Signoria, he named the new cathedral “Santa Maria del Fiore.” Arnolfo di Cambio was made chief architect in charge of the renewal; and it was he who began a program of monumental sculpture devoted to the life of the Virgin (fig. 1). Giovanni Villani, who recorded the benediction ceremony in his chronicle, admitted that notwithstanding the rededication of the church to the Virgin and the invention of the poetic name “Santa Maria del Fiore,” most Florentines continued to call the cathedral S. Reparata.

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10

Auer, Bernhard. "Gräber der byzantinisch-mittelalterlichen Nekropole zu S. Pietro di Deca (Torrenova / ME). Befunde, vorläufige Fundinterpretation, anthropologische Resultate". Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 61 (2012): 21–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/joeb61s21.

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11

Fisković, Igor. "Još o romaničkoj skulpturi s dubrovačke katedrale". Ars Adriatica, n. 5 (1 gennaio 2015): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.927.

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The article analyses and discusses the numerous sculptural fragments which belonged to the monumental and tragically destroyed Romanesque Cathedral of the Assumption of the Virgin at Dubrovnik. Although neglected and waiting to be thoroughly catalogued, our current knowledge about this material does provide a fuller picture about their chronology and the Apulian master carvers who made them. The article focuses on the archival information about these masters and outlines direct formal analogies with the sculptures from the other side of the Adriatic. Particular attention is given to the work of protomagister Eustasius of Trani who was active in the early twelfth century, while emphasizing the work of his fellow Apulian Pasquo di Pietro as a potential protagonist in the maturation of the Romanesque style on both sides of the southern Adriatic up until the late duecento. Following the comparative analysis of the sculptural material from Dubrovnik, the article examines the work of sculptor Simeonus Ragusinus in Barletta and ends with a conclusion about the similarities between the visual culture of south Dalmatia and that of Apulia, as two peripheral regions of Western art.

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12

Degórski, Bazyli. "Il pasto per i poveri presso la Basilica Costantiniana di S. Pietro a Roma secondo la lettera di san Paolino di Nola a san Pammachio". Biblica et Patristica Thoruniensia 11, n. 2 (18 luglio 2018): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/bpth.2018.012.

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13

Zöller, Wolf. "Saeculum obscurum – der epigraphische Befund (ca. 890–1000)". Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 99, n. 1 (1 novembre 2019): 79–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2019-0007.

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Riassunto Questo saggio offre gli esiti di un’indagine condotta sulla produzione epigrafica della Roma altomedioevale, ponendo in particolare l’accento sugli aspetti topologici e materiali delle iscrizioni commissionate da parte dei vescovi romani e degli esponenti della nobiltà cittadina durante il X secolo. Nonostante esistano ponderosi corpora che raccolgono le iscrizioni romane, manca purtroppo a tutt’oggi una rassegna specifica della produzione epigrafica dell’Urbe per il periodo che va dall’anno 890 all’anno 1000, periodo comunemente noto come saeculum obscurum. Proprio le testimonianze epigrafiche, invece, consentono di giungere a una comprensione più profonda del linguaggio materiale e dei meccanismi di comunicazione utilizzati per la rappresentazione del potere all’interno della struttura urbana della città di Roma. Due casi di studio, riguardanti, da un lato, gli epitaffi papali conservati nella basilica di S. Pietro e, dall’altro, le iscrizioni commemorative nella basilica di S. Giovanni in Laterano dimostrano come le epigrafi siano state opportunamente ed efficacemente integrate all’interno del contesto architettonico e liturgico. Un’organizzazione più attenta dello spazio epigrafico permise infatti una interazione per così dire intensificata tra le iscrizioni e il loro contesto tanto materiale che sociale, in particolare nel momento della controversia che coinvolse papa Formoso e della ricostruzione, così carica di valori anche simbolici, della cattedrale di Roma, quando i papi rivali si misero in competizione per il controllo dello spazio urbano. Seguendo un comportamento analogo, gli esponenti dell’aristocrazia cittadina utilizzarono lastre marmoree dalle dimensioni considerevoli al fine di esibire e consolidare in forme monumentali la loro posizione politica dominante. Soprattutto i famosi Teofilatti occuparono, per così dire, le basiliche patriarcali di S. Lorenzo fuori le mura e S. Maria Maggiore per custodirvi la memoria famigliare, mentre le iscrizioni commemorative delle loro imprese edilizie attestavano il loro sforzo di ridefinire il paesaggio urbano di Roma.

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Mursia, Antonio. "Signorie rurali nella Sicilia del XII secolo. Le pergamene della chiesa di s. Pietro in Golisano (1140-1185)". ARCHIVIO STORICO PER LA SICILIA ORIENTALE, n. 2 (marzo 2019): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/asso2018-002002.

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Mordeglia, Caterina. "Fedro e Aviano presenze ‘fantasma’ nella Spagna medievale". Myrtia 34 (31 gennaio 2020): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/myrtia.412001.

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L’analisi della diffusione manoscritta delle favole di Fedro e Aviano e dei loro rifacimenti mediolatini nella Spagna medievale rivela una pressoché totale assenza di testimonianze che contrasta con il resto d’Europa. Si registrano solo timidi tentativi di penetrazione del genere attraverso i contatti culturali con il Sud della Francia, di cui l’esempio più significativo è offerto da due favole contenute nel ms. Madrid, RHA, 39 (s. XI), qui riportate con testo critico rivisto e la prima traduzione italiana. Tuttavia una presenza ‘sommersa’ del genere, precedente alla diffusione delle prime edizioni a stampa – anch’esse ricollegabili ad ambienti culturali italiani e nord-europei – è comprovata dalle reminiscenze favolistiche classiche nella Disciplina clericalis di Pietro Alfonsi (s. XII) e nel Libro de los gatos (s. XIV), versificazione in castigliano delle Fabulae di Oddone di Cheriton. The analysis of the manuscripts’ spread of Phaedrus and Avianus’ fables and their Latin rewritings in Spain during the Middle Ages reveals an almost total absence of witnesses, contrary to the rest of Europe. There are only shy attempts of penetration of the genre through the cultural contacts with Southern France. The main example is offered by two fables transmitted by the ms. Madrid, RAH, 39 (s. XI), here presented in a new critical edition with the first Italian translation. Anyway a ‘ghost’ presence of the Latin fables before their first printed editions – also due to the Italian and North-European cultural contacts – is confirmed by their tracks in the Petrus Alfonsi’s Disciplina clericalis (XIIth century) and the Libros de los gatos, a rhytmical translation in Castilian language of Odo of Cheriton’s Latin fables (XIVth century).

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Stökl, Susanne. "S. Pietro di Deca: Byzantinische Nekropole und normannenzeitlicher Kirchenbau. Eine Auswertung von Fundkomplexen spätantiker bis frühneuzeitlicher Zeitstellung anhand des keramischen Materials". Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 62 (2013): 163–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/joeb62s163.

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Fisković, Igor. "Još o romaničkoj skulpturi s dubrovačke katedrale". Ars Adriatica, n. 5 (1 gennaio 2015): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.516.

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Medieval Dubrovnik was rich in Romanesque figural and decorative sculpture but only a small group of fragmentary carvings has been preserved to date due to the fact that the town suffered a devastating earthquake in 1667. The earthquake completely destroyed the monumental Cathedral of the Assumption of the Virgin which had been considered “la piu bella in Illyrico” on the basis of its sculptural abundance. Archaeological excavations undertaken beneath the present-day Baroque Cathedral, consecrated in 1713, unearthed several thousand fragments of high-quality sculptures. Their analysis has confirmed the close connections between Dubrovnik and artistic centres in Apulia, which are well known from archival records. This article re-assesses the results of the excavations and the information from the primary sources in a new light and deepens our knowledge about the date, authorship and reconstruction of the thireenth-century pieces under consideration.The article opens with a discussion about the archival record informing us that Eustasius of Trani came to Dubrovnik in 1199 to work as a protomagister of Dubrovnik Cathedral. The document in question was the reason why art historians attributed to him a number of rather damaged, narrative reliefs which replicate the models and forms that can be seen on the portal of Trani Cathedral. Since the sculptor responsible for that portal was not known and given that the contract preserved in Dubrovnik referred to Eustasius as a son of “Belnardi, protomagistri civitati Trani”, the two artists came to be considered as the builders of the Cathedral of S. Nicola Pellegrino at Trani and of several other churches in the Terra di Bari. The sculptures produced by Eustasius and his father were convincingly deemed to display the artistic influence of southern and central France and the same can be observed in Dubrovnik. The article assigns the figure of Christ the Judge from a portal lunette depicting the Last Judgement, which has no parallels in Apulia, to the same group of sculptures and interprets the subject matter as being inspired by the iconography of numerous pilgrimage churches to which Dubrovnik Cathedral also belonged. The assessment of the formal qualities evident in all the carvings demonstrates that they are less refined than those on the portal of Trani Cathedral. Furthermore, the article separates the works of the father from those of the son and suggests that Bolnardus introduced the aforementioned French-style carving method, which had already taken root in Palestine, and that Eustasius followed it. The starting point in the proposed chronology was the Fall of Jerusalem in 1187 and the associated withdrawal of western master carvers alongside the Crusaders. During their stopover at Trani, around 1190, Boltranius was in charge of the carving of the portal of Trani Cathedral where he was helped by his son who left for Dubrovnik in 1199. Based on the visual characteristics of the fragments of architectural decoration, Eustasius is identified as being responsible for the building of Dubrovnik Cathedral according to Apulian taste which appealed to the local patrons as a consequence of their constant exposure to it through numerous trade links and the overall cultural milieu. In fact, Apulian taste was a symbiosis of Byzantine traditions and Romanesque novelties introduced by the Normans, and its allure was grounded in the fact that both the Terra di Bari and Dubrovnik acknowledged the supreme power of these two political forces albeit not at the same time and in unequal measure.The vernacular current in the Romanesque sculpture of Dubrovnik during the second quarter of the thirteenth century can be noted in a small number of works which influenced the decoration of Gothic and Renaissance public buildings. The source of this diffusion can be identified in the decoration of the Cathedral which epitomized the strong artistic connections with southern Italy from where typological and morphological models were borrowed. The redecoration of the Cathedral’s interior, especially the pulpit – recorded for the first time in 1262 – the archaeological remains of which reveal a polygonal structure resting on twelve columns, drew on those very models. Together with the ciborium above the altar in the main apse, the pulpit was praised by local chroniclers and foreign travel writers during the fifteenth century but also by the earliest church visitation records of the mid-seventeenth century. These two monuments belonged to a group of standard Apulian-Dalmatian ciboria and pulpits which also included those that can today be seen in the cathedrals of Trogir and Split but also in many south Italian churches. Some scholars have argued that the source model for this group can be found in Jerusalem but this article suggests that the ciborium from the church of S. Lorenzo fuori le mura in Rome, dated to 1148, presents a more likely option. Particular attention is given to the naturalistic workmanship of a polygonal capital from Dubrovnik Cathedral, which is assigned to the aforementioned pulpit. It is argued that the style of the capital inspired a series of capitals carved à jour on both sides of the Adriatic and that they display characteristics consistent with the manner of carving of Pietro di Facitolo seen at Bisceglie. The exceptional workmanship of the eagle from the same pulpit is attributed to Pasquo di Pietro who was recorded as a protomagister of the Cathedral from 1255 to 1282 and who well regarded as a master carver. His good reputation earned him the citizenship and an estate; he and his son were mentioned in the local documents as “de Ragusio”. The author of the article hypothesizes that Pasquo may have been Pietro di Facitolo’s son, with which he concludes the outline of the sculptural development of the Apulian Romanesque in Dubrovnik and Dalmatia in general.The final part of the article focuses on the only known work of Simeonus Ragusinus who signed himself as “incola tranensis” on the portal of the church of S. Andrea, that is, S. Salvatore at Barletta. The hybrid artistic expression of this eclectic sculptor with a limited gift, who gathered his knowledge from a variety of sources, reveals that he may have borrowed some iconographic motifs from Eustasius’ portal of Dubrovnik Cathedral or from the other two portals. Overall, the article corroborates several hypotheses that were previously expressed in the scholarship while dismissing and rerouting others. At the same time, it emphasizes the scarcity of solid evidence because of the fragmentary nature of the material. The main goal of the article is to present new research findings and widen our perspective on the issue. The article is a revised version of a brief paper presented at the international conference “Master Buvina and his Time” which was held at Split in 2014 and which will be published in a foreign language. I hope that with the addition of new comments and the scholarly apparatus the article will be a useful point of reference to Croatian researchers of similar topics and that it will contribute towards the creation of syntheses about the medieval art in the Adriatic.

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Matejčić, Ivan. "Željko Peković, Crkva Sv. Petra Velikoga – Dubrovačka predromanička katedrala i njezina skulptura. / La chiesa di S. Pietro Maggiore La cattedrale preromanica di Ragusa e il suo arredo scultoreo". Hortus Artium Medievalium 17 (gennaio 2011): 296–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ham.5.100116.

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Böschung, Urs. "Lazzaro Spallanzani, Edizione nazionale delle opera di Lazzaro Spallanzani, parte prima Carteggi, a cura di Pericle di Pietro. Modena, Enrico Mucehi, editore; Bd. 9, 369 S., 1988, Bd. 10, 282 S., 1988, Bd. 11, 303 S., 1989, Bd. 12, 264 S., 1990; jeder Band Lit.80000 (keine ISBN)." Gesnerus 50, n. 3-4 (25 novembre 1993): 313–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22977953-0500304047.

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Dombrowski, Damian. ""Pietro da Cortona". Internationaler Kongress Rom, Palazzo Barberini und Accademia di S. Luca, 12.-14. Nov. 1997 / Florenz, Kunsthistorisches Institut, 15. Nov. 1997". Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 62, n. 2 (1999): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1482984.

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MINONZIO, FRANCO. "SINESIO, La mia fortunosa navigazione da Alessandria a Cirene, a cura di Pietro Janni (Biblioteca di Geographia Antiqua, 1). Firenze: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 2003. 133 pp., ISBN 8822251873." Nuncius 20, n. 2 (2005): 453–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/182539105x00114.

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Howie, R. A. "M. Boscardini, and S. Sovilla Il giacimento mineralogico di S. Pietro in Montecchio Maggiore (Vicenza). Montecchio Maggiore (Museo Civico ‘G. Zannato’), 1988. 93 pp, 37 figs., 45 colour photos." Mineralogical Magazine 53, n. 371 (giugno 1989): 392–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1180/minmag.1989.053.371.26.

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Prügl, Thomas. "Mario Zanchin, II Primato del Romano Pontefice in un’opera inedita di Pietro del Monte del secolo XV, Vigodarzere (PD): Progetto Editoriale Mariano 1997. 317 S." Annarium Historiae Conciliorum 30, n. 2 (16 febbraio 1998): 549–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890433-03002019.

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Bolgia, Claudia. "PATRONS AND ARTISTS ON THE MOVE: NEW LIGHT ON MATTEO GIOVANNETTI BETWEEN AVIGNON AND ROME". Papers of the British School at Rome 88 (9 gennaio 2020): 185–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246219000370.

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This article reassesses artistic production in Rome at the time of the temporary return of Pope Urban V, between 1367 and 1370, after a lengthy period of absence of the papacy in Avignon, and offers new insights into the long-term impact of this production. It does so by starting from a thoroughly neglected artwork now in the Museo Storico Artistico del Tesoro di S. Pietro, a victim of the traditional interpretative dichotomy as either a work by Giotto or not. By taking a different methodological approach, which is to think in terms of movement of patrons and artists, and on the basis of combined technical/visual analysis and documentary sources, the article sheds new light on this painting, offering new proposals concerning its dating, attribution, original location and function. It then addresses its historical contextualization and significance, allowing us to rethink art in Rome in the fourteenth century by discussing the role that the circulation of patrons and artists played in creating new forms. This discussion not only contributes to a better understanding of the art produced in Rome in the Trecento but also throws some light on the very origins and nature of Renaissance art.

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Pollak, Martha. "Pietro C. Marani. L'Architettura fortificata negli studi di Leonardo da Vinci. Con il catalogo completo dei disegni. Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1984. 378 pp. L. 115,000." Renaissance Quarterly 39, n. 4 (1986): 749–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862332.

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Lysenkov, Aleksei Yur'evich, e Liliya Faatovna Lysenkova. "The impact of graphic works of Giovanni Battista Piranesi upon the formation of conceptual architecture and real architectural space". Культура и искусство, n. 2 (febbraio 2020): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0625.2020.2.30650.

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The subject of this research is the graphic heritage of the prominent Venetian master of the XVIII century Giovanni Battista Piranesi. The goal consists in examination of the role of Piranesi’s heritage in history of art and architecture. The author demonstrates the key milestones of his creative path, reveals the fundamental conceptual questions and themes of his graphic compositions. The defining influence of the depicted architectural compositions of Piranesi on the formation of one or another architectural object is viewed on the particular historical examples. The main research method consists in drawing parallels and designation of continuity of architectural ideas between the works of Giovanni Battista Piranesi and such architects successors as Joseph Paxton, Antonio Sant'Elia, Tony Garnier, Pietro di Gottardo Gonzaga, Ivan Leonidov, etc. The scientific novelty and practical importance of the article lies in tracing the trajectory of influence of the ideas, themes and architectural-spatial solutions of the great aquafortist upon his contemporaries and all following generations of architects. Particular historical examples demonstrate the defining influence of the depicted architectural compositions of Piranesi on the formation of one or another architectural object, as well as the emergence of famous conceptual architectural projects (including projects-utopias) in historical retrospective until the present time.

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Gergeta, Gianpaolo. "Patricijski rod Borisi". Histria, n. 12 (29 dicembre 2022): 91–134. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/h2022.02.

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Patricijski rod Borisi prisutan je u Baru barem od 14. st., gdje postoji kameni grb iz 15./16. st.: iskorijenjeni bor na štitu okruženom vijencem, sve unutar nazubljenoga okvira. Pietro Boris i Giacoma rođena Bruti začetnici su istarske grane Borisija. Imali su četiri sina: Bernarda, Marina, Francesca i MarcʼAntonija, a od kćeri poznata je Franceschina. Nakon pada njihovih rodnih gradova Bara i Ulcinja u osmanske ruke 1571., neki se članovi plemićke obitelji Bruti sele u Kopar, a zatim u Carigrad i Moldavsku, gdje im se pridružuju sinovi Pietra Borisa koji se 1592. sele u Kopar. U obližnjem Ankaranu postoji kuća s njihovim grbom: iskorijenjeni bor na talijanskom štitu okruženom trima vjenčićima i slovima V, M, F i B, sve unutar nazubljenoga okvira. Marino Borisio (Borisi) uskoro se seli u Dubrovnik. Bernardo Borisi (Borisius, Borisio) dobio je od rašporskoga kapetana 1593. zapuštena zemljišta u kontradama Acquadizza, Fontane, Monte Pighera i Scoglio Riviera, a dvije godine poslije mletački Senat potvrđuje taj beneficij. Stoga je Bernardo doselio kolone iz Zete te kupio ruševine kaštela Neboise, preuredivši ga u svoje prebivalište pa izgradio uz njega i crkvu. Na te je građevine postavio svoj grb: dva sučeljena lava ispod iskorijenjenoga bora. MarcʼAntonio Borisi (u. 1620.) bio je u službi Serenissime kao dragoman pri turskoj Porti u Carigradu. Uslijed pogoršanja odnosa između Venecije i Osmanskoga Carstva pogubljen je 1620. po nalogu velikoga vezira. Njegov sin Pietro je za 1000 dukata 1648. kupio jurisdikciju nad naseljem i čitavim teritorijem Funtane, stekavši tako za sebe i nasljednike naslov Conte Borisi di Fontane, koji mu je 1665. potvrđen. Kao grb rabio je koso postavljeni kvadrirani štit: na prvom i četvrtom zlatnom polju s plavom glavom stoji čempres prirodne boje koji raste iz zelenoga podnožja pridržan od dvaju uspravnih crvenih lavova sa zlatnom krunom, desni drži u prednjoj desnoj šapi zlatnu krunu, a drugi zlatno žezlo; na drugom i trećem srebrnom polju udesno koso položeni lucanj vinove loze prirodne boje s dvama listovima i jednim plavim grozdom. Iznad štita je kaciga sa zlatnom krunom iz koje, kao nakit, izlaze zlatno, plavo i srebrno nojevo pero. Plašt je desno plav (iznutra) i zlatan (izvan), a lijevo plav i srebrn. Pietrov sin MarcʼAntonio (1637. – 1706.) i braća uspjeli su investiturama rašporskoga kapetana iz 1687. i 1691. dobiti jurisdikciju i pravo ribolova u vodama i luci Funtane, ali su im 1734. ukinuti. Borisi su 1725. uvedeni u popis istarskih naslovnika. Bernardo Borisi (1732. – 1807.) dobio je 1791. od posljednjega dužda Ludovica Manina potvrdu naslova Conte. Nakon propasti Prejasne Republike nova austrijska vlast (1797. – 1805.) zadržava zatečeno stanje, dok francuska vlast (1805. – 1813.) ukida sve dotadašnje društvene i političke odnose. Povratkom Habsburgovaca dolazi do djelomične obnove starih odnosa i priznavanja mletačkih plemićkih naslova.

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Neumann-Hartmann, Arlette. "Pindaro, Le Olimpiche. Introduzione, testo critico e traduzione di Bruno Gentili. Commento a cura di Carmine Catenacci, Pietro Giannini e Liana Lomiento. Milano: Fondazione Lorenzo Valla; Mondadori 2013. LVI, 663 S. (Scrittori greci e latini.)". Gnomon 87, n. 1 (2015): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2015_1_1.

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Hilje, Emil. "Slika Bogorodice s Djetetom u The Courtauld Institute of Art u Londonu - prijedlog za Petra Jordanića". Ars Adriatica, n. 4 (1 gennaio 2014): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.496.

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A painting of the Virgin and Child, signed as “OPVUS P. PETRI”, from the former Fareham Collection (today at the Courtauld Institute of Art), has been known in the scholarly literature for a long time but has only been subject to tangential analyses. These studies attempted to attribute it to painters meeting relatively dubious criteria: that their name was Peter (Petar) and that they could be linked to the painting circle of Squarcione or, more specifically, to that of Carlo Crivelli with whose early works, especially the Virgin and Child (the Huldschinsky Madonna) at the Fine Arts Gallery in San Diego, the Courtauld painting shares obvious connections. Roberto Longhi ascribed it to the Paduan painter Pietro Calzetta in 1926, while Franz Drey, in 1929, considered it to be the work of Pietro Alemanno, Crivelli’s disciple, who worked in the Marche region during the last quarter of the fifteenth century. After the Second World War, the Courtauld painting was almost completely ignored by the experts. The only serious judgement was that expressed by Pietro Zampetti, who established that it was an almost exact copy of Crivelli’s Huldschinsky Madonna, meaning that if Calzetti had painted it, he would have done it while Carlo was still in the Veneto, before he went to Zadar.The search for information which can shed more light on the attribution of the Virgin and Child from the Courtauld is aided by the valuable records in the Fondazione Federico Zeri at the Università di Bologna. The holdings of the Fototeca Zeri include three different photographs of the Courtauld painting with brief but useful accompanying notes. Of particular importance is the intriguing inscription on the back of one of the photographs, which points to the painting’s Dalmatian origin. In a certain way, this opens the possibility that it might be linked to another painter who was close to the Crivelli brothers: the Zadar priest and painter Petar Jordanić. That he may have been the one who painted it is indicated by the signature itself, which could be read as “OPVUS P(RESBITERI) PETRI”.Archival records about Petar Jordanić provide almost no information about his work as a painter. Apart from his signature of 1493 on a no-longer extant polyptich from the Church of St Mary at Zadar, the only record of his artistic activities is one piece of information: that in 1500 he took part in a delegation which was sent from Zadar to its hinterland charged with the task of making drawings of the terrain which could be used to help defend the town against the Ottoman Turks. However, more than thirty documents which mention him do paint a picture of his life’s journey and his connection with Zadar. The most important basis for any consideration of a possible connection between Petar Jordanić and Carlo Crivelli can be found in the will of his father Marko Jordanov Nozdronja (in late 1468) where Petar was named as the executor, meaning that at this point he was of age. Therefore, it can be concluded that he was born between 1446 and 1448. This makes him old enough to have been taught by Carlo during his stay in Zadar from c. 1460 to 1466. Although relatively modest, the oeuvre of Petar Jordanić demonstrates striking connections with the paintings of Carlo and Vittore Crivelli, and Ivo Petricioli has already put forward a hypothesis that he may have been taught by one of the brothers.The comparison between the painting from the Courtauld Institute of Art in London and the known works of Petar Jordanić (the Virgin and Child from a private collection in Vienna; the Virgin and Child from the Parish Church at Tkon; fragments of a painted ceiling from Zadar Cathedral; the lost polyptich from the Church of St Mary at Zadar) reveals a multitude of similar features. Apart from the general resemblance in the physiognomies of the Virgin and Christ Child which represent the most conspicuous analogies, a number of very specific “Morellian” elements can also be noted in the manner in which the faces were painted. These similarities are particularly apparent when one compares the head of the Christ Child on the painting from London and his head on the one from Tkon, which are almost identically depicted. Further similarities between the London painting and the one at Vienna can be seen in the way in which landscapes were painted and in the similar decorations of the gold fabrics in the backgrounds with their undulating scrolls and sharp almond-shaped leaves.However, with regard to visual characteristics, it is apparent at first sight that the quality of the London painting is markedly higher and that it is stylistically more advanced than those works which are attributed with certainty to Jordanić. These differences can be explained by the possibility that this was a more or less direct copy of one of Carlo Crivelli’s painting, probably not the Huldschinsky Madonna but one that was very similar to it and subsequently lost.Naturally, if the London painting is attributed to Petar Jordanić, meaning that it was produced in Zadar, then the argument on the basis of which the Huldschinsky Madonna has been dated to the time before Crivelli’s arrival in Zadar becomes a counter-argument, and, in that way, corroborates the possibility that the Huldschinsky Madonna, which shares a large number of similar elements with the painting from the Courtauld Institute of Art, was created while Carlo was in Zadar.

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SAVOIA, ANDREA UBRIZSY. "S. FERRI, (a cura di), Pietro Andrea Mattioli (Siena 1501 - Trento 1578), La vita, le opere, Ponte San Giovanni, Perugia, Quattroemme srl, 1997, 405 pp. (ISBN 88-85062-27-0)". Nuncius 13, n. 2 (1998): 707–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/182539198x00671.

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Böschung, Urs. "Lazzaro Spallanzani, Edizione nazionale delle Opere, Parte prima: Carteggi, a cura di Perifele di Pietro, Enrico Mucchi Editore, Modena; Bd.l (Abbo- retti-Bondi) 1984, 246 S.; Bd.2 (Bonnet) 1984, 519 S.; Bd.3 (Bor- bone Confino) 1985, 434 S.; Bd.4 (Comparetti-Fortis) 1985,453 S.; Bd.5 (Fossombroni—Luechesini) 1985, 448 S.; Bd.6 (Lucchesini—Quirini) 1986, 320 S.; Bd.7 (Raimbert-Segre) 1987, 355 S.; Bd.8 (J.Senebier) 1987,469 S." Gesnerus 46, n. 1-2 (23 novembre 1989): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22977953-0460102041.

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Hilje, Emil. "Matrikula bratovštine Gospe od Umiljenja i Sv. Ivana Krstitelja u Znanstvenoj knjižnici u Zadru". Ars Adriatica, n. 2 (1 gennaio 2012): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.442.

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The Mariegola of Our Lady of Tenderness and St John the Baptist and St John the Baptist (Mariegola della B. V. d’Umiltà e di S. Giovanni Battista del Tempi in Venetia) was obtained at Venice in the mid-nineteenth century by Aleksandar Paravia. The Paravia Library was bequeathed to the Research Library at Zadar, where this work is kept today. It is a codex manuscript containing three painted miniatures and a large number of decorated initials. It is akin to similar mariegole of various Venetian confraternities from the second half of the fourteenth century. However, it happens that this codex has not received equal attention in the scholarly literature as those preserved at Venice itself or in well-known international collections, and, as a consequence, the artistic quality of the miniatures and their place in the framework of the heritage of Venetian Gothic illumination has been neglected. Most publications focusing on Venetian Gothic painting, even those addressing specific themes in Gothic illumination, mostly mention the Zadar codex only in passing, while others omit it completely. With regard to the dates recorded in the mariegola text, it is possible to accept the dating of the manuscript to the last quarter of the fourteenth century, a date which is in harmony with the miniatures’ pictorial features. They reflect, in essence, a characteristic milieu of Venetian painting after Paolo Veneziano, in particular the painting circle of Paolo’s most significant follower, Lorenzo Veneziano. In that context, one can observe points of contact with the oeuvre of the Venetian painter Meneghello di Giovanni de Canali, who spent most of his career at Zadar, and it can be suggested that the miniatures may be related to his activity at Venice before coming to Zadar.However, in the mariegola itself, the lists of confraternity members record the names of several painters (Antonio de Cristofalo, Antonio, Jachomo, Marcho de Lorenzo, Nicholo de Domenego, Piero) some of whom have remained completely unknown until now, while others might be tentatively linked to the previously known names. Nonetheless, the very fact that as many as six painters were among the members of the confraternity points to the possibility that the creator of the miniatures might be one of them. At the same time, the name of the painter Piero de S. Lion is particularly intriguing as he might be identified with Pietro di Nicolò, Lorenzo Veneziano’s brother, and the name of the painter Marco de Lorenzo is also interesting as he may have been a son of the well-known painter.

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MINONZIO, FRANCO. "SINESIO, La mia fortunosa navigazione da Alessandria a Cirene, a cura di Pietro Janni (Biblioteca di Geographia Antiqua, 1). Firenze: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 2003. 133 pp., ISBN 8822251873." Nuncius 20, n. 2 (1 gennaio 2005): 453–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221058705x00118.

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Wronikowska, Bożena. "J. G. Deckers – G. Mietke – H. R. Seeliger, Die Katakombe "Santi Marcellino e Pietro". Repertorium der Malereien, Münster – Città del Vaticano 1987, Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung – Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1. Textband S. X + 422". Vox Patrum 12 (23 agosto 1987): 441–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.10564.

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Pine, Martin L. "Rita Ramberti. Il problema del libero arbitrio nel pensiero di Pietro Pomponazzi: La dottrina etica del De fato: spunti di critica filosofica e teologica nel Cinquecento. Pansophia: Testi e Studi sulla Modernità 7. Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 2007. xxiii + 325 pp. index. bibl. €35. ISBN: 978–88–222–5678–2." Renaissance Quarterly 61, n. 3 (2008): 918–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.0.0179.

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Marković, Predrag. "Anđeo štitonoša s grbom obitelji de Judicibus – još jedan nepoznati suradnik Bonina Jakovljeva iz Milana". Ars Adriatica, n. 4 (1 gennaio 2014): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.495.

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Bonino di Jacopo da Milano occupies a significant place in Dalmatian sculpture of the first half of the fifteenth century. In a relatively short period of time during which he was active – less than twenty years – this master managed to create numerous carvings and sculptures in almost every major Dalmatian town. Despite the fact that in the last ten years or so, a number of new and rather important works have been attributed to Bonino, while the works of a lesser quality have been identified as being produced by his collaborators, the assessment of this Lombard sculptor as an artist has remained the same and is based on the arguments put forward by Milan Prelog (1961) which portray him as having a backward looking, essentially Romanesque, understanding of the human figure and limited creative abilities. Because of this, he tends to be considered responsible for the works of a lesser quality with the major exception of a high relief depicting an angel bearing the coat of arms of the de Judicibus family from the bell tower of Split Cathedral (Fig. 1). The relief, now at the Museum of the City of Split, comes from the ground floor of the Cathedral bell tower where it stood on its south side. It replaced by a replica during the restorations works in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The first scholar who identified it as part of Bonino’s oeuvre or, more specifically, as a work of one of his assistants, was Cvito Fisković (1950). In contrast to this, earlier researchers such as A. Venturi (1908), H. Folnescis (1914), and Ljubo Karaman (1936) considered the relief to be more stylistically advanced and connected it to the mid-fifteenth century artistic activity of Juraj Dalmatinac. Since Ljubo Karaman (1954) maintained his initial opinion even after C. Fisković’s attribution and softened his estimation only slightly, C. Fisković went on to attribute the angel from the bell tower to Bonino himself in a later, somewhat more detailed, discussion of the works this sculptor produced in Split (1969). He pointed out that the angel may well have been produced around 1426-1427 when the ground floor of the bell tower was being consolidated and when, as we learn from the sources, Bonino was working on the ciborium of St Domnius for the local Cathedral. Even a superficial comparison between the angel from the bell tower and the angels on Bonino’s ciborium (Fig. 2) reveals not only significant differences in the modelling technique, but, even more importantly, a completely different feeling for sculptural form. The angel with the de Judicibus coat of arms comes across as being dynamic in the available pictorial space and as having a far livelier facial expression as well as physical impostation all of which demonstrate that the noted discrepancies in style, chronology, and attribution are not accidental. The figure of the de Judicibus angel gentler, slimmer and more graceful than those made by Bonino and was brought to life by a slight turn of his small round head featuring full cheeks and resting on a thin, slightly elongated neck which is not found on Bonino’s angels. Significant differences are also evident in the angels’ hair: the hair on the de Judicibus angel is lush and somewhat unnaturally pulled up from the face so that it resembles a wig. Particularly lively are his large drilled eyes and a faint smile which hovers at the corners of his mouth – a feature absent from Bonino’s figures. Almost identical features as on this serene and lovely face can be found in the sepia preparatory sketch of St Matthew on the vault of the ciborium of St Domnius (Fig. 4) which is why it is logical to assume that the masters responsible for its completion or painting in 1429 – Dujam Vučković and Giovanni di Pietro da Milano – also made the preparatory drawing which served as a model for the de Judicibus angel from the bell tower. Close analogies with the angels on Bonino’s ciborium, another obvious source of inspiration, point to the fact that the artist responsible for the angel holing the de Judicibus coat of arms should be sought among Bonino’s close assistants as C. Fisković had initially suggested. A different role of the angels, that is, the predominantly religious one in the case of the angels on the ciborium above the altar of the local patron saint, and the mostly secular location of the angel on the bell tower sheds more light on the circumstances in which the de Judicibus angel may have been produced. One of the members of the de Judicibus family, a local noble family, was the Archbishop of Split Domnius II (1415-1420) who began raising funds for the completion of the bell tower in 1416 and who appointed a certain master Tvrdoj as the foreman but he never started the job. Dissatisfied with the passing of Split into Venetian hands in 1420, Archbishop Domnius left for Hungary where he stayed at the court of King Sigismund until his death in 1435. This information was used by Lj. Karaman to disprove the argument that the angel was made during Bonino’s sojourn at Split because he thought that the new Venetian government would not have allowed the installing of the coat of arms belonging to this self-exiled archbishop. Given that the coat of arms does not feature the episcopal mitre and cross, as noted by C. Fisković, it cannot be interpreted as belonging to him. In addition, the fact that this bishop is mentioned on the sarcophagus of his mother which was placed in the peripter of the Cathedral in 1429 clearly demonstrates that political reasons did not prevent the family connection with this bishop from being displayed. Moreover, the angel relief was carved on a large stone block which was organically linked to the masonry meaning that it was made during the consolidation of the ground floor of the bell tower carried out by Bonino’s workshop. Although the issue of authorship does not depend on the exact date of the angel relief, conspicuous similarities with the figure of St Matthew on the vault of the ciborium of St Domnius open up the possibility that the angel may have been produced during 1428, after Bonino went to Šibenik to work on the portal of the future Cathedral of St James. This might help explain a certain freedom of expression which is evident in the de Judicibus angel and which is absent from other works produced by Bonino’s workshop. Regardless of these circumstances surrounding what might be called hidden, political and subversive artistic freedom, perhaps acquired at a later date, evident in the de Judicibus angel, the main reasons for the angel’s lively movement and dynamism within the pictorial space lie in the fact that this relief expresses a completely different visual aesthetics and sculptural poetics when compared to the angels on the Cathedral ciborium. This is also corroborated by the capital above the angel’s head (Fig. 5). The capital’s intensely curling leaves distance it from Bonino’s variations of the ‘northern’ vegetal ornaments which can be seen on the capitals of the ciborium of St Domnius and bring it closer to the Venetian capitals with lush and curling leaves which appeared a decade or two later. The strong movement and the restless, somewhat extroverted, artistic hand apparent on this capital – not on display but the replica can be seen on the Cathedral bell tower – is also present in the de Judicibus angel which leaves no doubt that the two were made by the same sculptor. The aforementioned stylistic characteristics enable us to attribute another work to this unnamed master, that is, the statue of St Michael in the atrium of the Episcopal Palace at Šibenik (Fig. 6). If we take a closer look at the head of St Michael and his full round cheeks but also at the way his thick and pulled-up hair is depicted, we can easily recognize the hand of the same sculptor who made the de Judicibus angel. St Michael’s thin waist and his tense limbs which are bent as if made of rubber together with the tautened smooth surface of his armour have resulted in the unusual appearance of a body which seems to be hovering. The impression that the limbs are not in harmony with each other and that they were mechanically attached to the torso is achieved mostly by the right leg which is bent at the knee and depicted in profile. It is obvious that the unnamed master wanted to depict the traditional iconographic type of St Michael as a frontally placed heavenly soldier, which he could have seen in the monumental relief of St Michael set in the town walls next to the land gate, in a new, livelier and more dynamic, way. However, the execution clearly demonstrates that this ambition to achieve a more convincing and dramatic representation of the battle greatly exceeded the sculptor’s creative abilities. Despite everything, his clumsy attempt displays the same youthful and confident passion, unspoiled by routine and seen in the de Judicibus angel, for a more modern approach to the pictorial expression and for bringing a breath of fresh air into conventional iconographic schemes. Based on all the above, I believe that we can agree with the suggestion that, apart from the already identified Master of St Peter, the circle of Bonino di Jacopo da Milano nurtured another unnamed master. Although his oeuvre is not large, the works of this master are nevertheless significant and symptomatic of a new moment in the local sculpture of the early fifteenth century. This moment corresponds to the time when, at the very end of the 1430s, Dalmatian sculpture finally attempted to break free from the visual patterns and aesthetic formulae which were deeply rooted in the Trecento and which were transmitted by Bonino da Milano throughout the Dalmatian coast. Nevertheless, because he was limited by and tied to the old models as well as being dependent on his teacher, this young and ambitious assistant of Bonino marks the end of the old era rather than the beginning of the new one which would be announced in around ten years’ time by the arrival of yet another sculptor from Lombardy – Pietro di Martino da Milano.

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SAVOIA, ANDREA UBRIZSY. "S. FERRI, (a cura di), Pietro Andrea Mattioli (Siena 1501 - Trento 1578), La vita, le opere, Ponte San Giovanni, Perugia, Quattroemme srl, 1997, 405 pp. (ISBN 88-85062-27-0)". Nuncius 13, n. 2 (1 gennaio 1998): 707–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221058798x00675.

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Vuillemin, Pascal. "I cartulari di S. Pietro in Maone presso Rovigo (sec. XII–XV) , éd. Primo GRIGUOLO, Donato GALLO, Rome, Viella, 2011 ; 1 vol. in- 8 o , XL–347 p. ( Fonti per la storia della Terraferma veneta , 27). ISBN : 978-88-8334-449-7. Prix : € 45,00." Le Moyen Age Tome CXVIII, n. 3 (17 gennaio 2013): XXIV. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rma.183.0683x.

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Hamilton, A. "GIUSEPPE RICUPERATI, La città terrena di Pietro Giannone: un itinerario tra "crisi della coscienza europea" e illuminismo radicale [Studi e testi per la storia della tolleranza in Europa nei secoli XVI-XVIII no. 4]. Leo S. Olschki Editore, Firenze 2001, xvi + 196 pp. ISBN 8822249828. EUR 21.69". Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 82, n. 1 (2002): 219–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002820302x00526.

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Schadendorf, Dirk, Reinhard Dummer, Caroline Robert, Antoni Ribas, Ryan J. Sullivan, Timothy Panella, Meredith McKean et al. "Abstract CT069: Randomized phase 3 study (STARBOARD) evaluating encorafenib (enco) + binimetinib (bini) + pembrolizumab (pembro) for first-line treatment of unresectable locally advanced or metastatic BRAF V600-mutant melanoma". Cancer Research 83, n. 8_Supplement (14 aprile 2023): CT069. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1538-7445.am2023-ct069.

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Abstract Background BRAF V600 mutations are frequently found in metastatic melanoma. This mutation constitutively activates the MAPK pathway, which leads to melanoma progression. Patients with BRAF V600-mutant metastatic melanoma typically receive BRAF inhibitors (BRAFi) + MEK inhibitors (MEKi), such as enco + bini, or immune checkpoint inhibitors (CPIs; eg, pembro). However, these have limitations. BRAFi and MEKi may increase BRAF V600-mutant tumor sensitivity to CPIs. Previous studies reported improved progression-free survival (PFS) in patients with advanced BRAF V600-mutant melanoma receiving BRAFi + MEKi + CPI compared with targeted therapy alone. This phase 3 trial will evaluate the efficacy and safety of enco + bini + pembro vs placebo + pembro for unresectable locally advanced or metastatic BRAF V600-mutant melanoma. A safety lead-in (SLI) was built in to determine the recommended phase 3 dose (RP3D) prior to starting phase 3. Trial design STARBOARD (NCT04657991) is a randomized, double-blind, placebo-controlled, phase 3 study evaluating approximately 600 patients with BRAF V600 advanced melanoma. Patients will be stratified by prior systemic adjuvant treatment (CPI, BRAFi/MEKi, or none) and by disease stage (per AJCC 8th edition; IIIB, IIIC, IIID, IV M1a[0], and IV M1b[0] vs IV M1a[1], IV M1b[1], IV M1c[0], IV M1c[1], IV M1d[0], and IV M1d[1]). Patients must have measurable disease (per RECIST 1.1); ECOG performance status of 0 or 1; and adequate bone marrow, hepatic, and renal function. Patients must not have received prior systemic therapy for unresectable or metastatic melanoma; adjuvant treatment with BRAFi/MEKi, anti-PD-1, or anti-CTLA-4 is permitted. Patients cannot have symptomatic brain metastases. Study treatments and end points are shown in Table 1. RP3D was established in May 2022; phase 3 enrollment began in June 2022. Table 1. Study treatments and end points Phase 3 Treatment (21-day cycle) RP3D from SLI: enco + bini + pembro Control: placebo + pembro Primary PFS (RP3D vs control; by BICR) Secondary Key: OS (RP3D vs control) Other: PFS by investigator assessment, objective response rate, duration of response, disease control rate, and time to response, all by BICR and investigator assessment, PFS2, quality of life, safety, pharmacokinetics BICR, blinded independent central review; OS, overall survival. Citation Format: Dirk Schadendorf, Reinhard Dummer, Caroline Robert, Antoni Ribas, Ryan J. Sullivan, Timothy Panella, Meredith McKean, Edgardo S. Santos, Jill Clancy, Anna Polli, Alessandra di Pietro, Paolo A. Ascierto. Randomized phase 3 study (STARBOARD) evaluating encorafenib (enco) + binimetinib (bini) + pembrolizumab (pembro) for first-line treatment of unresectable locally advanced or metastatic BRAF V600-mutant melanoma [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2023; Part 2 (Clinical Trials and Late-Breaking Research); 2023 Apr 14-19; Orlando, FL. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2023;83(8_Suppl):Abstract nr CT069.

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Goja, Bojan. "Maestro di Pico i iluminacije u inkunabuli De Civitate Dei (Nicolas Jenson, Venecija, 1475.) u samostanu Sv. Duje u Kraju na Pašmanu". Ars Adriatica, n. 4 (1 gennaio 2014): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.497.

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The Franciscan Monastery of St Domnius at Kraj on the island of Pašman houses an incunable edition of Augustine’s The City of God (De Civitate Dei) which was printed in Venice by Nicolas Jenson in 1475. The incunable features beautiful Renaissance multi-coloured illuminations painted in tempera, sepia, ink and water colours while gold foils and gold dust were used on fol. 17 (the page number is not original but was subsequently added in pencil; this folio contains the beginning of Book 1) and a number of other folios. The illumination on fol. 17 consists of two phytomorphic initials, a decorative border and independent figural scenes while a number of other folios are decorated with phytomorphic initials of the littera notabilior type, the height of which corresponds to two lines, painted in red or blue. The top and left margin of the first page of Book 1 are filled with a decorative border terminating in trilobes on each end. The ornamental scheme of the border consists of a band made up of five thin lines which undulates in a spiral and thus forms circles. These are filled with flowers, leaves and berries painted in blue, green and cyclamen purple but also with gold stylized burdock flowers (Lat. Arctium lappa; some scholars call them gold dots, that is, bottoni dorati). The remaining fields are filled with bent scrolls. In the upper left corner of the frame is a goldfinch. The initial I, composed of phytomorphic motifs in blue, green and cyclamen purple and their shades, is painted against a gold background of the rectangular field situated at the beginning of the text column on the left-hand side. Inside the decorative border, placed at the height which corresponds to the centre of the initial, is a medallion with the bust of St Augustine depicted in the open sky with elongated white clouds and no other details. The illusion of the spatial depth was achieved through the use of tonal gradations: the shades of blue are darker at the top and lighter in the lower half of the sky. St Augustine is dressed in a white robe and a red cloak with a black hood. He is wearing a white mitre with a horizontal and perpendicular band highlighted with gold dust. The shadows and folds of his clothes were articulated with black and white lines. His right hand is pointing to the open book which was painted at the height of his chest. The fingers on his right hand are elongated and thin. St Augustine’s gold nimbus was painted as a full circle the left half of which was outlined in white and the right half in black. St Augustine is directing his gentle and sad gaze upwards. His head is slightly bent. His round and bony head is marked by the large round eyes with prominent sclera and dark circles underneath while the arched eyebrows are thinner at their ends. The nose is small and the mouth is turned downwards. The plasticity of the face and its complexion were articulated with white and pink shades. The trimmed dark beard is depicted with short lines in lighter and darker shades. The ornamental frame which fills the top margin corresponds to the one in the left margin but was decorated more modestly because the miniaturist placed the scroll bearing the printer’s name and the scroll identifying the text as belonging to Book 1 at the centre of the frame which left only the beginning and the end of the frame to be decorated. The scroll with the printer’s name is emphasized by a golden burdock flower at the top of the frame and a golden teasel flower (Lat. Dipsacus fullonum) at the bottom. The lower margin features two symmetrical angels, rendered in a somewhat imprecise drawing, who kneel on the ground painted in the shades of green and brown. The physiognomy of the angels is similar to that of St Augustine. Their round heads have small eyes and noses, shaded circles under the eyes and arched eyebrows. The mouths are depicted as thin lines with pronounced ends and are further accentuated by a dot beneath the lower lip. The plasticity of their faces was achieved through the tonal gradation of pink and white. The angels’ hair, ochre in colour and highlighted with gold dust, is thick and short and covers the tops of their heads like a helmet. The outspread wings were painted in dark and light shades of blue. Two wide red scrolls with white highlights emerge symmetrically from behind the angels at their waist height. Wavy tendrils and gold stylized teasel flowers extend from the red scroll. The angels hold a laurel wreath between them. The colour of the circular field inside the wreath is cyclamen purple. The wreath is formed by three rows of leaves which are bound by four regularly spaced ties. The leaves’ edges and tips were painted in light and dark shades of green. Inside the wreath is a Renaissance crest surrounded by thin white wiggly tendrils with sprouting leaves. The shield, in the shape of a horse’s head, is divided horizontally into the dark blue upper half and the red lower half. It features a gold lion with his mouth wide open who is facing right and holding a tree with his front paws. The tree’s pyramidal top is decorated with small dots indicating leaves and fruit. The shield’s right half is outlined in white and the left one in black. The second text column on the first page of Book 1 is decorated with the painted initial letter G. It consists of phytomorphic motifs in blue, red, yellow and cyclamen purple and their shades. Two small leaves are attached to the initial on its left-hand side. As is the case with the crest, the initial was additionally decorated with elegant white tendrils sprouting leaves and highlighted with gold dust. The background is also gold while the rectangular field around the initial is outlined in a thin black line. Two wavy tendrils and two gold stylized teasel flowers emerge from the corners of the frame on the left-hand side while a green leaf appears at the centre. Apart from these illuminations and initials on fol. 17, the incunable contains other initials, one for the beginning of each of the remaining twenty one book, and all of them consist of blue, green and cyclamen pink phytomorphic motifs painted against a gold background inside a black rectangular frame. The plasticity of these initials was achieved through tonal gradation and the use of yellow while thin white undulating tendrils with variations in width and highlights in gold dust enriched the decoration. Some sentences in the text were emphasized by numerous initials in red or blue of the littera notabilior type the height of which corresponds to two lines of the text. The illuminations of this incunable edition of the De Civitate Dei belong to north Italian or Venetian Renaissance painting and they demonstrate numerous significant similarities with the works of the well-known Venetian miniaturist whom the scholarly literature identified as Maestro del Plinio di Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (Maestro del Plinio di Pico or, more commonly, Maestro di Pico). The attribution of the illuminations in this incunable to Maestro di Pico, who may have been helped by his workshop and assistants especially during the painting of the decorative frame and initials, is based on the figure of St Augustine and the angels who support the crest. Their features display the same typology which characterizes the works of Maestro di Pico. Identical angels appear in the bottom margin of Brunetto Latini’s Il Tesoro (Gerardus de Lisa, Treviso, 1474; Cambridge, Mass., Harvard, Houghton Library, Inc. 6459, c. 7). The figure of St Augustine shows pronounced similarities with the figure of a Dominican monk, set inside the initial O of the littera historiata type, in Nicolaus de Auximo’s Supplementum (Franciscus Renner et Nicolaus de Frankofordia, Venice, 1474; Biblioteca Marciana, Inc. Ven. 494, c.2). Identical angels and putti can be found in the bottom margins of Strabo’s Geographica (Minneapolis, Univ. of Minnesotta Library, Ms. 1460/f St., c.1), and in two copies of Pliny’s Historia Naturalis (Venice, N. Jenson, 1472, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Vèlins 498 and Venice, N. Jenson, 1472, San Marino, CA, Huntington Library, n. 2289). A beautiful comparative example is the Biblia Latina (Franciscus Renner & Nicolaus de Frankfordia, 1475, Dallas, Texas, Southern Methodist University, Bridwell Library) and its first page which has a similar composition to that in the incunable from Kraj. The figure of St Jerome, depicted inside a littera historiata provides a plethora of specific Morellian details which are essential for the attribution of the illuminations in the incunable from Kraj to Maestro di Pico. Striking similarities in the depictions of saints, phytomorphic initials and decorative frames can also be found in two psalters (one in Venice, Biblioteca Querini Stampaglia, Inc. 6, the other in Siena, Biblioteca S. Bernardino del Convento dell’Osservanza) and in the first page of the Psalms in a breviary from Paris (Bibliothèque Ste-Geneviève, OE XV 147 Rés). Similar saints and angels all of which belong to the same figural typology were used to decorate three copies from the Commissioni series made for Doge Agostino Barbarigo (Commissione del doge Agostino Barbarigo a Girolamo Capello, 1487, Venice, Bib. Del Museo Correr, MS Cl. III. 33 (fig. 15); Commissione del doge Agostino Barbarigo a Paolo di Canale, 1489, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Lat. 4729, c.2, and Commissione del doge Agostino Barbarigo a Tommaso Loredano, 1490, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Lat. 4730, c.1). Further parallels can be found in the illuminations of a breviary from Augsburg (c. 1480, Universitätsbibl., Cod. I.2.2o 35) the first page of which has a lettera istoriata with the figure of St Paul whose physiognomy closely resembles that of St Augustine in the incunabule from Kraj, while the bottom margin features centrally placed angels which are identical to those at Kraj. Equally important comparative material is found in three Paduan incunables (Biblioteca del Seminario Vescovile) which contain illuminations attributed to Maestro di Pico. The distinctive features of the angels, putti and saints as well as the type of decoration used in the margins of these incunables also demonstrate striking similarities with the illuminations from Kraj. Other examples include Lattanzi’s Opera (Giovanni da Colonia and Johannes Manthen, Venice, 1478; Forc. M. 3.2), Jacopo da Varagine’s Legenda aurea (Gabriele di Pietro, Venice, 1477, with a likely contribution of his workshop; Forc. M. 2.22) and Cipriano’s Opera (Vindelino da Spira, Venice, 1471; Forc. K. 2.12). On the basis of the comparative analyses outlined above and the similarities which have been noted, it can be concluded that the illuminations in the incunable of St Augustine’s De Civitate Dei (Nicolas Jenson, Venice, 1475), housed in the Monastery of St Domnius at Kraj, were painted by the well-known Venetian Renaissance miniaturist Maestro di Pico. Regardless of the possible input of his workshop and assistants during the painting process of the decorative frame and initials, these illuminations help expand the catalogue of Maestro di Pico’s works and represent valuable contribution to the painting in Renaissance Dalmatia.

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42

Biurrun, Idoia. "BOOK REVIEW: Mucina, L., Bültmann, H., Dierßen, K., Theurillat, J. -P., Raus, T., Čarni, A., Šumberová, K., Willner, W., Dengler, J., Gavilán García, R., Chytrý, M., Hájek, M., Di Pietro, R., Iakushenko D., Pallas, J., Daniëls, F.J.A., Bergmeier, E., Santos Guerra, A., Ermakov, N., Valachovič, M., Schaminée, J.H.J., Lysenko, T., Didukh, Y.P., Pignatti, S., Rodwell, J.S., Capelo, J., Weber, H.E., Solomeshch, A., Dimopoulos, P., Aguiar, C., Hennekens, S.M. & Tichý, L. 2016. Vegetation of Europe: Hierarchical floristic classification system of vascular plant, bryophyte, lichen, and algal communities." Bulletin of the Eurasian Dry Grassland Group, n. 33 (4 gennaio 2017): 28–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21570/edgg.bull.33.28-29.

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Newcomb, Anthony. "Il secondo libro delle canzoni a sei voci (1575) . Giovanni Ferretti , Ruth I. DeFord . Il primo libro de' madrigali a cinque voci (1608) . Girolamo Frescobaldi , Charles Jacobs . Complete Madrigals . Andrea Gabrieli , A. Tillman Merritt . I madrigali di Marco da Gagliano . David S. Butchart , Isabella Pellicano . Madrigali a tre e a cinque voci (1605 e 1619) . Antonio Il Verso , Lorenzo Bianconi . Ottavo libro dei madrigali a cinque voci (1624) . Sigismondo d'India , Glenn Watkins . Opera omnia, IV-VI [Madrigals for Six Voices, Books I-VI, 1581-95] . Luca Marenzio , Bernhard Meier . The Secular Works, VI, VII, and XIV [Madrigals for 6 Voices, Book VI, 1595; Madrigals for 4-6 Voices, Book I, 1588; Madrigals for 5 Voices, Book VII, 1595] . Luca Marenzio , Steven Ledbetter , Patricia Myers . Secondo libro dei madrigali a quattro voci (1614) . Pietro Maria Marsolo , Lorenzo Bianconi . Opera, Series D, Madrigals, I-III [Madrigals for Five Voices, Books I-III, 1554-70] . Philippi de Monte , Othmar Wessely , Erika Kanduth . I madrigali a quattro voci di Pomponio Nenna (1613) . Angelo Pompilio . Opera omnia, I-III [Madrigals for Five Voices, Books I-VI, 1581-1600] . Benedetto Pallavicino , Peter Flanders , Kathyrn Bosi Monteath ." Journal of the American Musicological Society 39, n. 2 (luglio 1986): 395–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.1986.39.2.03a00080.

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Newcomb, Anthony. "Review: Il secondo libro delle canzoni a sei voci (1575) by Giovanni Ferretti, Ruth I. DeFord; Il primo libro de' madrigali a cinque voci (1608) by Girolamo Frescobaldi, Charles Jacobs; Complete Madrigals by Andrea Gabrieli, A. Tillman Merritt; I madrigali di Marco da Gagliano by David S. Butchart, Isabella Pellicanò; Madrigali a tre e a cinque voci (1605 e 1619) by Antonio Il Verso, Lorenzo Bianconi; Ottavo libro dei madrigali a cinque voci (1624) by Sigismondo d'India, Glenn Watkins; Opera omnia, IV-VI [Madrigals for Six Voices, Books I-VI, 1581-95] by Luca Marenzio, Bernhard Meier; The Secular Works, VI, VII, and XIV [Madrigals for 6 Voices, Book VI, 1595; Madrigals for 4-6 Voices, Book I, 1588; Madrigals for 5 Voices, Book VII, 1595] by Luca Marenzio, Steven Ledbetter, Patricia Myers; Secondo libro dei madrigali a quattro voci (1614) by Pietro Maria Marsolo, Lorenzo Bianconi; Opera, Series D, Madrigals, I-III [Madrigals for Five Voices, Books I-III, 1554-70] by Philippi de Monte, Othmar Wessely, Erika Kanduth; I madrigali a quattro voci di Pomponio Nenna (1613) by Angelo Pompilio; Opera omnia, I-III [Madrigals for Five Voices, Books I-VI, 1581-1600] by Benedetto Pallavicino, Peter Flanders, Kathyrn Bosi Monteath". Journal of the American Musicological Society 39, n. 2 (1986): 395–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831537.

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45

Ambrazas, Vytautas, e Zigmas Zinkevičius. "Pietro U. Dini, L'inno di S. Ambrogio di Martynas Mažvydas". Baltistica 30, n. 1 (21 ottobre 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/baltistica.30.1.314.

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Mussini, Lorena. "Il saliente della linea gotica. Il caso di Castel S. Pietro Terme". Novecento.org 6 (1 luglio 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.12977/nov128.

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Saccardo, Francesca. "Ceramiche del XVI e XVII secolo da contesti archeologici in Venezia". Rodis. Journal of Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeology, n. 4 (17 marzo 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.33115/a/26046679/4_8.

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Migliaia di reperti ceramici sono emersi da indagini archeologiche tra gli anni '80 del XX secolo e il 2014 a Venezia e Mestre, nella vicina terraferma: nell’ex-convento dei Frari a San Polo, pregevoli graffite del primo Rinascimento e una maiolica a lustro, usate come riempimento del soffitto a volte di un salone; a S. Pietro di Castello, S. Giobbe a Cannaregio e S. Maria delle Grazie a Mestre immondezzai hanno restituito invetriate monocrome o dipinte su ingobbio, graffite, maiolica berettina. Ben attestate le maioliche dalla Romagna, specie “berettina” e "stile compendiario"; da S. Giobbe provengono anche un albarello in fritware, crogioli, pietra ollare e reperti vitrei.

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Daniels, Tobias. "Commiato da un principe. L’uccisione di Galeazzo Maria Sforza in un inedito memoriale benedettino". Studi di storia medioevale e di diplomatica - Nuova Serie, 18 dicembre 2019, 207–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.54103/2611-318x/12630.

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Il saggio analizza un sinora sconosciuto memoriale sull’uccisione di Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duca di Milano, nella chiesa milanese di S. Stefano in Brolo il 26 dicembre 1476. Prima dell’analisi del memoriale – che è coevo agli eventi ed è edito in appendice – è analizzato il manoscritto in cui il testo è conservato; in secondo luogo, è valutato il contesto e il rapporto di quest’ultimo con le reti di collegamento diplomatiche nonché informative della corte sforzesca, e specialmente con il monastero di S. Pietro in Gessate; infine, è presentato l’autore, Urbano Pagani da Milano. Nelle conclusioni è offerta una valutazione del memoriale nel contesto dei rapporti di forza milanesi del tempo.

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Ghignoli, Antonella. "Il misterioso destinatario italiano di un falso diploma di Ludovico il Pio tra le carte di Cluny: S. Pietro de Aliano in Tuscia". Archiv für Diplomatik 57, JG (gennaio 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/afd.2011.57.jg.49.

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Chang, Chi-Ming, Martin Fluder, Ying-Hsuan Lin e Yifan Wang. "Proving the 6d Cardy formula and matching global gravitational anomalies". SciPost Physics 11, n. 2 (23 agosto 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.21468/scipostphys.11.2.036.

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A Cardy formula for 6d superconformal field theories (SCFTs) conjectured by Di Pietro and Komargodski in [1] governs the universal behavior of the supersymmetric partition function on S^1_\beta \times S^5Sβ1×S5 in the limit of small \betaβ and fixed squashing of the S^5S5. For a general 6d SCFT, we study its 5d effective action, which is dominated by the supersymmetric completions of perturbatively gauge-invariant Chern-Simons terms in the small \betaβ limit. Explicitly evaluating these supersymmetric completions gives the precise squashing dependence in the Cardy formula. For SCFTs with a pure Higgs branch (also known as very Higgsable SCFTs), we determine the Chern-Simons levels by explicitly going onto the Higgs branch and integrating out the Kaluza-Klein modes of the 6d fields on S^1_\betaSβ1. We then discuss tensor branch flows, where an apparent mismatch between the formula in [1] and the free field answer requires an additional contribution from BPS strings. This ``missing contribution’’ is further sharpened by the relation between the fractional part of the Chern-Simons levels and the (mixed) global gravitational anomalies of the 6d SCFT. We also comment on the Cardy formula for 4d \mathcal{N}=2𝒩=2 SCFTs in relation to Higgs branch and Coulomb branch flows.

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