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1
Wegren, Stephen K. "Rural Politics and Agrarian Reform in Russia". Problems of Post-Communism 43, n. 1 (gennaio 1996): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.1996.11655656.
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Kane, Anne, e Michael Mann. "A Theory of Early Twentieth-Century Agrarian Politics". Social Science History 16, n. 3 (1992): 421–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016564.
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The pre-world war I period decisively structured modern class relations in Europe and the United States. Farmers, the largest population group, greatly influenced the development of capitalism and states. Scholars have demonstrated farmers’ significance in particular areas (e.g., Blackbourn in Germany and Esping-Andersen in Scandinavia), but there has been little comparative analysis. Farmer politics, and thus modern class relations in general, have been inadequately theorized. Most existing work on agrarian classes has also been economistic, neglecting politics. We fill the gaps by analyzing agrarian politics in the United States, France, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia.
3
Jurkowski, Roman. "Ziemiaństwo polskie wobec dyskusji o zasadzie przymusowego wywłaszczenia ziemi w I Dumie Państwowej. Zjazd agrarny w Warszawie 27-30 listopada 1906 r. i jego znaczenie". Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 13, n. 2 (8 gennaio 2023): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.8446.
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The article concerns the attitude of the Polish landed gentry to the principle of compulsory expropriation of land, which was accepted in the 1st State Duma by the Polish Circle of the Kingdom of Poland. The Polish conservatives grouped in the Party of Real Politics were decisive opponents of the forced expropriation of private land. In November 1906, they organized a special congress on the agrarian issue in Warsaw in order to receive an assurance from the National-Democratic Party that the party would not support any projects of forced expropriation of lands in the future Duma. At the agrarian congress, the participants discussed ways to restore agriculture in Russia and the Kingdom of Poland, as well as the future cooperation of both parties in the upcoming elections to the Second State Duma (1907).
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Dix, Robert H. "Populism: Authoritarian and Democratic". Latin American Research Review 20, n. 2 (1985): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100034476.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Populism is one of those terms (democracy is another) that is frequently employed in the study of politics and varies in meaning from context to context and from author to author. Thus the term has been invoked in studies of such agrarian-based movements as nineteenth-century agrarian unrest in the United States and the narodniki of prerevolutionary Russia as well as being applied to the largely urban-based populism of Latin America. Moreover, most of those who have sought to characterize the populist parties in Latin America have done so in broad terms that encompass any party or political movement that has both a mass base and a cross-class composition. Torcuato DiTella's well-known definition characterized populism (in Latin America or elsewhere) as “a political movement which enjoys the support of the mass of the working class and/or the peasantry, but which does not result from the autonomous organizational power of either of these two sectors. It is also supported by non-working class sectors upholding an anti-status quo ideology.” Other Latin American students of populism such as Francisco Weffort and Ernesto Laclau, along with most others who have studied the phenomenon, have similarly broad conceptions of it.
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ORLEVYCH, Iryna. "SPLIT IN THE RUSSOPHILE CIRCLES AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE RUSSIAN AGRARIAN PARTY". Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 36 (2022): 69–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2022-36-69-93.
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The activity of the Russophile party restored in the interwar period, which remained true to its own ideological orientations, declaring the longevity of its historical tradition and succession to the pre-war institution, is studied. Competing for influence in the political arena, this party, with its inherent conformism, was able to gain the support of the Polish government and regain control of its societies: Stauropegion, «People’s House», «Halychyna-Ruthenian Matica». The problem of fighting for the right to the «People’s House» – the only society for which government commissioners were appointed – has long gripped all Ukrainian politics, becoming the cause of inter-party conflicts and intra-party quarrels of Russophiles, the issue of political bargaining between parties and government in election battles, an indicator of relations with the state and one of the main public discourses. It is shown that the struggle for the «People's House» was an important prerequisite for the split of the «Russian People's Organization» (RPO) in 1926. A group of people led by M. Bachynskyi, L. Cherkavskyi, and O. Lysiak left the RPO and founded the Russian Agrarian Party (RAP), explaining this by the desire to create a «healthy opposition» to the Russophile leadership and more actively defend the rights of the peasantry. RAP members enlisted the support of Polish government officials to seize the «People’s House» and win seats in the 1928 and 1930 elections. In the elections to the Sejm and the Senate in 1928, with the assistance of the Polish government, the RPO and the RAP united, but never received a single mandate. In the 1930 election campaigns, the RAP ran on the same electoral list as the pro-government BB party and won two seats. An attempt is made to please the Polish authorities with the head of the RAP M. Bachynskyi, who declared the difference between the ideology of his political force and all Russophilia, positioning its members as «Ruthenians» who, unlike the RPO, did not seek unification with Russia (but at the same time they continued to profess the idea of the unity of the «Russian» people and used the term «Russian» to mean Ukrainians of Halychyna). M. Bachynskyi's anti-Ukrainian position on complex aspects of Ukrainian-Polish relations is highlighted. This Russophile figure negatively assessed the patriotic Ukrainian forces, including the GCC, which he accused of not stopping the Polish-Ukrainian war of 1918–1919 by its clergy. He also did not condemn the «pacification» carried out by the Polish government against the Ukrainian population, opposed the introduction of national identifiers «Ukrainian», «Ukraine» and others. For the first time, the archives of the Stanislav Voivodeship show attempts by the Polish authorities to support Russophiles from the RAP, calling the members of this party «Ruthenians», just as the Poles called the entire Ukrainian people. It was the agreement policy and unpopularity among the masses that led to the liquidation of the RAP (since 1931 – RAO) in 1934. Its members joined the «Russian Peasant Organization» (RPO)
6
Nosova, Natalia P. "The state regulation of the agrarian economy of Soviet Russia in the context of the social deviations of the new economic policy. The institutional aspect". Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, n. 474 (2022): 198–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/474/23.
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This article studies the organization of managing the agrarian sector of the economy in the early years of the Soviet state, during the search for a new managerial algorithm and the foundation of state institutions, which later became the basis for a powerful state machine. In the framework of looking for a new concept of social management during the transition to a new economic policy, the author proposes defining the change in public administration as the formation of a new institutional design, which is based on political goal-setting (taking into account the interests of the power groups initiating this process) and implemented through a system of norms and institutions. The effectiveness of the changes in the institutional design depends on a number of issues: the development success of the transformations' program; the sequence of implementing actions by the power structures; and the reaction of the social environment (which is the target of the institutional changes), i.e., its support or rejection of introducing new institutions. In connection with the proposed research concept, this article considers the problem of the impact, which the Soviet state had on the peasantry and the agrarian economy, through the analysis of state institutions and the discourse of the state power organization during the whole historical period of the new economic policy. In addition, the author traces the ways and principles of forming the model (paradigm) of management, revealing the problems and paradoxes of implementing the emerging model. The results show that the construction of the state apparatus for agricultural management in the 1920s fully reflected the specifics of the Soviet power as a “party-state” system. The search for new governance structures was primarily in line with the tasks of stabilizing the new government. In the first half of the decade, these reasons led to the weakening of the centralization in agricultural management, which forced its intensification when the course of pluralism in the economy did not deliver the desired results in politics. By the mid-1920s, the agricultural management (along with the development of the new economic policy's principles) saw the predominance of new principles that went beyond the state regulation of production in individual peasant farming and then formed the foundation of its socialist restructuring. Certain changes happened in the system of the agricultural management bodies. Along with the existing ones, a system of new state institutions was created to manage the socialist sector of the agrarian economy.
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Pashentsev, Dmitry A. "Review of the monograph by Dyusyupova, A.D. (2022) Agrarian relations in Russia in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries: law and politics. Moscow, Yurlitinform Publ." RUDN Journal of Law 26, n. 4 (15 dicembre 2022): 990–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2022-26-4-990-996.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In modern conditions, historical and legal knowledge retains its relevance and topicality. This also applies to the monograph by A.D. Dyusyupova, devoted to the legal regulation of agrarian relations in the Russian Empire. The study is carried out on a large amount of factual material. The experience studied by the author is connected both with domestic legal traditions and modern searches for optimal ways of socio-economic development. In the context of modern global transformations, it is also extremely important to study different models for the development of adjacent and annexed territories, their inclusion into the united legal space and economic life. Therefore, the issues raised in the work of A.D. Dyusyupova undoubtedly contribute to the development of modern historical and legal science.
8
Richardson, William. "“To the World of the Future”: Mexican Visitors to the USSR, 1920-1940". Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, n. 1002 (1 gennaio 1993): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1993.53.
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During the 1920s and 1930s the Soviet Union was a place of pilgrimage for foreigners hoping to see a new world in the process of creation. When faced with Soviet reality, most found that their idealized images were far too optimistic, however, and many of them left the country in moods of dejection and disappointment. Some were appalled at the revived bourgeois way of life that seemed to be encouraged by the New Economic Policy of the 1920s, while others were concerned by the growth of bureaucracy and the apparent eagerness of the government to involve itself actively in the intellectual and aesthetic life of the nation, for example. Communist party politics, which became increasingly bitter and caustic, and indeed more public during the second half of the 1920s, caused many other foreigners to question their ideological allegiance to the new Soviet state. The enthusiasm associated with the Five Year plans revived their spirits, however. Here at last, under the leadership of Joseph Stalin and his associates, the peoples of the Soviet Union were beginning to build a new society. Russia was being transformed from a backward agrarian country into a modem industrial state, new towns were being built in virgin territories, and older cities were being reconstructed at a time when the West was sinking ever more deeply into economic depression. Individualism and privatism were being replaced by collectivism, it appeared, and a new egalitarian, proletarian society would provide a model for the world to emulate.
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Skomorokhov, Sergey Nikolaevich. "THE THEME OF COOPERATION IN A. A. NIKONOV'S BOOK "THE SPIRAL OF CENTURIES-OLD DRAMA: AGRARIAN SCIENCE AND POLITICS IN RUSSIA OF XVII-XX CENTURIES", A LOOK AT THE PRESENT". Economy, labor, management in agriculture, n. 6 (2018): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33938/186-85.
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Nochevkina, L. "Institutional Component of Agrarian Reforms". World Economy and International Relations, n. 11 (2014): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-60-69.
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The article analyzes the influence of the institutional factor on the process of market transformations in the Russian agrarian sector from the point of view of the institutional theory, namely the transaction costs concept. The author highlights the Russian specifics and the differences of land reforms in this country from those in such countries as Japan, Germany, Scotland, Thailand, and Brazil. The paper provides an in-depth analysis of the relationships between state authorities and landowners, as well as between diverse property regimes. According to this analysis, there are two most significant factors that defined the content and result of the agrarian reforms in Russia: (1) weakness of legal institutions, (2) lack of control over realization and protection of property rights. The author concludes that high transaction costs turned to be the main obstacle during the formation of the land market in this country. Virtually total absence of government’s involvement in the minimization of transaction costs is pointed out. At the same time, according to the international experience, such involvement proved to be essential for eventual success of agrarian reform. As a result of institutional deficiencies Russia faces an absolute reduction of cultivated land and a loss of interest in land as a subject of management or as an attractive investment asset. A matter of special examination of the article is the multiplicity of property regimes in the Russian agrarian sector. They are presented by the farmers, agroholdings, mega-farms, small agribusiness, and agricultural cooperatives. The final conclusion of the author’s analysis of the existing property regimes is that all of them still lack economic viability because of the fundamental institutional deficiencies of land reform in this country.
11
Krasnikova, Yuliya N. "The life path of Professor Evgenii Aleksandrovich Engel’ according to archival documents and materials of his personal file. 1878-1942". Herald of an archivist, n. 2 (2024): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2024-2-391-408.
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The life path of Professor E. A. Engel’ is connected with the history of a number of educational institutions in St. Petersburg. Despite the fact that Evgenii Aleksandrovich was a well-known scientist and socio-political figure of the first quarter of the XX century, no full-fledged biography of him has been written. However, some information has been preserved in different sources. This is the reason for the purpose and objectives of this study: on the basis of archival documents, first introduced into the scientific circulation, to detail the biography of a well-known in Petrograd major scientist, social activist and talented teacher, who made a significant contribution to the development of the Faculty of Social Sciences of the Leningrad University and the Faculty of Economics and Politics of the Leningrad Agricultural Institute. The article is based on a thorough search work. The materials of his personal file kept at the St. Petersburg State Agrarian University and documents from the archival funds of the central archival repositories of St. Petersburg were involved. The study used biographical and prosopographical methods to trace the fate of an individual through his or her career practices. The biographical method has been ignored by academic science for some time because of its seemingly low representativeness. But the personification of history allows us to see the person behind socio-political and economic events, to analyze the influence of external factors on his life. The prosopographical method allowed us to trace the typical features of career development for its time. Engel’ did not occupy any leading positions before the revolution, but he repeated the fate of many nominees of the young republic, when the "correct" social origin and party affiliation compensated for the lack of administrative experience. He joined the RSDLP as early as 1902 and after the Second Congress supported the Bolsheviks; thanks to his active work in the party, he acquired useful acquaintances. Like many of his contemporaries, after the October Revolution of 1917 Evgenii Aleksandrovich combined many responsible positions, being, for example, at one time dean of different faculties in two higher educational institutions. His personal file is cut off at the very peak of his active work. It is difficult to say how his life path went in the 1930s and when he completed it: the fate of E. A. Engel’ dissolved in the abyss of events that swept Russia. A. Engel's fate dissolved in the abyss of events that swept Russia. The reconstructed biography of the famous scientist, Professor E. A. Engel’, whose life was connected with a number of higher educational institutions of Leningrad, can become a good source of commemorative practices and strengthen the sense of unity of corporate community through the representation of past events.
12
Atta, Don Van. "Agrarian Reform in Post-Soviet Russia". Post-Soviet Affairs 10, n. 2 (aprile 1994): 159–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1060586x.1994.10641381.
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Stanziani, Alessandro. "Carol S. Leonard, Agrarian Reform in Russia". Cahiers du monde russe, n. 52/4 (20 dicembre 2011): 831–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.7671.
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Brass, Tom. "Is Agrarian Populism Progressive? Russia Then, India Now". Critical Sociology 46, n. 7-8 (16 novembre 2019): 987–1004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920519878488.
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Examined here is the claim that agrarian populism can be – and is currently – progressive, a view evaluated in relation to recent pro-peasant/farmer-first accounts of rural mobilization in Russia at the start of the 20th century and India at its end. Against this it is argued that agrarian populism cannot be regarded as progressive, for two reasons in particular. First, it overlooks or downplays the fact that capitalism requires of peasant households only their labour-power, as components of an increasingly global industrial reserve army. Opposed merely to certain forms of capitalism (foreign, large-scale) and not to accumulation per se, populists were and are unable to address this contradiction. And second, agrarian populism unleashes – or, once unleashed, endorses – discourses about the innateness of national/ethnic/religious difference associated historically and currently with the political right.
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Wegren, Stephen K., David J. O’Brien e Valeri V. Patsiorkovski. "Russian Agrarian Reform: The Gender Dimension". Problems of Post-Communism 49, n. 6 (novembre 2002): 48–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2002.11656012.
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Cohen, Mark. "Reforming States, Agricultural Transformation, and Economic Development in Russia and Japan, 1853–1913". Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, n. 3 (27 giugno 2018): 719–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000245.
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AbstractA once-dominant family of interpretations of the beginnings of Japanese and Russian development claimed that policies adopted by the two states were inadequate to modernize agrarian property relations, and so both states were required to mediate between premodern agriculture and “hot-house” modern industry. More recent accounts have insisted that despite the limited reforms to agrarian property relations, agriculture in both countries in fact dynamically participated in economic development. This paper contends that these revised accounts’ one-sided focus on market opportunities leaves unresolved key puzzles. Why did productivity growth jump higher after the Meiji reforms in Japan? Why did only some regions participate in agricultural development in Russia? To answer these questions, this paper argues it is necessary to return attention to the ways agrarian property relations did and did not change following reforms adopted by the two states in the 1860s and 1870s. The key theoretical upshot of this analysis is that the initiation of capitalist development required a political process in which institutions that had previously guaranteed non-market access of rural households to subsistence were dismantled in favor of the domination of market relations.
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Shulgin, V. N. "P.A. STOLYPIN – RUSSIAN STATESMAN (THE IMPORTANCE OF THE SPIRIT OF NATIONALITY IN POLITICS)". Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 3, n. 4 (2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2021-3-4-15-22.
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The author disputes the assessments of P.A. Stolypin by a number of authors, based on the erroneous methodology of the "class approach". He proposes a view, which is traditional for Russian thought, and considers the mission of the reformer as complex, aimed at a nationwide "Russian revival", in which the agrarian reform was only one of the means of the necessary "National revival". P.A. Stolypin knew quite like Pushkin that the Empire needed correction the pro-Western “Petersburg deviation” from the spirit of nationality by the legitimate supreme power, but not its revolutionary destruction.
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Infanger, Craig L. "An Inside View of Russian Agrarian Reform". Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 21, n. 1 (1994): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633294x00188.
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Perdue, Peter C. "Military Mobilization in Seventeenth and Eighteenth-Century China, Russia, and Mongolia". Modern Asian Studies 30, n. 4 (ottobre 1996): 757–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016796.
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From the mid-seventeenth to the late eighteenth centuries three agrarian states—Chinese, Mongolian, and Russian—struggled for power over the heartland of the Eurasian continent. Each had dynamic central leaders mobilizing agrarian surpluses based on drastically different ecologies, institutions, and military structures. When the dust cleared, by 1760, only two survived.
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Prakash, Shri. "Models of Peasant Differentiation and Aspects of Agrarian Economy in Colonial India". Modern Asian Studies 19, n. 3 (luglio 1985): 549–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00007721.
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Given their sheer numbers, it is hardly surprising that the fate of peasants during British Rule in India should have become a principal index for evaluating its successes and failures. Since the Raj was much more than another effete political superimposition on supposedly timeless villages, the question of agrarian growth or stagnation during its currency is intertwined with more general issues. In so far as colonialism meant a sizable expansion of trade to and from the rural areas, its impact on village social structure in India bears comparison with that of a modern market on peasantries in other parts of the world. Perhaps, the classic case of a peasantry coming face to face with a growing market happened in Russia between 1860 and 1930. The history of that period has generated conceptual discussion about the dynamics of peasant society. The possibility of some of those ideas shedding light on the situation in India has prompted Indo-Russian contrasts and comparisons in agrarian history on more than one occasion (Charlesworth: 1979; Stein: 1984). As a sequel to these writings the Russian debate is considered here briefly in order to suggest some ways in which it might be useful in the Indian context.
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Viktorov, Ilja, e Olga Kryshtanovskaya. "Presidential Succession in Russia: Political Cycles and Intra-Elite Conflicts". Russian Politics 8, n. 1 (7 marzo 2023): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00801005.
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Abstract This article examines the issue of Putin’s presidential successor from a historical perspective of long-term political cycles. Contemporary Russia still shows considerable similarities to the polities, characteristic of old agrarian empires in Asia. Based on the thesis on the origins of the monocentric political system in Russia, our article analyses how the transition of presidential power takes place in Russia, who might be the next president of Russia and whether we will see a new ‘time of troubles’, or smuta, after Putin’s departure. A generational change in Putin’s elite cohort will require a specific candidate to ensure a successful transition as a long-term solution. This will involve balancing clashing interests between key informal power networks. In all likelihood, a repeat of a political cycle of empires will happen in Russia again, resulting in a continued consolidation of its monocentric political system.
22
Van Atta, Don. "Agrarian Reform in Russia: The Road from Serfdom". Europe-Asia Studies 65, n. 4 (giugno 2013): 781–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2013.778582.
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Galimzyanova, Evgenia. "From the Kingdom of Poland to Morshansky uyezd: A. A. Kornilov and the brotherhood of Priyutino combating the famine of 1891–1892". Slavic Almanac, n. 3-4 (2018): 126–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2018.3-4.1.10.
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There is not much studies dedicated to the participation of Priyutino brotherhood and Alexander Kornilov in the struggle with famine. However, it played an important role in the construction of the political views of the brotherhood. The famine of 1891–1892 showed the Russian intellectuals the terrifying life of people. The fight against the famine was the first big experience of concrete private enterprises aiming at helping Russian peasantry. Since the famine, the agrarian question erased and became one the main questions in all politico-social programs, from liberal to Marxist.
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Babashkin, V. "Peasant Studies As a New Direction in Modern Studies of Russian Agrarian History". Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S3 (giugno 2022): S269—S276. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622090027.
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Abstract This article describes the circumstances under which a permanent interdisciplinary international seminar “Modern Concepts of Agrarian Development” arose in 1992. The roles of the Russian historian V.P. Danilov at the Institute of Russian History, Russian Academy of Sciences (IRH RAS) and the English historian-sociologist T. Shanin (Manchester University, Britain), as well as the role of the problems discussed at the meetings at the seminar and the publication of the seminar’s materials by the journal Otechestvennayaistoriya (Russian History) in the development of a new direction in Russian agrarian historical research, in the creation of this forum are shown. Suggestions are made about why the methodological approaches that gained popularity in the 1960s in Western Peasant Studies are difficult to apply to Russian-language historical publications on agrarian issues. An idea is given of some works of modern domestic historians that can rightfully be attributed to the direction of research called peasant studies.
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Tsvetkov, Vasily. "Features of the Development and Discussion of the Draft Land Reform in the White South of Russia in the Summer – Autumn of 1919". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, n. 4 (settembre 2022): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.4.8.
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Introduction. The history of the agrarian and peasant policy of the White Movement during the Civil War in Russia seems to be insufficiently studied. The stability of the military-political system, which was created by anti-Bolshevik structures, a Special Meeting under the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia, General Denikin, depended on its successful proclamation and effective implementation. The peasantry made up the majority of the Russian population, and its support was extremely important. This was also important for the white armies, since the position of the peasantry influenced the implementation of mobilizations, military and civil duties. Аnalysis. The analysis made it possible to identify several problems that are fundamentally important for understanding the features of the formation and evolution of the agrarian and peasant policy of the white South. There were two groups of participants in the discussion of the land bill. Their positions were distinguished by a different attitude to the size of the farms of former landlords, to the forms of redemption operations. Supporters of the preservation of large private farms advocated taking into account the economic factors associated with maintaining high marketability and export orientation. Another point of view was the need to satisfy, first of all, the political demands of the peasantry. Supporters of this group of participants in the work of the Commission noted the need to make maximum concessions to peasant demands, demanded to take into account the psychological need of the peasantry for additional allotment of land. In their opinion, in the future, peasants will be able to completely replace landlords in relation to the production of marketable agricultural products. The position of the Supreme Ruler of Russia, Admiral A.V. Kolchak, also played an important role in the work of land management commissions. Results. The analysis of the features of the discussion of the land bill, the agrarian and peasant policy of the Special Meeting conducted in the article gives grounds to assert serious changes in the internal political course of the White Movement by the end of 1919.
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Wegren, Stephen K., Gregory Ioffe e Tatyana Nefedova. "Demographic and migratory responses to agrarian reform in Russia". Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 13, n. 4 (dicembre 1997): 54–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279708415360.
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Babashkin, V. V. "Peasant studies and the history of agrarian relations in Russia". Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 86, n. 2 (marzo 2016): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331616020064.
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Davydova, Irina, e J. R. Franks. "Responses to agrarian reforms in Russia: Evidence from Novosibirsk oblast". Journal of Rural Studies 22, n. 1 (gennaio 2006): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jrurstud.2005.05.012.
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Wegren, Stephen K. "Rural migration and agrarian reform in Russia: A research note". Europe-Asia Studies 47, n. 5 (luglio 1995): 877–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668139508412292.
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Smirnova, Vera. "Territory, enclosure, and state territorial mode of production in the Russian imperial periphery". Geographica Helvetica 74, n. 1 (16 gennaio 2019): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-74-13-2019.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract. After the imperial land consolidation acts of 1906, the Russian land commune became a center of territorial struggle where complex alliances of actors, strategies, and representations of territory enacted land enclosure beyond the exclusive control of the state. Using original documentation of Russian imperial land deals obtained in the federal and municipal archives, this study explores how the Russian imperial state and territories in the periphery were dialectically co-produced not only through institutional manipulations, educational programs, and resettlement plans but also through political and public discourses. This paper examines how coalitions of landed nobility and land surveyors, landless serfs, and peasant proprietors used enclosure as conduits for property violence, accumulation of capital, or, in contrast, as a means of territorial autonomy. Through this example, I bring a territorial dimension into Russian agrarian scholarship by positioning the rural politics of the late imperial period within the global context of capitalist land enclosure. At the same time, by focusing on the reading of territory from the Russian historical perspective, I introduce complexity into the modern territory discourse often found in Western political geographic interpretations.
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Routhier, Dominique. "‘Marxcelerationismen’ – Et historiefilosofisk kerneproblem i marxismens historie". Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, n. 77 (8 giugno 2018): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i77.124224.
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'MARXCELERATIONISM' - A HISTORICO-PHILOSOPHICAL IN THE HISTORY OF MARXISMThis article reconstructs anew the correspondence that took place in 1881 between Marx and the Russian revolutionary Vera Zasulich. In this correspondence, initially about the Russian ‘agrarian question’, a much broader historico-philosophical issue was fundamentally at stake: the idea of progress. In the ill-fated history of Marxism the idea of progress has, arguably, served to bolster a politics of modernization partly shielded from criticism by the very fact that it allegedly originated in Marx’s so called theory of history. This article argues, on the contrary, that Marx held no such universal theory of history at all. Instead, Zasulich’s and subsequently Lenin’s appeal to an ‘acceleration’ of the contradictions of capitalism to promote the presumably inevitable historical passage to socialism (a view that this article in a contemporary pun identifies as ‘marxcelerationist’) is construed as part and parcel of a Marxist ideology of progress unequivocally criticized by Marx himself as early as in 1881.
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Ioffe, Grigory, Tatyana Nefedova e Kirsten de Beurs. "Agrarian transformation in the Russian breadbasket: contemporary trends as manifest in Stavropol'". Post-Soviet Affairs 30, n. 6 (27 novembre 2013): 441–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1060586x.2013.858509.
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Kotsonis, Yanni. "Leonard, Carol S. Agrarian Reform in Russia: The Road from Serfdom (review)". Slavonic and East European Review 91, n. 3 (luglio 2013): 648–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/see.2013.0124.
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Wenzel, Michał, Marta Żerkowska-Balas e Daniel Matusiak. "Old Empires, Modern State: Legacies of Partitions on Voting Behaviour in the 2023 Polish Parliamentary Elections". Politics in Central Europe 20, n. 2 (1 giugno 2024): 211–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2024-0009.
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Abstract The legacies of former partitions are still visible in today’s Poland in the economy, society and politics. Our article integrates the historical and geographical perspective into the study of electoral behaviour in Poland. We conduct a geographical description of electoral results in the 2023 parliamentary elections and determine how economic and cultural attributes related to different paths of development associated with the former partitions are reflected in the apparent spatial differences. We distinguish between direct and indirect influence. It is indirect when differences in economic development (e.g. changes in agrarian structures) or cultural transformations (e.g. secularisation) resulting from former policies are reflected in different electoral choices. The influence is direct if belonging to a former empire determines electoral behaviour regardless of the economic and cultural determinants of the vote. We found that the influence concerns primarily the former Russian and Austrian regions. The analysis is conducted at the county (powiat) level.
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Plakans, Andrejs. "Migration, households, and agrarian reform in the Baltic provinces of Russia: 19th and 20th centuries". History of the Family 11, n. 3 (gennaio 2006): 151–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.hisfam.2006.11.005.
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Bekhterev, Sergei L., e Lyudmila N. Bekhtereva. "Early Soviet Regional History in the Fates of Compatriots Through the Example of G.K. Ozhigov’s Biography". RUDN Journal of Russian History 22, n. 3 (15 dicembre 2023): 456–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2023-22-3-456-469.
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The early Soviet period in the life of Grigory Kondratievich Ozhigov (Ozhegov) (1878-1935) is reconstructed within the author’s paper. A native of a Vyatka peasant family, a worker at the Izhevsk defense factories, a Socialist-Revolutionary militant, as well as a member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the first convocation, who was at party work in the Baltic States and Finland, Orzhigov had a varied career The authors through their work have introduced into scientific use new sources analyzed in the context of the theory of social adaptation, through anthropological approach as well as historical-biographical methodology. Of greatest interest are the materials of the: Revolutionary Civil Council of Izhevsk (1918), Soviet commissions on the affairs of former Red Guards and Red partisans (the 1930s), and the autobiography and memoirs of G.K. Ozhigov himself . The documents of the private origin fund of the Ozhigov family are stored in the Central State Archive of the Udmurt Republic, and are of a complex nature. The study of the biography of Ozhigov, who had turned out to be among the most revolutionary-minded citizens, as shown in other empirical material, does explain why he supported the left-wing radical societal project in Udmurtia. A region by the beginning of modern times which has been the largest agrarian and industrial region of Russia, while largely preserving its traditional way of life.
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Kim, Kwangmin. "Fighting to Keep the Land Wild: Huifang and Vernacular Forestry in Nineteenth-Century Manchuria". Late Imperial China 45, n. 1 (giugno 2024): 79–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/late.2024.a930393.
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Abstract: This article examines the "association houses" (huifang) that emerged in the late nineteenth century as a major political force in the mountainous area of southern Manchuria and the Russian Far East. Using Chinese, Russian, English and Japanese primary sources, this article examines the formation of the Tanghe huifang, a prominent huifang in the Mt. Changbai area, and its tumultuous relations with the Qing state from 1880 1910. The central argument of the article is that the huifang was an autonomous polity a mini-state of sorts organized by hunter-gatherers (primarily Han Chinese migrants from Shandong), and based on the utilization of forest resources such as deer antlers, medicinal herbs, gold, and most importantly, ginseng plantations. The huifang protected the community from the threat of bandits, taxed the forest industries, regulated trade, and protected the forest resources from destruction, if only on a limited scale. Initially unofficially managed by the Jilin military authority, the huifang collided with the Qing state in the 1880s 1890s and finally revolted against the state in 1897 when the state opened the mountain forests for agrarian development—known as the "Opening the wasteland" (fanghuang) policy. Unable to subdue the resistance, the Qing state decided to incorporate the mountain polity into its political domain, accommodating the huifang as the government's police force and its leaders as the police heads in 1908. This article qualifies the current scholarship that examines the politics of the Chinese borderland primarily through the lens of the national and international politics—a lens that focuses on the top-down process of central state power and state-initiated agricultural and industrial development that took place in the context of growing imperialist expansion into the Qing frontier. Instead, this article highlights an alternative pattern of politics and economic transformation articulated from the bottom up, a pattern predicated on the decentralized utilization of the forest resources in Manchuria's mountains.
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Koval'chenko, I. D., e L. I. Borodkin. "Two Paths of Bourgeois Agrarian Evolution in European Russia: An Essay in Multivariate Analysis". Russian Review 47, n. 4 (ottobre 1988): 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130504.
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Nefedov, Sergey. "The forming of the customs policy of Russia in the first half of the 19th century". St Petersburg University Journal of Economic Studies 39, n. 2 (2023): 268–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu05.2023.206.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article is devoted to the study of the influence of customs policy on the economic development of Russia in the first half of the 19th century. If we do not take into account the demands of the coalition allies, then this policy was mainly determined by the struggle of two forces with opposing economic interests. One of the forces was “agrarians”, landowners-nobles, interested in free trade, that is, in the free export of agricultural products and the duty-free receipt of manufactured goods from industrial countries. Another force, whose role is still downplayed by historians, was the absolutist state, personified by the monarch and the central bureaucracy. The state was interested in maintaining military and financial power, and in economic independence. This implied an industry that had to be protected from foreign competition by high customs duties. The interests of these forces were reflected in the ideological confrontation. On the one hand, the ideas of Adam Smith’s “political economy” proclaiming freedom of trade were popular among the nobility. On the other hand, the bureaucracy used in its practice the ideas of traditional mercantilism. After the end of the Napoleonic wars, duties were significantly reduced (tariff of 1819), but the relative freedom of trade led to the massive ruin of Russian manufactories. As a result, the tariff of 1822 marked a decisive turn towards mercantilist politics. Although Treasury Secretary Kankrin was lip service to protectionism, he retained the most important mercantilist ban on metal imports by sea. In the absence of competition, the Ural industrialists were not interested in introducing new technology, and the industrial revolution passed by the Russian metallurgy. Thus, while the thoughtless transition to free trade in 1819 caused the ruin of a large part of the manufactures, the mercantelist policy carried to the extreme caused technical stagnation in the most important branches of the economy. This predetermined the further economic lag in the process of “great divergence”.
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Konyshev, D. N. "Аграрные реформы периода «оттепели» 1953–1964 гг. как инструмент политической борьбы за лидерство внутри советского руководства". Вестник гуманитарного образования, n. 2(26) (31 agosto 2022): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.22.005.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This publication is devoted to the issue of reforming Soviet society and its most important part – the agrarian sphere after the death of I. V. Stalin as a way and result of the approval of a new political leader. The relevance is due to the continuing interest in reforms as a way of transforming domestic society and the analysis of the role of a political leader in this process. The importance of reforms in the agricultural sector was determined by the fact that, given the generally low standard of living in the USSR during the period under review and low consumer expectations of the population, the country's leadership needed to solve the problem of providing the population with basic foodstuffs in sufficient quantities. When writing the article, diverse sources were used, including memoirs of political figures, archival materials of central and local archives. Attention was paid to party and Soviet documents, statistical data, historiography was analyzed. The purpose of the study is to identify the relationship and interdependence of the formation of a political leader and the choice of the path of development of the state in the conditions of the Soviet political system. The features of the Soviet political system in 1953 are characterized, including the lack of the possibility of systematic and open recruitment of the political elite through popular elections, which is why the circle of candidates for Stalin's political legacy was initially limited to a narrow circle of his closest associates. Due to the general situation in the USSR, by the spring of 1953, reforms as a way to change the daily life of most citizens were extremely expected and necessary, which allowed them to be used as a means to strengthen the positive image of a political leader. To the greatest extent, N. S. Khrushchev succeeded in this, who became a full-fledged leader after the elimination of competitors. The desire to respond to the problems of the common people was expressed in reforming various spheres of the Soviet state, changing the attitude of society towards Stalin. The conclusions and results of the article allow us to understand the relationship of the political system, the approval of a political leader and the choice of ways of transformation, they may be of interest to both historians, political scientists, and teachers of the history of Russia and the USSR in educational institutions. Данная публикация посвящена рассмотрению вопроса реформирования советского общества и его важнейшей части – аграрной сферы после смерти И. В. Сталина как способа и результата утверждения нового политического лидера. Актуальность обусловлена непрекращающимся интересом к реформам как способу преобразования отечественного общества и анализом роли в этом процессе политического лидера. Важность реформ именно в аграрном секторе определялась тем, что при общем невысоком уровне жизни в СССР в рассматриваемый период и низких потребительских ожиданиях населения руководству страны было необходимо решить задачу обеспечения населения основными продуктами питания в достаточном количестве. При написании статьи использовались разноплановые источники, в том числе воспоминания политических деятелей, архивные материалы центральных и местных архивов. Внимание было уделено партийным и советским документам, статистическим данным, была проанализирована историография. Цель исследования – выявить взаимосвязь и взаимообусловленность становления политического лидера и выбора пути развития государства в условиях советской политической системы. Характеризуются особенности советской политической системы в 1953 г., в том числе отсутствие возможности планомерного и открытого рекрутирования политической элиты путем всенародных выборов, в силу чего круг претендентов на политическое наследие Сталина изначально был ограничен узким кругом его ближайших соратников. Вследствие общей ситуации в СССР к весне 1953 г. реформы как способ изменения повседневной жизни большинства граждан были крайне ожидаемы и необходимы, что позволяло их использовать и как средство для укрепления положительного образа политического лидера. В наибольшей степени в этом преуспел Н. С. Хрущев, который и стал полноправным лидером после устранения конкурентов. Стремление реагировать на проблемы простого народа выразилось в реформировании различных сфер советского государства, изменении отношения в обществе к Сталину. Выводы и результаты статьи позволяют осмыслить взаимосвязь политической системы, утверждения политического лидера и выбора путей преобразований, они могут быть интересны как историкам, политологам, так и преподавателям истории России и СССР в учебных заведениях.
41
Small, Lee-Ann. "The Influence of “Family” on Agrarian Structure: Revisiting the Family Farm Debate in Bulgaria and Southern Russia". Journal of Comparative Family Studies 36, n. 3 (1 settembre 2005): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcfs.36.3.489.
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Cox, Terry. "Tsardom of Sufficiency, Empire of Norms. Statistics, Land Allotments, and Agrarian Reform in Russia, 1700–1921". Europe-Asia Studies 72, n. 9 (20 ottobre 2020): 1611–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2020.1834778.
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Николай Сергеевич, Бондарев,, e Бондарева, Галина Сергеевна. "EVALUATION OF THE EFFECTIVENESS OF THE SOCIAL POLICY IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AGRARIAN-INDUSTRIAL TERRITORIES". Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия: Экономика и управление, n. 4(60) (18 gennaio 2023): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/2219-1453/2022.4.080-090.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Оценка эффективности государственной социальной политики на территориях аграрно-промышленного типа и ее реализация рассматриваются в связи с огромной важностью социальной сферы для населения, политики, экономики таких территорий, где нет ярко выраженной специализации. Объектом для проведения исследования выступает социальная политика, реализуемая в Ленинск-Кузнецком муниципальном округе Кемеровской области - Кузбасс, который относится к сельским территориям. Целью работы является оценка эффективности реализации социальной политики в округе, который является территорией аграрно-промышленного типа с наличием и сельского хозяйства, и горнодобывающей промышленности. Для достижения обозначенной цели был решен ряд задач: произведен сравнительный анализ социальных программ, проанализирована действующая социальная политика на примере конкретной территории аграрно-промышленного типа. Научная новизна исследования заключается в использовании матричной схемы, представляющей поля оценки эффективности реализации социальной политики территории, где коэффициентами матрицы выступает значимость составляющих ее элементов. В результате оценки элементов сделан вывод о соответствии социальной политики на территории аграрно-промышленного типа стандартам, определена значимость ее элементов, произведена оценка эффективности реализации и необходимости дальнейшего продолжения реализуемых социальных программ. The authors consider the evaluation of the effectiveness of state social policy in the territories of the agrarian-industrial type and its implementation in connection with the enormous importance of the social sphere for the population, politics, economy, and authorities of such territories where there is no pronounced specialization. The object of the study is the social policy implemented in the Leninsk-Kuznetsk Municipal District of the Kemerovo region - Kuzbass, which is a rural territory. The purpose of the work is to assess the effectiveness and implementation of social policy in the district, which is a pronounced territory of the agrarian-industrial type with the presence of both agriculture and mining. To achieve this goal, a number of tasks were solved: a comparative analysis of social programs was carried out, their comparison with the standards of this type of policy in the Russian Federation, the current social policy was analyzed on the example of a specific territory of an agrarian-industrial type. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the use of a matrix method for evaluating the effectiveness of the implementation of the social policy of the territory, where the coefficients of the matrix are the significance of its constituent elements. As a result of the study, a conclusion was made about the compliance of social policy in the territory of the agrarian-industrial type with standards, the significance of its elements was determined by the matrix method, the effectiveness of implementation and the need for further continuation of the implemented social programs were evaluated.
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Nikulin, Alexander. "Agriculturist V.G. Venzher in the Search of Reforming the Soviet Union". Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S3 (giugno 2022): S174—S181. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s101933162209009x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract On the anniversary of the centenary of the formation of the Soviet Union, we naturally remember the name and ideas of one of the most brilliant Soviet agricultural economists, who made a huge practical and theoretical contribution to attempts to reform not only Soviet agriculture but also Soviet society as a whole. Vladimir Grigoryevich Venzher (1899–1990) was an agriculturist and economist, who primarily became widely known for his correspondence with Stalin in the early 1950s about the possibilities of reforms in the collective farm system of the Soviet Union. At the same time, the fact that his personality was much broader and deeper than his professional incarnation as an agrarian economist. Venzher, of course, was also an original and deep social thinker, partly Marxist and partly populist-cooperative, who repeatedly proposed to the Soviet leadership and then in relation to the Kosygin and Gorbachev reforms a number of comprehensive alternative reforms aimed at shaping the sustainable development of the Soviet Union and Russia based primarily on the required agrarian reforms.1 To prove and develop this statement, this article examines several key fragments of the political economy and social and philosophical heritage of Venzher in the 1960s–1980s, his letters to the Central Committee of the CPSU, and some of his scientific monographs, which have not yet attracted much attention from researchers.
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Tsvetkov, Vasiliy Zh. "Projects of the South of Russia’s Government on the development of urban self-government in the White Crimea, October - November 1920". RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, n. 4 (1 dicembre 2021): 517–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-4-517-530.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article studies the development of an economic and political-legal basis for the development of urban self-government under General Wrangels Government of the South of Russia, in the Crimea, in the autumn of 1920. From among the Wrangel governments reforms in the Crimea in 1920, transformations in the sphere of urban life and urban self-government are less well-known than transformations in agrarian policy and the zemstvo reform. But changes in the operation of city dumas and city administrations are no less relevant for Russian historiography. The article considers the specifics of the evolution of municipal law in a situation where it was hoped that the offensive of the Red Army at Perekop could be beaten back. The article notes the importance of changing the legislative framework regarding the expansion of the powers of city self-government not only in the social, political, but also in the economic sphere. First of all, this was manifested in the field of granting the right to impose taxes and fees by city structures. The article discusses the prospects that an increased role of city self-government was supposed to have on economic and political decisions by the Wrangel government. The analysis includes the supposed forms of cooperation between the White power and the public in the 1920s. Special attention is paid to the problems that were considered at a specially convened congress of city self-government in Simferopol, on the eve of the Perekop-Chongar operation. The decisions taken during this congress were supposed to strengthen the financial situation of the Crimea. The article also examines the interaction between the authorities of the Wrangel government and the local population during the military-political crisis of the White Movement in the autumn of 1920.
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Vițalaru, Adrian. "Der Völkerbund und der Schutz der deutschen Minderheit in Rumänien". Transylvanian Review 31, n. 3 (19 febbraio 2024): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2022.3.03.
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The study analyzes the way in which the German minority in Romania related, in the period 1920–1933, to the system ensuring the protection of linguistic, racial and religious minorities that operated under the authority of the League of Nations. We note that, while the German minorities in other European states (Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia) were more active in their relationship with the League of Nations, sending petitions to Geneva, the sizable German minority in Romania did not turn to this “international court” in order to raise the problems it was facing in its relations with the Romanian state authorities. Although they were dissatisfied with the content of some laws adopted in the first interwar decade, the Germans in Romania did not refer to the League of Nations, as the Hungarian, Jewish or Russian minorities in Romania did, on issues related to agrarian reform and education laws. The German community in Romania chose the path of internal politics to make their demands known and pursue their economic, political and cultural objectives. Even if at certain moments the Germans in Romania considered the option of appealing to the League of Nations, this option had rather the role of “sensitizing” the ruling parties to the needs of the German minority. Nevertheless, I have identified and analyzed two petitions accepted by the League of Nations Secretariat, which are related, in a way, to the particular problems of the German minorities and to Romania’s post-imperial state status
47
Magsumov, Timur A. "The Emergence of Secondary Professional Education in Kazan Educational District in the course of the Russian Empire Modernization". Journal of Frontier Studies 8, n. 4 (17 novembre 2023): 230–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v8i4.506.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The conditions of modernization at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Russian Empire gave rise to an “educational revolution,” which, among other outcomes, led to the rapid development of professional education. In an article drawing on data from the Kazan educational district, the author posits that the emergence of secondary professional schools wasn’t driven merely by economic imperatives. Rather, it was molded by the rising educational demands of the populace, policies of social segmentation, and a strengthened collaboration between state and public sectors in the domain of education.
The first professional schools appeared in the provinces of the district in the mid-19th century, aligning with the onset of the peasant reform and the region’s agrarian specialization. The period spanning the late 1870s to the 1880s witnessed the state laying the groundwork for a structured professional education system, a move colored by the prevailing politics of social segmentation. As the 19th century waned and the 20th dawned, mounting requirements for economic expansion – rooted in a more inclusive societal stratum, evolving liberal economic policies, and the recognition of education as pivotal to progress – enhanced social mobility. This progression reached its zenith with the bolstering of state-public partnerships in education and a marked surge in the number of professional schools. Viewing the state as a beacon of progress, a portion of public schools transitioned to state governance. Concurrent with the rise of educational institutions bearing mixed ownership, this highlighted the burgeoning ambitions of the bourgeoisie to shape policy. The educational overhauls, coupled with a broadening educational footprint, redefined the social milieu, accentuating elite hegemony and recalibrating class and cultural inequities. The educational system’s institutional path mirrored the dynamics of social segmentation, progressively bridging the gap between secondary vocational and classic general education.
This article caters to scholars delving into domestic education, as well as the social, cultural history, and the modernization narratives of the waning imperial epoch.
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TATARINTSEV, Vladimir, Leonid TATARINTSEV, Saule MAKENOVA e Maria SHOSTAK. "GEOECOLOGICAL ASSESSMENT OF LANDSCAPES AS A BASIS FOR ORGANIZATION OF SUSTAINABLE AGRARIAN LAND USE". Sustainable Development of Mountain Territories 13, n. 4 (20 dicembre 2021): 485–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21177/1998-4502-2021-13-4-485-496.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Contemporary agricultural land use is highly impacted be the factors causing its degradation. That is particularly in evidence on those agricultural lands that are in the zone of risky farming with the conjoint exposure of the above factors. This zone includes the arid steppe of the Altai Krai occupying the area of more than 2,4 million hectares, which is of great importance concerning agriculture not only for the territorial subject of the Russian Federation, but also for the Siberian Federal District and the Russian Federation as a whole. To implement the priorities outlined in contemporary strategic regulatory documents and programs concerning the development of land resources, it is necessary to analyze them on a regular basis, identify natural and anthropogenic markers (restrictions) that affect their effective and rational implementation, as well as to model and manage the territory. In this paper assessment of the climatic, geobotanical and soil characteristics of the arid steppe territory of the Altai Krai has been taken, highlighting the features in municipal areas. An analysis of the use of agricultural lands in the dry steppe pointed out the irrationality of their use and the instability of the territory depending on various factors. Blowing has been found on absolutely all agricultural lands of the zone and is the main limiting factor on them. Therefore, the agroecological zoning of the territory, considered in this paper, and developed on the basis of the conducted agroecological assessment, systematizes the prospective effective use of agricultural land. Seven land groups and fifteen subgroups have been identified. Within the subgroups, classes, ranks, genera and subgroups have been outlined. While identifying agroecological groups of lands, the transformation of the land fund structure within administrative regions, the structure of cultivated areas and the system of crop rotation has been conducted. It is pointed out that measures of agricultural landscapes optimization will provide an increase in employment, the level of profitability per unit area, the increasing volume of natural capital, the increasing volume of agricultural production, while reducing the degree of development of blowing processes, thereby affecting the sustainability of agricultural land use.
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Nikiliev, Oleksandr. "Ukraine at the context of the language politics in the middle of the 1940-s - the end of the 1980-s (on the example of Dnipropetrovsk region)". Grani 24, n. 2 (28 febbraio 2021): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172114.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
It was highlighted the process and was analysed the reasons pf spreading Russian language and narrowing the sphere of the using Ukrainian language in Ukraine in the second part of the 1940s-1980-s. On the materials of Dnipropetrovs’k region, one of the most developed region of the republic in the agrarian and agricultural sphere, it was shown that it was caused by the politics of the highest state-party leadership of the URSR and the most powerful agricultural construction in the first afterwardecade in the region's towns/cities during that the wide-involvement of the significant mass of people happened from different territories of the Soviet state and their subsidence on the permanent residence in the cities that made the using of Russian language objectively acceptable as the language of the international communication. The combination of these two factors contributed the large-scale deterioration of the Russian language in all spheres of production , administrative and managerial, cultural, everyday life and in the production, was identified the russification of the high, secondary special and professional education, general schools, nursery schools. Russian language became the language of the everyday life for the majority of the urban population. It was detected that the same tendencies started to appear in the village environment. It was analysed the forms and methods of its russification. The attention is focused on the factors that was promoted the wide-spreading and the fixing of the Russian language in the region. The serious influence on this situation had the policy that began to do in the USRS after the ending of the World War II on the initiative of the secretary of the CPSU Zhdanov A. It was called «zhdanivshchyna». The new outbreak of repression was happened during this period that was directed against scientific and creative intelligence. It was happened under the slogan of the struggle with "crawl" in front of west with "the rootless cosmopolitanism", "nationalism", the departure from marxism-leninism doctrine in science, culture, art. It is indicated that, as a result of such policy of the state, the region evolved from monolingual to bilingual. It's known that the situation with permanent ringing of the using of Ukrainian language didn't wick the negative among the population of the region. This position was based on the socially-economic factors (the best security of the industrial and grocery goods, higher salary compared to non-industrial regions, and the level and quality of life). The narrowing of the language sphere of the most Ukrainian ethnic region testified about the inorganic nature of the processes of the language policy in the Republic and the great role of the party-stare leadership in a sphere of the region russification. It's assigned that the process of russification supervised by the manifestations of anger up to the national history, culture, the perception of everything Ukrainian as less valuable. It's shown the demographic intertance of the carried out policy.
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Nieva, Ricardo. "Heterogeneous coalitions and social revolutions". Rationality and Society 33, n. 2 (24 marzo 2021): 229–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10434631211001576.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
We have explained the presence of heterogeneous winning coalitions in social revolutions. In an overcrowded agrarian society, two almost identical non-productive enforcers, the landed political elite, collude and bargain over transfers with one of the two peasants to contest over a piece of land, as property rights for land are not well defined. In any other scenario, neither the grand coalition nor the coalition of two peasants and one enforcer forms, thereby deposing the other enforcer with positive probability. So, social revolutions never occur. If foreign wars weaken an enforcer, such as in China (1911), France, and Russia, adding one unit of capital makes the coalition of the peasant, the now worker, and one of the enforcers (now an industrial political elite) attractive: The excess labor can work with it; the weaker enforcer retaliates less and the stronger one more, if excluded. However, if the weaker one (the still-landed political elite) proposes first, a grand coalition forms in which he or she gets less than the other members do (desertion). There is conflict among peasants and among landed elites; thus, the concept of a coalition is more appropriate than that of a class.