Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Rome, Synod of, 499"

This article surveys three important and interlinked aspects of Justinian's policy in his first decade: reconquest in the West; the establishment of a set of fundamental texts of Roman Law; and the achievement of unity of belief within the Church. In that context, it looks at the remarkable record preserved in Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum III, of five successive sessions of a synod held at Constantinople, and one synod in Jerusalem. Its purpose is both to illustrate contacts and influences across the Mediterranean and, more particularly, to bring out distinctive features of the Church in the Near Eastern provinces.

ABSTRACTThe Synod of Bishops for Asia which was held in Rome in April 1998 aroused much interest. The long awaited Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation, Ecclesia in Asia (EA), was finally released in November 1999. Its reception is the topic of the present article. At issue is the tension between the proclamation of Christ and interreligious dialogue in Asia. The Asian bishops are unanimous in upholding the importance of evangelization but have different understandings of how that should be carried out. Rome insists on the “one and only” way it knows. The present article looks at this dialogue between Rome and Asia.

Two case studies from eighth-century Rome, recorded in the early medieval history of the popes known as the Liber pontificalis, serve to introduce both the problems of the relations between secular or public and ecclesiastical or canon law in early medieval Rome and the development of early medieval canon law more generally. The Synod of Rome in 769 was convened by Pope Stephen III some months after his election in order to justify the deposition of his immediate predecessor, Pope Constantine II (767–8). Stephen's successor, Pope Hadrian, subsequently presided over a murder investigation involving Stephen's supporters. The murders and the legal process they precipitated form the bulk of the discussion. The article explores the immediate implications of both the murders and the convening of the Synod of Rome, together with the references to law-making and decree-giving by the pope embedded in the historical narrative of the Liber pontificalis, as well as the possible role of the Liber pontificalis itself in bolstering the imaginative and historical understanding of papal and synodal authority. The wider legal or procedural knowledge invoked and the development of both canon law and papal authority in the early Middle Ages are addressed. The general categories within which most scholars have been working hitherto mask the questions about the complicated and still insufficiently understood status and function of early medieval manuscript compilations of secular and canon law, and about the authority and applicability of the texts they contain.

The Union of Brest In this article the origins of the Union of Brest are described. In the late sixteenth century union between the Ruthenian Church and the Roman Church was commonly discussed within the metropolitan province of Kiev. At the initiative of the Ruthenian Hierarchy this union was concluded in Rome, December 1595. Opposition, however, against the Union arose in the Ruthenian lands. This opposition was supported by C. Ostroz’kyj, who himself had been an advocate of the Union at first. The Synod of Brest ratified the Union in October 1596. An Anti-Synod met in Brest at the same time and condemned the Union. Reconciliation between the two rival parties proved impossible.

Abstract Taking up important observations made by L. A. García Moreno on King Chindasvinth’s involvement in the Monothelite crisis via connections to North Africa and to Rome, this article argues that a deep division within the Visigothic episcopate on the king’s policy should already be assumed for October 646, when Chindasvinth assembled the 7th Synod of Toledo. A new reading of the synod’s first canon, usually interpreted as a mere confirmation of Chindasvinth’s law on high treason of 641/2, proceeds from the observation that the synod’s decisions must be seen as a minory vote, given the fact that the synod was not attended by more than 30 bishops and several episcopal representatives, and that it lacked any attendance or support from the ecclesiastical provinces of Tarraconensis and Septimania. As is shown, fears were expressed at the synod somewhat shroudedly that numerous clerics of every rank could find a common cause with a foreign enemy beyond the frontiers and that, as a consequence, an infringement of the orthodox faith could result. This most likely referred to the clergy of Septimania and Aquitania, whose territories the Visigothic kingdom and the Frankish kingdom neighboured. This paper argues that Frankish Aquitania, being the south-western part of the Austrasian kingdom of the Merovingian king Sigibert III, never adopted the policy of Sigibert’s brother Clovis II, who assembled a synod of the episcopate of Neustria and Burgundy at Chalon-sur-Saône in support of Pope Martin’s condemnation of Monothelitism at the Lateran synod of 649. While it is not clear whether Sigibert prevented the Aquitanian clergy from attending the synod for religious reasons or for diplomatic considerations related to Constantinople, the division of both the Frankish and Visigothic episcopates over the issue of supporting the Lateran Council fostered a constellation in which treason could become a crime with strong religious overtones.

Instytucja Synodu Biskupów została powołana do życia przez papieża Pawła VI w jego motu proprio Apostolica sollicitudo z 15 września 1965 roku. Sukcesywny obraz prawny instytucji został określony przez posoborowy Kodeks prawa kanonicznego z 1983 roku w kan. 342-348; opublikowane zostały także regulaminy Synodu Biskupów w latach 1966, 1969, 1971 oraz 2006. Można zatem powiedzieć, że wszyscy soborowi papieże, tj. św. Paweł VI, św. Jan Paweł II oraz Benedykt XVI, kształtowali obraz prawny oraz praktyczne funkcjonowanie instytucji Synodu Biskupów. Nie należy także pomijać bardzo ważnego faktu, że obecny papież Franciszek opublikował 15 września 2018 roku Konstytucję apostolską Episcopalis communio o Synodzie Biskupów. Do chwili obecnej odbyło się 28 zgromadzeń różnych zebrań instytucji Synodu Biskupów; przy czym należałoby do wskazanej grupy dodać jeszcze tzw. synod holenderski. Instytucja Synodu Biskupów jest szczególną oraz wyróżniającą się instytucją w Kościele posoborowym. Składa się na to wiele elementów, nie tylko regularność zwoływania zebrań Synodu Biskupów, ale także podejmowana oraz 34 ks. Tomasz Rozkrut analizowana problematyka synodalna, która dotyczyła różnych i ważnych zagadnień życia i funkcjonowania współczesnego Kościoła. W tym kontekście szczególnego podkreślenia wymaga wskazanie na naturę teologiczno- prawną instytucji, która sprawia, że mamy do czynienia z instytucją dynamiczną, kształtującą życie Kościoła posoborowego oraz swoją strukturą zachęcającą do zainteresowania się Synodem Biskupów zarówno na płaszczyźnie doktrynalnej, jak i tej faktycznej. Już samo zwołanie każdego zebrania Synodu Biskupów jest dużym wydarzeniem eklezjalnym, które angażuje nie tylko osobę biskupa rzymskiego, od którego zebranie Synodu Biskupów w sposób totalny zależy, oraz jednocześnie uczestników zgromadzonej instytucji, ale także w mniejszym lub większym wymiarze praktycznie cały Kościół – w szczególności episkopat – równolegle do wyodrębnionych etapów Synodu, tj. jego przygotowania, samych obrad zwołanego zgromadzenia oraz etapu posynodalnego, który związany jest z realizacją postanowień synodalnych. W tym nurcie należy także wymienić przesłania doktrynalne Synodów Biskupów wraz z ich propozycjami, które ukierunkowywały Magisterium biskupów rzymskich na obszary uznawane za konieczne jako przedmiot jego wypowiedzi, przede wszystkim przez publikowanie posynodalnych adhortacji apostolskich, które z kolei – mówiąc bardzo ogólnie – w wielu jego obszarach miały sukcesywny wpływ na codzienne życie Kościoła po II Soborze Watykańskim. Significance of Synod of Bishops for the present Church Institution of the Synod of Bishops was established by Pope Paul VI in his motu proprio Apostolica sollicitudo dated 15 September 1965. Successive legal image of the institution was defined by the Post-Conciliar Code of Canon Law of 1983, in can. 342-348. Also, in the years 1966, 1969, 1971, and 2006 there were published rules of the Synod of Bishops. Therefore, one may say that all Popes who ruled during councils, i.e. Paul VI, John Paul II, and Benedict XVI shaped the legal image and practical operation of the institution of the Synod of Bishops. One cannot also ignore a very important fact that on 15 September 2018 the present pope, Francis, pub35 Znaczenie instytucji Synodu Biskupów dla współczesnego Kościoła lished the Episcopalis communio apostolic constitution about the Synod of Bishops. Until now, there have been twenty-eight congregations of various meetings of the institution of the Synod of Bishops. However, the mentioned group should also be enlarged by so-called Dutch Synod. The institution of Synod of Bishops is a special and standing out institution in the Post-Conciliar Church. This is due to several elements, namely, not only the regular character of having meetings of the Synod of Bishops, but also the undertaken and analysed synodal problematic aspects that concerned various and important issues of life and functioning of the current Church. In this context, a special accent must be drawn to the indication of the theological and legal character of the institution that causes that we deal with a dynamic institution that shapes the life of the Post-Conciliar Church and by its structure encourages to have interest in the Synod of Bishops both on the doctrinal and factual level. Convening the Synod of Bishops is itself a major ecclesiastical event that engages not only the person of the Bishop of Rome, who is utterly responsible for its convention, but also the entire Church to a greater or lesser extent, and specifically the episcopate that is engaged in parallel in relation to the distincted stages of the Synod, i.e. its preparation, deliberations during the convened assembly, and the post-synodal stage that relates to fulfilment of synodal decisions. Considering this mainstream, one should also mention doctrinal messages of Synods of Bishops together with their propositions that directed the Magisterium of Bishops of Rome towards these areas that were considered a necessary aspect of their deliverance, essentially by publishing post-synodal apostolic exhortations which, in turn, very generally speaking had a successive influence on everyday life of the Church after the Second Vatican Council in many areas of the Church.

In late 1433, after two years of intrigue and negotiations, Pope Eugenius IV agreed to acknowledge the legitimate existence of the Council of Basel. The recently crowned Emperor Sigismund had gone to Basel, and numberous clerics, including many cardinals, had abandoned the curia for the council. An obstreperous duke of Milan threatened the papal states “in the name of the holy synod,” and in May 1434 the populace of Rome rebelled, foreing the pope to flee down the Tiber.

In the episcopal ministry of Cyprian of Carthage in 3rd-century Proconsular Africa, a synod of bishops was held in 251, convened in the aftermath of the persecution of Christians under the emperor Decius from 249-251. For a better understanding of this synod, it is important to know the historical circumstances surrounding the early Christian Church, the roles of episcopal synods, the rise of the schism, the persecution of Christians, those who denied their faith, the confessors, the martyrs, and so on. In no small measure, the collegiality of the bishops with one another and their relationship with the Bishop-Pope of Rome also became apparent in this period. Bishop Cyprian of Carthage, by his learning, his very active literary and pastoral work, became one of the most prominent figures of this period in North Africa, and he also became the first bishop to achieve the crown of martyrdom in Africa.

AbstractThis essay examines the main sources on the attitude of the Church of Cyprus in the so-called monoenergetic-monotheletic dispute. It is shown that the Church of Cyprus was a loyal and active partner in Constantinople’s policy of reconciliation with the Antichalcedonian churches of the East. Cyprus was also, especially under Archbishop Arkadios (624/25-641/2), a place of exile for opponents of this reconciliation, and in 636 also the venue of an important synod which was attended by legates of almost the whole church. The resulting Ekthesis was approved also in Rome and Jerusalem. Even Maximos did not succeed, after 636, to influence the position of Arkadios through the Cypriot priest monk Marinos. His six letters to Marinos offer no evidence for a dyenergetic or dyotheletic position of the Church of Cyprus. A letter from 643, written by the successor of Arkadios, Sergios (642-655), clearly shows that there was until then no protest against the Constantinopolitan church policy in Cyprus in this time. This letter, which demonstrates the firm dyenergetic and dyotheletic position of the whole Church of Cyprus, was presented at the Lateran Synod of 649, but forged or completely rewritten for this Synod. Even after 643, there is no evidence for public dissent in the Church of Cyprus, nor should it actually be expected.

Bibliography: leaves 221-244
The purpose of this thesis is to examine the mission of the ‘Church as family’ and to explore its implications in terms of levels of inclusion and participation of church members in the Catholic Diocese of Masvingo. The background of the study is the 1994 African Synod that suggests the ecclesiology of the mission of the ‘Church as family.’ The study helps the Catholic Diocese of Masvingo to evaluate the implementation of the ideal of the mission of the ‘Church as family’ and draw implications for nuclear, single parent, child-headed, reconstituted and extended families within the church. The study explores Shorter’s culture model to examine how cultural practices, symbols, values and belief systems can be used as an analytic framework for the human dimension of the church. A qualitative research methodology that involves 36 participants in semi-structured interviews, three focus group discussions in urban, semi-urban and rural parishes and participant observation was used to collect data from parishioners, priests and religious of the Catholic Diocese of Masvingo. The study reveals that each family type contributes to Evangelisation as proclamation of the Good News and inculturation differently thereby enriching the ideal of the mission of the ‘Church as family.’ Furthermore, the study shows that guilds, associations and commissions help to strengthen families through spiritual, psychological, social and economic support. Findings also indicate that the Trinity is the theological foundation of the family and it finds acceptance in African communal setup. Family types in Masvingo Diocese are analysed using the notion of the Trinity to show that dignity, equality and respect among family types can be used to strengthen the ideal of the mission of the ‘Church as family.’ At pastoral level, economic, social and cultural obstacles to family ministry stand as a challenge to the full implementation and realisation of the ideal of the mission of the ‘Church as family’. In the light of the research, recommendations for mission strategies were suggested at different levels that involve Diocesan administration, priests, religious, catechists and parish leaders. Recommendations for further researches were also suggested for areas that seem to be important yet outside the scope of this study. The theological, pastoral, and cultural issues raised in this study combine to help the Catholic Diocese of Masvingo to become an authentic expression of the mission of the ‘Church as family’ of God.
Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
D. Th. (Missiology)

This chapter examines the early life, education, and theological foundations of Scipione de’ Ricci (1741–1810) up to the eve of the Synod of Pistoia, in 1786. It explains the reformist milieu Ricci experienced as a young student in Rome and in his early career in Florence. The importance of the late eighteenth-century convergence of Habsburg Erastian reform, international Jansenism with its focal point in Utrecht, philo-Jansenism and anti-Jesuitism in Italy, and the legacy of Muratori is profiled. Then, the reform agenda Ricci sought to implement as the bishop of Pistoia-Prato (1780–91) is described: an anti-ultramontane and synodal ecclesiology (buttressed by Erastianism and, particularly, Grand Duke Peter Leopold’s fifty-seven Punti ecclesiastici), the importance of Ricci’s international (especially Francophone) Jansenist contacts, his propaganda campaign, and the Riccian drive to reform the liturgy and devotional life in his diocese, including an encouragement of vernacular Bible reading.

Abstract Religion is action. Actions are carried out by people. But not everyone can or may do everything. Even in ancient religions there were specialists, holders of enduring functions. They might look after sanctuaries, prepare great feast days, carry out special rituals, perform burials, or act as political advisers. The aim of this book is to uncover this personal infrastructure of the city of Rome. Accordingly, the annual lists cover all religious specialists belonging to cults attested in Romefor every year between 300 bc and ad 499, from pontifex maximus to servus publicus.

Abstract There is no real evidence for why the Persians invaded Greece in 480. The pretty debate furnished by Herodotus at the start of book 7 of his History is almost certainly the product of his imagination; it is highly unlikely that he had any evidence about the parts played by Mardonius and Artabanus in the innermost councils of the King. But there is no need to ask why empires expand. Extension of power is the natural consequence of power. No less than Rome, Persia aspired to imperium sine fine and from the moment that the expedition was mounted against Naxos in 499 it was plain that Greece would face invasion.

Taking at face value Archdeacon Hildebrand’s ringing cry for reform at the 1059 synod in Rome, historians have concluded that 'ambiguous' communities of the early 1000s had become thoroughly ‘secularized’, and that women’s monastic spirituality had become almost non-existent. Instead of attempting to find arguments for or against the classic narrative of disastrous ‘secularization’, this chapter focuses on what we know about how these women expressed and positioned themselves. It makes three observations. First, that there still existed an internal culture that nurtured the shaping of ‘ambiguous’ monastic identities. Second, that abbesses and their associates deployed a range of ‘coping strategies’ to secure the long-term future of ‘ambiguous’ communities in light of increased competition and volatile relations with the region’s elites. And finally, that the reform of a female house by no means spelled a better future for its membership.

Abstract Christus Dominus was approved on October 28, 1965, by a vote of 2,139 placet, 2 non placet, and 1 invalid vote and was approved immediately by Paul VI. The decree was the result of the integration of two schema: De cura animarum and De episcoporum munere pastorali and reflected the work of the commission De episcopis. Unlike the other documents of Vatican II, Christus Dominus 44 concludes with a specific reference to the proposed revision of the Code of Canon Law: ‘‘This most sacred synod prescribes that in the revision of the Code of Canon Law suitable laws be drawn up in keeping with the principles stated in this decree.’’ This general directive underscores not only the particularly practical nature of Christus Dominus but also its essential link with the revision of the Church’s canon law. On January 25, 1959, John XXIII, after a solemn celebration in the Patriarchal Basilica of Saint Paul outside the walls, announced his intention of holding a synod for the diocese of Rome, of celebrating an ecumenical council, and of revising the (1917) Code of Canon Law. It is thus not without some historical relevance that the present Code of Canon Law was promulgated on January 25, 1983. In the apostolic constitution Sacrae disciplinae leges, with which John Paul II promulgated the code, the pontiff stated that ‘‘In so doing, my thoughts go back to the same day of the year 1959 when my predecessor of happy memory, John XXIII, announced for the first time his decision to reform the existing corpus of canonical legislation which had been promulgated on the feast of Pentecost in the year 1917.’’