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1
Urs, Nicolae. "A self-reflection of municipal IT professionals in small Romanian city administrations". Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 331 (12 luglio 2018): 337–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/ocg.v331.28.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
E-government usually studies focus on outcomes or user opinion. Our attempt is to see this also from the point of view of IT professionals that work in public institutions. Big cities will always be on the forefront of using new technologies in their day-to-day work and, because of that, they are usually the subject of researchers wanting to study this field. But most Romanians live in small cities, towns and villages. We are also interested in the pace of e-government development in these municipalities.
After the 2017 study that focused on big Romanian cities, this year we follow up with a more comprehensive research, which aims to find out how e-government is implemented in small urban municipalities in Romania. Our research aims to learn how successful the implementation of egovernment services in Romanian local government is in the eyes of those tasked with rolling out these services. E-government is no longer a new development in the public institutions’ continuing search for better service. The interaction between citizens and companies, as well as the government, are constantly evolving, and new ways of doing things are regularly tested and adopted or discarded.
2
Marian-Arnat, Petru Ioan. "Negotiation and Discursive Conflict in Within Opinion: Public Vs. Private in the Social Romanian Imaginary". Messages, Sages and Ages 2, n. 1 (1 agosto 2015): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/msas-2015-0003.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract The paper approaches contemporary Romanian media in order to outline negotiation and discursive conflict strategies in public storytelling about the country’s recent history. In the so-called Romanian social imaginary, notions of public versus private highlight the way public officials resort to the language of culture-specific communication-related concepts that are a starting point for much of the discourse on decision-making
3
Stykalin, Alexander. "The mood of the Romanian intelligentsia in the early 1960s through the eyes of a young Soviet writer". Slavic World in the Third Millennium 18, n. 1-2 (2023): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2023.18.1-2.02.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Russian State Archive of Literature and Art (RGALI) contains reports of Soviet writers and cultural figures who traveled in the 1950s-1980s on creative business trips to socialist countries. Not yet in high demand by researchers, they are at the same time of undoubted interest as a historical source, since they reflect information related to the establishment of bilateral and multilateral cultural ties, the development of literature and art in foreign (in particular, Eastern European) countries, as well as the mood of foreign intelligentsia. The article deals with the report on the trip to Romania in the spring of 1962 by the young playwright Mikhail Filippovich Shatrov (1932–2010). A sincere supporter of the genuine renewal and democratization of the Soviet system, M. Shatrov was pleased with the reception given to him in Romania and highly appreciated the state of theatrical performances in this country. At the same time, he got the impression based on communication with Romanian interlocutors (writers and theatrical figures) that the Romanian society was lagging behind the Soviet one in its readiness to break with the Stalinist legacy. In his view, those responsible for cultural policy preferred to play it safe when it came to staging the Soviet plays in Romania that were critical of Stalin's personality cult, as they might lead the public to undesirable parallels with the current situation in Romania. Moreover, according to M. Shatrov, an atmosphere of fear continued to flourish in Romania, “a terrible legacy of the era of the cult of personality”. On the other hand, he drew attention to the reluctance of some Romanian cultural figures to advertise their old Soviet connections in the face of public opinion, because they were afraid of being compromised in the eyes of their colleagues in the conditions when the Romanian communist regime began to keep distance from the USSR.
4
Raiu, Sergiu. "Politica României de gestionare a pandemiei de Covid-19. Editura Academiei Române, București, 2022. Otovescu Maria Cristina". Sociologie Romaneasca 21, n. 2 (15 dicembre 2023): 108–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33788/sr.21.2.7.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Through this book, university professor Cristina Otovescu presents scientific evidence (administrative, legislative documents and reports issued by institutions, studies and opinion polls), but in a language accessible to the public, how the authorities in Romania managed, to what extent it affected and how the population of the country reacted to the COVID-19 pandemic.
5
Mureșan, Marius. "A ‘Historical Reconciliation.’ The Romanian‑Hungarian Treaty of 1996". Acta Musei Napocensis. Historica, n. 56 (15 gennaio 2021): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54145/actamn.56.09.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article analyses Romania’s foreign policy during the transition from communism to democracy, between 1990 and 1996, through the lens of its relations with Hungary. These were conditioned by the historical background, antagonistic feelings best describing public opinion attitudes in the two states. The analysis considered the situation of the Hungarian minority in Romania and the way in which inter-ethnic tensions (such as the street fights in Târgu-Mureş in March 1990) influenced diplomatic cooperation, as well as the way in which the political class positioned on this issue. The study focuses on the adoption of the ‘Treaty of understanding, cooperation and good neighborliness concluded between Romania and the Republic of Hungary,’ a condition for the acceptance of the two countries in the negotiations for accession to NATO and the European Union. The tortuous process that led to the signing of this document was analyzed through the lens of specialized literature, but also by reference to some decision-makers at that time, such as the US ambassador to Romania, Alfred H. Moses, or President Ion Iliescu. As regards the reactions of politicians and the media in both states to the signing of the treaty, in the context of the Romanian electoral campaign that was taking place at that time, sources from the written press were used, Evenimentul Zilei and Adevărul being the most widely read dailies.
6
GĂLĂȚANU, Daniel-Lucian. "Ecoul mediatic al problemelor comunităţilor musulmane de implantaţie recentă în Europa şi România". Analele Universității „Dunărea de Jos” din Galați. Fascicula XX, Sociologie / The Annals of ”Dunarea de Jos” University of Galati. Fascicle XX, Sociology, n. 16 (6 marzo 2022): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/socio/2021.08.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study aims to analyse the problems and the future of Muslim families of recently settled in Romania, from the countries of the Near & Middle East and Africa, ravaged by armed and/or ideological and religious conflicts, but above all the reflection of this anthropological and socio-cultural problems in the Romanian and international media, especially the online media. Because, apparently, between the "traditional" Muslim families of Romania, usually located in Dobruja, with ethnic Turk-Tatar roots, and the "new" Oriental and African Muslim family, there is a significant gap, especially regarding the relation towards integration, or non-integration, more precisely, in the contemporary Romanian society. Knowing well that at present we are witnessing an almost open conflict between the "old" Muslims, represented by the Mufti Authority of Dobruja, the Turks and Tatars, with an old and respectable history on Romanian territory, dating back to the time of the Ottoman Empire, and who have mostly lived, for centuries, in harmony with the majority Romanian population, and the "new" Muslims, who arrived in Romania after 1989, from the countries of the Near & Middle East and Africa, this research aims to analyse the intra- and extra-familial tensions that are now emerging in our country, tensions linked to cultural, anthropological and socio-economic differences. To all these tensions are also added the ideological and political sides, because the "new" Muslims of Romania seem to have the tendency and ambition to impose themselves on the media and in the eyes of public opinion, as legitimate representatives, and, if possible, the only ones, of the Muslims of Romania, an ambition that creates enormous difficulties of integration into Romanian society to the most vulnerable representatives of these Muslim families, who are women and children.
7
Dragomir, Elena. "Lithuanian public opinion and the EU membership". Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, n. 2 (15 dicembre 2010): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_9.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
During the early 1990s, following the restoration of independence, Lithuania reoriented in terms of foreign policy towards West. One of the state’s main foreign policy goals became the accession to the EU and NATO. Acknowledging that the ‘opinion of the people’ is a crucial factor in today’s democracy as it is important and necessary for politicians to know and take into consideration the ‘public opinion’, that is the opinion of the people they represent, this paper brings into attention the public support for the political pro-West project. The paper is structured in two main parts. The first one presents in short the politicians’ discourse regarding Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its general ‘returning to Europe’, in the general context of the state’s new foreign policy, while the second part presents the results of different public opinion surveys regarding the same issue. Comparing these two sides, in the end, the paper provides the answer that the Lithuanian people backed the political elites in their European projects. Although, the paper does not represent a breakthrough for the scientific community, its findings could be of interest for those less familiarized with the Lithuanian post-Cold War history, and especially for the Romanian public to whom this journal mainly addresses.
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Meza, Radu M. "Rhetorics of Hope and Outrage: Emotion and Cynicism in the Coverage the Schengen Accession". Media and Communication 11, n. 4 (19 ottobre 2023): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v11i4.7137.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Discourses on European integration and Euroscepticism have benefitted from increased interest after Brexit. Researchers point out that there is a great variance from one national context to another and that there is a gap in the literature concerning non-elite discourses and perspectives from Central and Eastern European countries such as Romania. The Eurobarometer findings of early 2023 indicate a shift in Romanian public opinion towards Euroscepticism. To better understand the potential causes for these shifts, we approach the politicisation of the issue in Romania through an analysis of online news headlines and related social media news sharing metadata. In the aftermath of the decision not to accept Romania and Bulgaria, this research investigates shifts in the media framing of the Schengen issue and EU over two months (from October 15 to December 15, 2022) in the 14 most accessed Romanian online news sites (with more than 10 million visits per month). Quantitative analysis of news headlines (<em>N</em> = 3,362) shows that the coverage focuses on Romanian politicians in power and emphasises conflict. Furthermore, the analysis of the interactions produced by news sharing of the analysed sample shows the impact of the political rhetoric encouraging the boycotting of Austrian companies in retaliation for the denial of Schengen Area accession: scapegoating and disenchantment with politics and politicians. The two-step approach used and results that use Facebook interactions as indicators of public resonance of politicisation and strategic framing may be replicated in future research.
9
Beciu, Camelia, Mirela Lazăr e Irina Diana Mădroane. "Mediating Public Issues in Romanian Broadcast Talk: Personalized Communication Strategies". Television & New Media 19, n. 1 (20 marzo 2017): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476417697270.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article examines emerging practices of personalization in political talk shows on Romanian television. Our interest lies in the reconfiguration of the role of critical journalist, as performed by talk show hosts on private TV channels, in the context of increasing commercialization and instrumentalization of the Romanian media in postcommunism. This development consists of the strategic use of personalization, achieved through the talk show dispositive, for the enactment of positions of journalistic interpretation, adversarialness, and intervention on behalf of the citizens. The findings indicate shifts in the symmetry/asymmetry relationships between journalists, guests, politicians, and publics, as well as new ways of constructing and understanding public issues. Two main patterns of personalization have been identified: the journalist as a fully engaged voice, effectively substituting itself for the public opinion, and the journalist as an ordinary person, who has the capacity to see through and expose dominant public discourses.
10
Rotari, Iurie. "The Most Persistent Narratives of the Kremlin’s Propaganda Towards Romania in the First Year of the Russo-Ukrainian War". Res Historica 56 (21 dicembre 2023): 1119–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2023.56.1119-1143.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article examines how the Russian invasion of Ukraine influenced Kremlin's propaganda against Romania. For one year (24.02.2022 – 24.02.2023), the author followed official statements by Russian politicians and diplomats, material appearing in the most important federal media outlets, and messages released via social media and other marginal propaganda sources. Thus, it was possible to determine the main Russian propaganda narratives against Romania: „Romania seeks to annex parts of Ukraine”; „Romania seeks to annex the Republic of Moldova and Transnistria”; „Romania promotes unreasonable Russophobia”; „Romania is a «Western colony» used by the USA against Russia”, and last but not least, attempts to discredit Romanian aid to Ukraine. In this way, the author determined the image of Romania created by the Russian propaganda machine for its audience, but also the ways in which Moscow uses the distorted image of Romania to influence public opinion in Ukraine and Moldova.
11
Popescu, Daniela. "Perceptions and Misperceptions on Roma People during the First Half of the 20TH Century. A Glimpse into the Romanian Press". Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 14, n. 3 (1 dicembre 2022): 388–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2022-0114.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract History has shown a 20th century marked by political, geopolitical, social, and economic metamorphosis, especially for the European continent. Romanian’s physical borders were reshaped during the first half of this century and caught between a political, social, and ethnic whirlwind. For Roma people, the 1920s and 1930s came with substantial turmoil as their efforts to establish various forms of representation and organization were not supported by the Romanian authorities, nor by public opinion. The public discourse was dominated by prejudice, stereotypes, and amplified marginalization. The far-right’s extreme tendencies, compounded by public discourse, spread Roma stereotypes such as “the thief”, “the other”, “the diseases carrier”, “the pariah”, “the unwanted” etc., and generated the idea of “us against them” which heavily impacted the deportation process.
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Poor, Jozsef, e George Plesoianu. "Human resource management under change in the Romanian civil service in an international context". Employee Relations 32, n. 3 (27 aprile 2010): 281–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01425451011038807.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to present a number of initiatives which have been spearheaded by the Romanian government in the field of HRM in the civil service. A more specific purpose is to determine the modelling strategy which best reflects the reform programme of HRM in the civil service, the topic of our study.Design/methodology/approachThis paper attempts to supplement existing research into New Public Management (NPM) by outlining the modernisation of a range of public HR functions in the country, and it would like to explain how this special issue arose, to provide a historical perspective for the work undertaken by the Romanian National Civil Servant Agency (NACS) and to outline the context and significance of each of the attempts at modernisation in the HRM field.FindingsEmpirical evidence shows that the centralised Romanian civil service is in need of serious change if it is to deliver a more efficient and less politically driven level of practice. Many external and internal organisational forces such as the demographics of the labour‐force, technology and privatisation – as well as the erosion of confidence in government institutions have drastically altered the environment of the civil service in Romania. Consequently, traditional Human Resource Management (HRM) approaches no longer work.Practical implicationsAt this point, in the authors' opinion, the time has come to devote more attention to decentralisation and to formulating the terms of so‐called best or good practice.Originality/valueThe paper seeks to bridge the gap by reporting on the research and consulting work of the authors in the Romanian civil service.
13
Matei, Petre. "Between Nationalism and Pragmatism: The Roma Movement in Interwar Romania". Social Inclusion 8, n. 2 (4 giugno 2020): 305–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v8i2.2808.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the interwar period, for the first time in their history, Romanian Roma managed to organise themselves on a modern basis, by forming Roma associations and unions, and issuing their own newspapers and programmes. In an effort to define themselves, they became politically active, claiming and negotiating rights. In my article I analyse the context of the interwar Roma movement, how Roma leaders of the time saw themselves and their movement, what programme(s) they had, and how they tried to achieve their goals. This was a serious challenge: As they were not self-sufficient, they heavily depended on support from Romanian institutions, and hence they had to act with caution in order to avoid any hostile reactions from the Romanian majority. Overall, the discourse of Roma elites in interwar Romania ranged between: 1) a national approach directed inwardly, toward the Roma, for ethnic mobilisation purposes, including calls to unite in order to acquire their rights, efforts to combat ethnic stigmatisation, discussions on ethnonyms (Gypsy vs. Roma) or on the importance of Roma in Romania and worldwide, the beginning of a national/ethnic mythology (past, origin, enslavement, heroization vs. victimization, etc.); and 2) a pragmatic approach directed outwardly, toward Romanian authorities and public opinion; rather than a national minority, Roma leaders presented the Roma as a social category with specific needs, due to their historical legacy. Of these two, throughout the interwar period, pragmatism prevailed. Special emphasis was placed on the issue of social inclusion, and on identifying specific problems and solutions (i.e., better access to education, settlement, deconstruction of prejudices, etc.).
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Ritivoi, Andreea Deciu. "Surviving on Soy Salami: Dissidents, Exiles, Prisoners, and the Rhetoric of Affect in Postcommunist Romania". Journal of Romanian Studies 4, n. 2 (1 ottobre 2022): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/romanian.2022.12.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
After decades of being seen, or rather heard, through Radio Free Europe as moral and political authorities preserving Romania’s values and hopes from abroad, exiles of the Cold War had a disappointing political career in the postcommunist transitional society. The main figures hailing on behalf of historic pollical parties failed to win the election in 1990, and failed to convince the electorate that they could lead them to freedom and democracy. The former dissidents who had lived overseas likewise did not manage to become opinion leaders, at least not compared to local intellectuals, and eventually damaged each other’s reputation in public fights and scandals. Why weren’t these exiles, once so full of promise for a democratic future in Romania, more impactful? The answer may point to their systematic undermining orchestrated by the neo-communist power brokers of the transitional era. Yet the answer is rather more complicated, one that this paper offers by focusing on the rhetoric of the early postcommunist decade and its emphasis on the shared deprivation experienced under communism. The slogan built around hunger—“who ate soy meat with us”—was part of a larger effect of political survivalism that viewed exiles as outsiders. I show that the contest of moral superiority, pitting those who had been imprisoned against those who had fled, fed a rhetoric of suffering that would eventually marginalize the exiles and any political contribution they could have made after 1989.
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Gheorghiță, Andrei. "Understanding Public Support for the Flat-Rate Personal Income Tax in a Post-Communist Context: The Case of Romania". Sustainability 15, n. 9 (5 maggio 2023): 7576. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su15097576.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The overall landscape of personal income taxation (PIT) has changed rapidly in numerous post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), with the adoption of a form of flat-rate tax. Although the economic consequences of this change have been studied extensively, little is known about public opinion on the topic in these countries. This article aims to shed some light on how public opinion addresses the issue of flat-rate PIT in Romania. Logistic regression analysis is used to assess the impact of self-interest, education, age, gender, ideology, political trust, social solidarity, and political knowledge on public support for flat-rate PIT, based on survey data (N = 1105) from the Romanian Election Study (RES). The results suggest that high-income earners, women, and those with higher levels of political trust are more likely to support flat-rate PIT, while higher levels of social solidarity and more education increase the chances of being reluctant about it. Furthermore, the analysis finds no evidence that age, ideology, or political knowledge have an influence on people’s fiscal preferences. The article’s findings provide lessons for policymakers on how fiscal preferences arise and may evolve in a post-communist context, particularly in relation to recurring societal crises.
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STOICA, Ștefania-Elena. "Disinformation Dynamics Unveiling the Impact of Echo Chambers in Shaping Online Public Opinion". BULLETIN OF "CAROL I" NATIONAL DEFENCE UNIVERSITY 13, n. 1 (8 aprile 2024): 138–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-24-09.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The proliferation of misinformation and the emergence of echo chambers in the online environment pose significant challenges to modern democracies, directly impacting public opinion and social behaviors. This study focuses on the analysis of a Facebook group centered around a prominent Romanian political figure, boasting 93,800 members and averaging ten daily posts. Using advanced machine learning and AI-based hate speech detection, the study uncovers systematic echo chamber construction and the amplification of misinformation. The findings emphasize the influence of online echo chambers on public opinion and underscore the need to maintain information integrity in the media landscape and communication. This research has important implications for scholars, policymakers, and media practitioners, indicating the critical need to address the challenges posed by misinformation and echo chambers in the online environment.
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Novikova, Liudmyla. "TO THE QUESTION ON REFLECTION OF ROMANIA AND TRANSNISTRIA SIGNIFICANCE FOR THE HISTORY OF EASTERN EUROPEAN JEWS IN THE AMERICAN PRESS PUBLICATIONS IN 1940s". Paper of Faculty of History, n. 32 (29 dicembre 2021): 96–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2312-6825.2021.32.250084.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article covers the content of information about the place of Romania in the 1920–1940s and Transnistria in the history of Eastern European Jews, which was published in predominantly English language materials in a number of American newspapers in the 1940s, such as «Românul American», «The Southern Jewish Weekly», «Evening Star» and «Detroit Evening Times». The purpose of the study is to determine the structure of the newspaper narrative regarding the place of Romania in the 1920–1940s and Transnistria in the history of Eastern European Jews, contained in the mentioned newspaper publications. As a result of the study, a conditionally holistic information narrative on the isignificance of Romania and Transnistriain the history of Eastern European Jews in the 1920–1940s was reconstructed in publications of a number of American newspapers, which spread in mass opinion. The main components of this English-language narrative are following: in pre-war Romania was an increased influence of official actual anti-Semitism; this was of particular importance given that Transnistria was predominantly a zone of Romanian administration during World War II; the plight of Jews in Romania and Bukovina during the war; cases of non-Jewish support for Jews; brutal deportations of the Jewish population from Romania, Bukovina, Bessarabia (sometimes also Moldavia, which regarding changes in the characteristics of Bessarabia and Bukovina) to Transnistria; domination of the atmosphere of fear of the possibility of deportation to Transnistria among the still undeported Jews; manipulation by the Romanian government of the Jewish population through this fear; the plight of Jews, the Holocaust in Transnistria; repatriation to Romania and migration to Palestine as the «historical homeland» of Jews deported during the war to Transnistria. According to some materials, this narrative had not only an exposing anti-Nazi purpose, not only appealed to the public support of Jews who had experienced repression, deportation and the Holocaust, but also had to serve to preserve the democratic worldview of the Romanian minority in the United States (most of the used publications were contained in the newspaper «Românul American»).
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Bîlbîie, Răduţ. "The Professionalization of Public Relations in the Romanian Army". International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 22, n. 2 (1 giugno 2016): 401–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2016-0069.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract The communication structures of the Ministry of National Defense have a considerable seniority and have played an important role both in different historical, critical periods for the country (wars, political crises) or institutional building (the forming of the Romanian army, of the modern command structures, etc.) as well as during the transition period after 1989. The first military publication, Observatorul Militar, (Military Observer), was released in 1859, being followed by a few thousands of magazines, newsletters, specialized directories, or during the war years of information and opinion journals such as Romania, organ of the General Headquarters, in the years of World War I, or Soldatul (The Soldier), Santinela (The Sentry), during the years of World War II. One after another, others followed such as: since 1916 Studioul Cinematografic al Armatei (Army Cinema Studio), originally, a photo-cinema structure, then specialized in the documentary film: history, presentation or training, and, since 1940, on public radio frequencies Ora Ostaşului (Ora Armatei), (Soldier’s Hour, Army’s Hour), then since 1968, a television broadcast on public television station broadcasting frequencies, since 1996 the web products (the first web site of an army in Eastern Europe, the first site of a ministry within the Government of Romania). The force and the role of the structures varied from period to period Studioul cinematografic (The Cinematographic Studio) had in 1989, 217 employed people, military and civilians, today there are less than 15), according to the budgets and the importance of what they were given by the management structures. The revolution of December 1989 marked the depoliticization of the communication act and the switch to the professionalization of the specialized structures, transforming their propaganda tools into products and means of Public Relations. The years 1990-1995 have marked this process through: (a) the establishment of structures, (b), staff training (in France, Switzerland, Germany, but especially in the United States), (c) the completion of the first guides, instructions, procedures for the field, (d) the opening of the first course for specialists, (e) the initiation of a quarterly specialized magazine Panoramic militar, (Military Panorama), (f) a code of ethics for practitioners.
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Kokoly, Zsolt. "Audiovisual Media Regulation during the COVID-19 Pandemic - Measures Undertaken by the Romanian Authorities during the State of Emergency". Acta Universitatis Sapientiae Legal Studies 10, n. 1 (agosto 2021): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.47745/ausleg.2021.10.1.05.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The present study aims to offer a review of measures taken by the Romanian authorities in the field of audiovisual media regulation during the state of emergency instituted in March 2020 following the COVID-19 outbreak. The legal framework has been adjusted, drawing both from extant norms, such as the 2003 Constitution of Romania, and from newly adapted legal norms such as the Presidential Decree declaring the state of emergency. Also, the competent authorities have been invested with additional powers, this being the case of the National Audiovisual Council and the National Authority for Management and Regulation in Communications. These institutions have faced multiple challenges regarding the clash between freedom of opinion and freedom of speech and the right to correct information of the public and the campaigns to counter misinformation.
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Ковалевская, М. П. "ON THE FORMATION OF PROTEST PUBLIC ASSOCIATIONS IN THE POLITICAL LIFE OF MOLDAVIA IN 1987-1989". Человеческий капитал, n. 3(183) (21 marzo 2024): 82–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.25629/hc.2024.03.30.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Статья посвящается процессу образования протестных общественных движений в Молдавской ССР, выступавших за децентрализацию и обособление, а затем – и отделение республики от Советского Союза. Идейной базой таких движений выступал румынизм, согласно которому молдаване являются частью румынского народа. Показаны попытки воздействия соседней Румынии на общественную обстановку в Молдавии на протяжении нескольких десятилетий. Помимо прочего, архивные данные, приведенные в статье, демонстрируют осложнения межнациональных отношений в республике уже в начале 1980-х гг. Отмечается существенный вклад интеллигенции в развитие протестных прорумынских настроений в молдавском обществе. На основе приведенных данных был сделан вывод о росте политической напряженности в республике и отсутствия единства мнений в молдавском обществе относительно выбора дальнейшего пути развития Днестровского региона. The article examines the process of formation of protest social movements in the Moldavian SSR, which advocated decentralization and separation, and then separation of the republic from the Soviet Union. The ideological basis of such movements was Romanianism, according to which Moldovans are part of the Romanian people. The attempts of neighboring Romania to influence the social situation in Moldova over several decades are shown. Among other things, the archival data presented in the article demonstrate the complications of interethnic relations already in the early 1980s. The significant contribution of the intelligentsia to the development of protest pro-Romanian sentiments in Moldovan society is noted. Based on the data presented, it was concluded that political tension in the republic was growing and that there was a lack of unity of opinion in Moldovan society regarding the choice of the further path of development of the Dniester region.
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Badulescu, Daniel, Alina Badulescu, Ramona Simut e Dorin Bac. "Considerations on the Effects of Cross-border Cooperation on Fostering Local Public Administration. Study-case: Hungarian – Romanian Border Area". Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 15, n. 3 (28 giugno 2017): 583–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/15.3.582-604(2017).
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Local administration is a major actor, both stakeholder and beneficiary, in the cross-border cooperation actions. However, there are very few references in the literature investigating the opinion of public managers and employees involved in implementing cross-border cooperation programs regarding the effectiveness of CBC projects. In this paper we address this issue, by reviewing the relevant literature and mostly by presenting the results of own survey-based researches conducted on field. This article captures the opinion of managers and staff regarding the transformations generated by involvement in cross-border actions in Bihor – Hajdú-Bihar Euroregion.
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Fanea-Ivanovici, Mina. "Filmmaking and Crowdfunding: A Right Match?" Sustainability 11, n. 3 (3 febbraio 2019): 799. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11030799.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Broadly defined, culture is deemed the fourth pillar of sustainable development and increasing attention is currently being paid to how it can access all potential financial resources. In Europe, film production benefits from public financial support; however, film projects require large amounts of money to be completed and this support may prove insufficient in comparison with the actual need. This raises the question of identifying alternative financial resources that filmmakers could benefit from. Crowdfunding has recently emerged as a funding option for all the creative-cultural industries in general and for film production in particular. However, Romania’s capacity to use this alternative financial source is one of the lowest in Europe. In this context, the aim of the article is to study Romanian filmmakers’ attitudes towards crowdfunding and its perceived suitability for financing film projects. The research method consists in a survey based on self-administered questionnaires and semi-structured interviews with Romanian film producers. Although the largest majority of film producers have not used crowdfunding due to lack of awareness or scepticism, the paper discusses, based on experts’ opinion, how this method can become a viable source of finance for the film industry.
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Mungiu‐Pippidi, Alina. "The Return of Populism ‐ The 2000 Romanian Elections". Government and Opposition 36, n. 2 (aprile 2001): 230–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00063.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
During The Years Immediately Following The Fall Of The Ceausescu regime in 1989, Romania fulfilled the requirements of an ‘electoral democracy’. Free and reasonably fair elections regularly produced parliaments (1990, 1992) and governments dominated by the communist successor parties run by Ion Iliescu, a member of the old nomenklatura. Once elected, these institutions operated in principle within the framework of procedural democracy, but in practice often broke the rules and norms accepted in the West as characteristic of liberal democracy. When this occurred public opinion was either too weak, or divided, or simply too indifferent to demand more accountability. Further impoverishment of the poorest citizens due to mismanagement of the economy and rampant corruption contributed to the demise of the post-communist regime in 1996, which in turn led to the hope that with electoral democracy established, the development of democratic institutions and government accountability would follow.
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Pătru, Jana. "FUNDAŢIA CULTURALĂ REGALĂ „PRINCIPELE CAROL” ŞI SATUL MODEL: SATUL DIOŞTI, JUDEŢUL ROMANAŢI". Arhivele Olteniei 37 (21 dicembre 2023): 299–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/ao.37.19.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the political background of the first half of the XX-th century, the king was perceived, in Romanian context, as a providential personage, a rescuer for the great problems the Romanian society was confronted to. The king’s perception decomposes into different variants according to the qualities of his real and symbolic person. The two representations of him, the real one the divine one, are retrieved in public opinion. Those are the first representation in the folklore imaginary. The king is a godlike person, a master and he has qualities that assessors themselves already give to him rescuer, retriever, sacrificer, thaumaturge, judge, warier etc.It is important that the Romanian perception of the king is related to the European perceptions of the emperors, for instance the German one. The peasants of Dioşti perceived, first, the image of Carol II as a rescuer and then other specific representations occur strategist, crusader, triumphal, judge and as the highest quality he was regarded as “pater patriae”.
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Maksymenko, I. V. "RUSSIAN DISINFORMATION CAMPAIGN IN ROMANIA: QUO VADIS, KREMLIN?" International and Political Studies, n. 36 (9 ottobre 2023): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2023.36.288709.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Disinformation and propaganda are recognized as an equal tool of Russia’s foreign policy and hybrid wars as other methods of coercion and intimidation. Ukraine was one of the main objects for the implementation of this method of the Kremlin’s foreign policy. At the same time, other Central and Eastern European states also are feeling informational pressure due to the spread of disinformation and narratives that were supposed to justify the actions of the Russian state and its aggression against individual states. Romania, which borders Ukraine and became a neighbor of the Russian Federation after the illegal annexation of the Crimean Peninsula, became one of the important objects of the Kremlin’s disinformation and propaganda. The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the Russian disinformation campaign in Romania, which openly demonstrates its anti-Russian sentiments. The existing discourse on the narratives and misinformation of the Kremlin in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe emphasizes that in recent years, Russia has begun to change approaches in each country, using the peculiarities of the regional context and internal situation to achieve its own goals. The purpose of the article is to identify the main messages distributed by Russian resources in the Romanian information space in order to determine the exact goals pursued by the Kremlin in this country. The application of a combination of qualitative methodology methods, such as the case study method, content analysis of documents and scientific works, as well as discourse analysis of information resources, allows us to provide answers to the following search tasks: to reveal the peculiarities of the perception of Russia in Romania; identify the main sources of dissemination of pro Russian theses and information in the Romanian media; to analyze the narratives cultivated in the Romanian information space, with an interpretation of their real tasks and an assessment to what extent they can influence public opinion. The conclusions summarize the results of the study, indicating which are the direct and indirect Kremlin’s goals by spreading certain messages and narratives.
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Bajnai, László, e Attila Józsa. "The Necessity of Planned Urban Development". Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 15, n. 1 (1 novembre 2019): 83–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2019-0006.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract The necessity of planned urban development might seem self-evident, but in reality is far from being so – particularly in former socialist countries turned into EU Member States such as Hungary or Romania. In Hungary, for instance, prior to EU accession, there was no generally accepted public opinion supporting the necessity of a planned urban development controlled by the public sector. However, the substantial resources – that in Hungary, e.g., involve impressive amounts – placed at the disposal of urban development within the framework of European Union development policy are not sufficient by themselves to answer the question as to why planned urban development is truly necessary. Based on the most recent research results on the topic and some relevant earlier Hungarian and foreign studies lesser-known in Central Europe, the present paper seeks to answer this question. It analyses the international literature as well as certain Western European, Hungarian, and Romanian cases in order to define the general objectives of urban planning and uses them as a starting-point to demonstrate the necessity of planned urban development.
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Cristea, Darie, Dragoș-Georgian Ilie, Claudia Constantinescu e Valeriu Fîrțală. "Acceptance, Hesitancy, and Refusal in Anti-COVID-19 Vaccination: A Cluster Analysis Aiming at the Typology behind These Three Concepts". Vaccines 10, n. 9 (8 settembre 2022): 1496. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/vaccines10091496.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper presents the findings of a study aiming at an innovative typology of attitudes towards COVID-19 vaccination. The proposed typology tries to go beyond the common sociological studies who divide the public into three categories: pro-vaxxers, anti-vaxxers, and hesitants. Our purpose is obtaining a more complex typology using cluster analysis. The article is based on a nation-wide survey conducted in Romania. The sample of the survey was statistically representative to the population of Romania and was composed of 1002 participants. A k-means algorithm for classifying cases was used to identify how the studied population structures itself when it comes to attitudes towards COVID-19 vaccination. We see hesitancy as an expression of concern or doubt about the value or safety of the vaccination, but also as fear or dis(trust) in the authorities, or as disinterest. We found out that the Romanian public falls into three categories regarding the attitude towards COVID-19 vaccination: the “non-fanatical” pro-vaxxers, the anti-vaxxers, and those without a clear opinion (uninterested and/or undecided). What we usually call “vaccine hesitancy” can be found, depending on motivation or type of hesitancy, in both of the last two clusters.
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Plopeanu, Aurelian-Petruș, e Daniel Homocianu. "Prisoner in the cage of history? Its influence in understanding the current tolerance of bribery in Romania". Eastern Journal of European Studies 15, n. 1 (2024): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/ejes-2024-0102.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Our paper examines the influence of the historical legacy regarding the impact of the border of the former Habsburg Empire, the former political membership of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR), and perceptions about the communist past - in understanding the current tolerance of bribery in Romania, more than 25 years after the fall of communism. We started from an existing background suggesting that in the aftermath of the fall of communism, Romania underwent significant socio-economic changes, with persisting regional disparities accentuated by historical and cultural legacies. Using representative data from the European and World Values Survey joint dataset v.2.0, other relevant sources (Public Opinion Barometer from 2000 and 2007), variable selection and analysis methods based on DK/NA value treatment, binary derivations, the LASSO pack in Stata 17.0 together with different types of regressions including OLS, binary and ordered logistic ones, cross-validations both random and based on well established criteria (mixed-effects modeling), and collinearity removal techniques based on maximum accepted values of the Variance Inflation Factor (VIF), the results highlight that respondents from certain Romanian macro-regions that experienced higher levels of membership in the PCR and positive views about communism are less likely to be tolerant of bribery. It appears that if the region of residence was part of the former Habsburg Empire, current intentions for bribery are higher. Furthermore, our findings suggest that the propensity to bribe is negatively affected by current macro elements, such as higher crime levels, material deprivation, urban connectivity or lower levels of migration abroad, and left-wing voting preferences.
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Goleşteanu, Raluca. "Representations of Central and Eastern Europe in Travelogues of Romanian and Polish Public Figures". Linguaculture 2015, n. 2 (1 dicembre 2015): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lincu-2015-0044.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract This article proposes a reading of Milica Bakić-Hayden’s concept of “nesting orientalisms” in a wider regional context, by showing some of its first manifestations, as employed one hundred years or so ago. The debut of this phenomenon is part of the nineteenth century trend of traveling to “Eastern Europe,” and of appropriating it as such, in the desire to compete with the previous century, especially with the latter’s attempt of designing the map according to the dichotomy: “enlightened-ignorant peoples.” Consequently, the adoption of the concept of “Eastern Europe” by western public opinion triggered reactions from the part of the local élites expressed in the establishment of a corpus of texts, which reflect on the nearby geographical area. This effort represented in fact the third stage of the west-east dynamics that accompanied modernization in the region. The texts to be discussed in this article, apart from the century’s blind faith in progress, display the obsession of being “in between,” raising it to a sine qua non condition of the region; their authors often found themselves in difficulties in relation to dilemmas like professional/national identities, local/central loyalties, religious/secular views.
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Vlad, Laurențiu. "CÂTEVA DATE CU PRIVIRE LA CONSTRUCȚIA, AMENAJAREA ȘI ORGANIZAREA ACTIVITĂȚII CASEI ROMÂNEȘTI LA NEW YORK WORLD’S FAIR (1939–1940). RESTITUIRI DOCUMENTARE DIN ARHIVELE NAȚIONALE ȘI ALE MAE: 1938–1939". ANUARUL INSTITUTULUI DE CERCETĂRI SOCIO-UMANE „GHEORGHE ŞINCAI” 25 (1 aprile 2022): 236–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/icsugh.sincai.25.17.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The present text is part of a more complex research on Romania’s participation in the New York World’s Fair (1939–1940). The main objective of this research is to reconstruct the representation of Romania’s national identity at a certain point in time (1939), classifying it as one element in a series of this kind. We will also concentrate on how this representation was perceived by the public opinion of the 1930s. As such, it is not only research on cultural history and public diplomacy (external propaganda, as it was called at the time), but also on bilateral Romanian-American relations (economy, politics etc.). Last but not least, it also represents a study in imagology. This paper, the first of a series, aimed at reconstructing some of the events related to the preparations led by the officials in Bucharest charged with the country’s participation in the New York World’s Fair, for the construction of the pavilion known as the Romanian House, designed by the architect Octav Doicescu and erected for this occasion. I have brought forth information referring to the evolution of the works done at this pavilion and the difficulties encountered throughout the process, such as: changes made to the architectural design, the relation between the entrepreneurs and workers, the transportation of construction materials from overseas, the exhibitions, the negotiations for appointment of the restaurant’s manager etc. All this took place between May 1938 and April 1939. Our sources are to be found at the National Historical Archives (Saint-George’s fund and Ministry for Commerce and Industry fund) and at the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Washington fund). To those sources we have added published documents from different public libraries and on-line archives (http://www.cooperativag.ro/, http://octavdoicescu.blogspot.com/ etc.) and details brought forth by specialised literature from 1997–2018 (articles /studies on the subject by Daniel Bogdea, Nicolae Dascălu (Nicolae Ureche), Narcisa Mitu, Raluca Preotu, Zoltan Rostas, Ileana Stanca-Desa, Claudiu-Alexandru Vitanos, Laurențiu Vlad etc.).
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ROVENŢA-FRUMUŞANI, Daniela, e Diana STOICA. "FEMICIDE IN ROMANIA. SOCIAL REALITIES AND MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS CASE STUDY: A FEMICIDE FROM AUGUST 2021 PRESENTED BY THE MAINSTREAM MEDIA". ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCHES AND STUDIES 13, n. 1 (2023): 212–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.26758/13.1.14.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Objectives. Femicide and violence against women (VAW) represent two phenomena with a major impact concerning the public health, women rights and the freedom of speech. This article aims to capture the manner in which a Romanian femicide case is framed in news reporting, the depictions of the victim and the abuser and the context, sources, language used in media news reporting on femicide. Material and methods. The analysis emphasizes media patterns (frames, portrayals, linguistic structures), which represent an important instrument in shaping public opinion and awareness. For this study, there were selected 20 articles which present a Romanian femicide case - August 2021. In order to get specific results, there were used two qualitative methods - critical discourse analysis and frame analysis. Results. Media news were analyzed from several points of view: the general context, the representation of the victim and of the perpetrator, the narrative of the event, the management of voices which appear during the description of the event and the language used by the journalist. The key findings show that femicide articles published in Romanian print media actualize the negative sensationalistic news tendency, detrimental to civic mobilization and public agenda change. Conclusions. The denunciation of violence committed by men against women has been and continues to be one of the major issues of the contemporary society, which needs an appropriate mediatization and framing; violence against women and femicide were accentuated by the pandemic context as well as by the race, class, age of the abused women. Keywords: violence against women, femicide, media discourse, COVID-19 crisis.
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Radu, Raluca-Nicoleta. "How I learned to hate you. Parasocial interactions in echo chambers and their spillover effects". methaodos revista de ciencias sociales 11, n. 1 (25 marzo 2023): m231101a01. http://dx.doi.org/10.17502/mrcs.v11i1.598.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article analyzes the most influential posts on Facebook related to COVID-19, for the first two years of the pandemic, to explain how parasocial opinion leaders created echo chambers, in the Romanian public sphere, and to discuss the cumulative spillover effects these echo chambers had on society at large. A database of the 233,242 most influential posts in Romanian about COVID-19, from the first two years of the pandemic, is investigated using a mixed methods approach, to 1) verify statistically if issue-related echo chambers existed and 2) to describe, qualitatively, how they functioned. A special focus is devoted to trolling in the form of reactions to posts, such as haha reactions for messages about COVID-related deaths. Using the literature on parasocial interaction, inoculation theory, online disinhibition effect and echo chambers, the article shows how echo chambers supported trolling behavior, for radicalized Facebook users, how they polluted the public discussion and how they made dialog impossible for social groups that ended up identifying each other as the enemy. Based on these research results, the author proposes two policy recommendations for social platforms.
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Bulat, Alexandra. "‘High-Skilled Good, Low-Skilled Bad?’ British, Polish and Romanian Attitudes Towards Low-Skilled EU Migration". National Institute Economic Review 248 (maggio 2019): R49—R57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011924800113.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A new skills-based immigration system, with a preference for the highly-skilled, is central to UK policy debates in the Brexit context, arguably responding to majority public opinion on migration. Through qualitative fieldwork with British, Polish and Romanian citizens living in two local authorities in England, this paper shows what participants understand by ‘low-skilled’ and how there is broad support of those who ‘contribute’, but are ‘controlled’ at the same time. Migrants’ narratives of downskilling also illustrate why the category of ‘low-skilled’ migration needs to be seen through a more critical lens in research and policymaking.
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Tateosyan, Diana. "AWARENESS ABOUT HPV: A CALL TO IMPROVE MEDICAL EDUCATION AND PUBLIC HEALTH CAMPAIGNS TO LIMIT THE SPREAD OF THE VIRUS". Romanian Archives of Microbiology and Immunology 81, n. 4 (30 dicembre 2022): 310–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.54044/rami.2022.04.09.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Dear Editor, I am writing this letter to express my opinion about the article "Knowledge, Attitudes and Beliefs about HPV Infection and HPV Vaccines in Romanian Medical Students", published în the Roum Arch Microbiol Immunol., 2021;80(1):22-35 [1]. The study reveals the alarming lack of awareness and understanding about HPV infection and vaccination among some of the future medical professionals in Romania, which has significant consequences for public health and the overall preparedness of the medical system in Romania. The questionnaire, involving more than 1000 medical students from the Carol Davila University of Medicine and Pharmacy, has revealed the lack of change in perception, knowledge, and action among the students regarding HPV over the years 2016 to 2018. It would be a good idea, if it is possible, to make statistics with a larger range (to include students from other medical universities across Romania for example) to see if the percentages are similar and to get a more precise idea of the awareness of other future medical specialists throughout Romania. It would be even better if such a study is conducted in other Eastern European countries like Bulgaria, for example, since in recent years there has been a decreased mortality rate of cervical cancer in Western and Central European countries, but increasing in Eastern European ones. Statistically speaking, every day a woman dies in Bulgaria as a result of cervical cancer, and 43 women are diagnosed with the disease every day. According to the World Health Organization and the Bulgarian Ministry of Health, only 3% of the population has been vaccinated against HPV in Bulgaria. A similar study from another country would help the data obtained to be compared which in turn might help health specialists/ organisations to compare and discuss the different methods/ideas that are applied in the respective countries.
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Tomi, Raluca. "Opinia publică italiană despre robia din principatele române în perioada dezrobirii". Studii și Materiale de Istorie Modernă 36 (30 novembre 2023): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/smimod.2023.03.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article aims to present the echo of slavery in the Romanian Principalities in the Italian public opinion, during the period of the emancipation of gypsies’ slaves (1831-1856). The Romanian and the Italian space were marked, during this period, by the fulfillment of the national projects embodied in the establishment of unitary, national, independent states. The national program of the political elites it was complemented by the structural reforms. The existence of North Danube slavery was a reality perceived with astonishment and revolt by Italian travelers. For their part, the consuls of the Kingdom of Sardinia and the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies located in the Danube cities wrote detailed reports in which they presented the social structures, noting the institution of slavery, the types of slaves, their customs, and occupations, surprising the abolitionist movement embodied in the acts of emancipation. Other sources used were the accounts of Italian linguists, geographers, ethnographers regarding the origin of the Roma people and language, supplemented by Italian press fragments, in which aspects of the lives of slaves and information about the policy of emancipation were captured.
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Bottoni, Stefano. "Talking to the System: Imre Mikó, 1911–1977". East Central Europe 44, n. 1 (23 giugno 2017): 47–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04401002.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Taking a cue from an intelligence file produced by the Romanian political police on Transylvanian Hungarian intellectual Imre Mikó (Cluj, 1911–1977), the article analyzes the various patterns of accomodation with the political system, which represents a key to the understanding of how social legitimacy was built and maintained by the communist regimes of Eastern Europe. The framework in which this story takes place is especially interesting due to the Romanian context. On the one hand, the analysis of an unconventional collaboration established during the 1970s between the security organs of a national communist system and a prominent conservative intellectual stimulates us to rethink the state-society relationship in Ceaușescu’s Romania in more dynamic terms. Among the multiple reasons that led Mikó to accept the role of informer, one finds the communitarian ideology of “serving the people”, but also his belief that cooperation with the state security on relevant issues to the Transylvanian Hungarian community did not represent a betrayal of national ideals but the only way to achieve certain political goals, such as informing the Western public opinion on the worsening condition of the Hungarian minority. The case of Mikó can be compared with other files unveiled in Romania during the last years, and shows that often uncritically accepted definition of “collaboration” require serious conceptual reshaping. During the last decades of the communist regimes, significant parts of the formerly persecuted elite came to work together with the state security organs. They did not “talk to the system” with the purpose of spying on fellow citizens, but seeked to push forward their own cause with the infrastructural support of the state security, in a context where non-party members had been denied any access to the political sphere, and they regarded personal contact with a high-raking state security officer as a counterbalance of their marginality.
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Tanculescu, Oana, Alina-Mihaela Apostu, Adrian Doloca, Sorina Mihaela Solomon, Diana Diaconu-Popa, Carmen Iulia Ciongradi, Raluca-Maria Vieriu et al. "Perception of Remote Learning by Fixed Prosthodontic Students at a Romanian Faculty of Dentistry". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 20, n. 4 (17 febbraio 2023): 3622. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20043622.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The COVID-19 pandemic has forced the transfer of traditional on-site educational activities to the online environment. This study aimed to evaluate the perception and acceptance of remote learning among fixed prosthodontic students attending the Faculty of Dental Medicine of “Grigore T. Popa” University of Medicine and Pharmacy in Iasi, Romania, and to analyze the feedback regarding their experience with the new online methods, the perceived quality thereof and suggestions for improvement. An observational cross-sectional, online study based on 22 questions was conducted with 259 students. The general opinion of online education was good or very good (40.15%); regarding its efficiency, 28.57% found it efficient while 34.36% found it inefficient or very inefficient; regarding the pleasure of learning online, 45.95% of students enjoyed online learning, while 36.64% did not enjoy it. The problem that was most cited by respondents was that of keeping all students motivated and involved (65.6%). Sixty-two percent of the respondents believe that online dental education should not exist, or just to a small extent, a result justified by the practical nature of the profession. The general opinion was that health risks should be managed and mitigated by using a hybrid system that would allow students to do on-site clinical training with direct contact with patients.
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Păcurar, Alexandru, e George-Bogdan Tofan. "Incursión en la memoria de los lugares inmortalizados por artistas gráficos, reporteros bélicos en la guerra ruso-rumano-turca de 1877-1878". Transylvanian Review 32, n. 2 (22 settembre 2023): 60–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2023.2.05.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
At the beginning of the 19th century, in a context in which Eastern Europe drew most of the media’s attention, the means of communication provided the public opinion with images and news from this region. The Russian-Romanian-Turkish War (1877–1878), also known as Romania’s Indepen dence War, sparked a lot of interest abroad, due to the considerable number of military observers and artists sent as war correspondents and accredited by the belligerent parties. We will make ex tensive reference to a work comprising a set of informative articles whose documentary value is enhanced by engravings which cover a wide array of topics. It is a collective volume with contri butions from war correspondents and artists-illustrators, some attracted by the landscape and the urban environment (Ladislaus Eugen Petrovits, Themistocles von Eckenbrecher), others by the combatants’ faces and appearance (Auguste Lançon), others by the uniforms, military equip ment and war scenes (Dick de Lonlay, Johann Nepomuk Schönberg), or by the inhabitants’ way of life and activity (José Luis Pellicer). We can also mention the following illustrators who depic ted scenes from the Russian-Romanian-Turkish war: Mathes Koenen, Emil Volkers and Friedrich Kaiser. There are also superb images capturing crucial moments of the conflict, whose author is the engraver Carol Popp de Szathmári (Károly Szathmári Pap). Our approach is an interdisciplinary one, given that it contains elements of geography, history, anthropology, sociology, geopolitics, economy and art, which turns it into an analysis of cordial geography, calligeography or beautiful geography
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Oprea, Bogdan. "Use of Facebook Accounts with Inauthentic Behavior in Elections: The Romanian Presidential Election Case". Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 25, n. 3 (24 febbraio 2024): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2023.3.445.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Astroturfing, trolling, bots, false amplifiers and social media accounts with inauthentic behavior are used in online political communication even if they have a real-world dangerous effect on democratic systems. Some of these activities are involving users that are over-proportionally active in relation to the mean. This explanatory research sought to determine whether such hyperactive users are utilized to share political posts to create an impression of popularity for a specific political message and, thus, to influence the recommendation algorithms of social networks in order to increase the exposure of political messages. In this study, I analyzed the most shared posts during the election campaign on the official Facebook pages of the first three ranked candidates in the 2019 Romanian presidential election. The research revealed an average of 18.3% of shares were made by hyperactive users on their own timeline or in different Facebook groups, with users that shared the same post for 69 times. Furthermore, I identified some of the characteristics of hyperactive users’ accounts based on their public social media profile, which may helps understand the specifics of these accounts. The results show that election communication involves activities considered by Facebook to be a practice of „manipulating public opinion“ and of „manipulating political discussion“ (Weedon et al., 2017, p. 5).
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Jijie, Dumitru-Tudor, Alexandru Maxim, Teodora Roman e Mihail Roșcovan. "Public Acceptance and Support of Renewable Energy in the North-East Development Region of Romania". Energies 14, n. 18 (15 settembre 2021): 5834. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14185834.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Concern about energy in the European Union (EU) has been a recurrent issue from the very beginning. Though initially addressed at the state level, energy is now a shared competency as stressed by article 194 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. New challenges, added from time to time, need public support in order to be properly addressed. Such is the case of substituting traditional energy production with renewable energy sources. Our paper seeks to determine whether the Romanian public opinion favors such an evolution, which is traditionally associated with significant investment efforts. The study is focused on the north-east development region, which has the highest population and registered the fastest economic growth in 2019. The topic was explored through a survey applied to a sample of 649 household respondents. The results suggest strong support for introducing renewable energy sources, serious concerns about climate change, and a preoccupation for energy saving. Concerns regarding climate change or various economic factors, behaviors oriented towards reducing energy waste, as well as perceived knowledge on the matter are the factors with the biggest impact on supporting electricity production based on renewable energy sources. However, TV and online exposure have a negative impact on support. Demographics, along with social and political values remain mostly not significant.
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Șipoș, Sorin. "Revue de Transylvanie (1934-1944): Creation, Structure and Research Themes". Annales Universitatis Apulensis Series Historica 25, n. 1 (15 dicembre 2021): 299–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.29302/auash.2021.25.1.15.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Revue de Transylvanie appeared in May 1934 in Cluj, at the initiative of Transylvanian intellectuals and with the financial support of Astra, its pages containing studies of good scientific quality, aiming at disseminating the results of Romanian historical research to the European scientific and public opinion. Our paper intends to outline the context in which the journal appeared, its editorial structure, its main contributors and topics throughout the years, as well as the context in which it ceased its activity. In the Foreword of its first issue, its initiators stated the reasons for starting the journal, as well as the objectives its founders had set for themselves. Silviu Dragomir, the director of the journal, and D.D. Roşca, its first editor-in-chief, intended the Revue de Transylvanie “to be a means of informing its Western readers on Transylvania through various aspects of life in a major province of post-1918 Romania”. The founders of the publication wished for the journal to be “an objective and accurate means of information” on the ethnic issues in Transylvania and particularly on minorities. Revue de Transylvanie also aimed at investigating the relations of minorities in Romania with its majority Romanian population. The journal also appeared as a reaction to the Hungarian external propaganda, which was trying to accredit the idea that, after having become a Romanian province, Transylvania experienced a regress. The journal was not founded immediately after 1918, but in 1934, when it became increasingly obvious that the political changes that had occurred in the states defeated during WWI were threatening Europe’s configuration. Even in this difficult political context, the Romanian State took a long time to get involved in financially supporting the publication. The journal achieved only some of the goals set by its founders, namely informing scientists and decision-makers in the Western states on the political and ethnic realities in Transylvania. This was due to the professionalism of the authors and their published studies on a great variety of topics, namely history, historical demography, cultural history, ethnography, linguistics etc., as well as to the 1200 free copies distributed to specialists in the country and abroad. Regarding the contributors to the issues of the journal, although their number was over 60, only a few of them were permanent contributors, i.e. Silviu Dragomir, with 9 published studies, George Sofronie, with 8 published studies, Laurian Someșan, with 6 published studies, Coriolan Petranu, with 5 studies, Ioachim Crăciun, with 5 published studies, Ioan Lupaș, with 4 studies. The journal was also a true training workshop for younger specialists who made their apprenticeship especially in the Notes and Reviews sections. Worth mentioning among the younger historians are Ioachim Crăciun, Aurel Decei, Ioan Moga, Andrei Oţetea, P.P. Panaitescu, Ştefan Pascu, Aurelian Sacer¬doţeanu, David Prodan, Virgil Vătăşianu. The journal contained good quality studies on a variety of topics, especially contributions on contemporary history, minority issues, international law, historical demography, language history, historical geography etc. Revue de Transylvanie proved to be an interdisciplinary journal in terms of both published studies and articles, and of its contributors’ formation. Disputes and polemics occurred mainly in Notes and Reviews. The political factor in Romania used only to a small extent the pertinent information provided by the specialists, and its editing team set itself difficult objectives, unachievable without political support.
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Petrariu, Ileana, e Florin Valentin Leuciuc. "Selection Process for Romanian Children in Handball Based on Coordinative Abilities: A Questionnaire Survey". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, n. 6 (19 marzo 2022): 3672. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19063672.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
According to the reviewed literature, the selection system in handball is quite complex and requires new approaches from trainers based on the current and modern requirements of this game. This paper investigated the importance of coordinative ability development in handball in the selection process for young Romanian children (10–12 years old). The results were obtained from a sociological questionnaire survey, for which 109 handball coaches, 34 female and 75 male, were questioned. The mean age was 40.71 years (SD = ±5.32) with a range of 31–51 years for female coaches and 40.3 years (SD = ±7.53) with a range of 30–62 years for male coaches. Their experience in handball coaching varied from 10 to 30 years, with 19.88 (SD = ±5.05) years of experience on average for female coaches and 19.09 (SD = ±5.26) years of experience on average for male coaches. The answers delivered depended on the experience and knowledge the coaches had and difficulties they had encountered over the years. Data are presented using a variety of appropriate descriptive statistics, including frequencies, percentages, and mean and standard variation. Obtained data were modeled using a one-way analysis of variation (ANOVA). The questionnaire format was three-to-five-point Likert scale. As a general overview, in the opinion of the surveyed specialists, the Romania selection process for handball does not meet their expectations, and the development level of coordinative abilities in 10–12 year-old children is medium to weak. A total of 61.76% female and 58.66% male coaches stressed the importance of developing coordination abilities to optimize the selection process of children for handball games, opening up a new approach in modern training methods for performance achievement. The obtained results from this paper questionnaire can be used by coaches as a different approach to the handball training process, considering that handball is a game mainly based on coordination.
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Săftoiu, Răzvan. "Split voices in political discourse". Language and Dialogue 5, n. 3 (17 dicembre 2015): 430–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ld.5.3.04saf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this paper, I consider dialogue in Parliament as central, because it is the dialogic instances that bring to the fore the multivocality of political discourse, and I will show there are “other voices [speaking] through the speaking voice” (Ionescu-Ruxăndoiu 2012, 152). I also start from the premise that, although restrictive and context dependent, in political discourse one may identify instances of the self. Politicians exploit language use with the purpose of creating emotions in their audience and their aim is to influence public opinion, to make voters think he/ she is “the right man at the right time”. Using extracts from the speeches delivered by a controversial Romanian politician, Corneliu Vadim Tudor, I will dwell upon the active management of voices in discourse as well as on projection of self into discourse with a view to discussing them as strategies used to construct a politician’s professional identity.
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Constantin, Elena Claudia. "COMMUNICATING IN MULTI-CULTURAL EUROPE". Professional Communication and Translation Studies 4 (5 maggio 2023): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.59168/bnyq8537.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article is part of a research on the management of communication in the EU programs. It analyzes the way in which EU communicates with its citizens and it studies the EU strategy for communication. The findings show that from 2001 to 2007, the Commission has made a lot of efforts to improve communication. The EU citizens have access to legislation, procedures and information in their national tongue and the possibility to communicate with all the institutions in 23 official languages. Nevertheless, the surveys indicate a general lack of interest of the public opinion in the European problems and the EU policy. Improving the way in which EU communicates with its citizens remains an ongoing process. The author suggests that the Romanian people should also be informed about the communication problems faced by the founding member states, so that adequate measures can be taken.
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PROFIROIU, Constantin Marius, Tudorel ANDREI e Dragoș DINCĂ. "The effects of the implementation of Law no. 153/2017 on the unitary remuneration of personnel paid from public funds". ADMINISTRATIE SI MANAGEMENT PUBLIC, n. 36 (27 maggio 2021): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/amp/2021.36-03.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Regarding remuneration, the last 20 years in the Romanian public sector have been marked by extensive debates on the discrepancies between the incomes of the different categories of public personnel, the differences in the application of the legal framework, as well as the lack of correlation between the results of individual work performance and the level of remuneration. The low level of remuneration and the lack of legal forms for rewarding public personnel for their achievements as a form of developing motivation, led to low performance in the public sector. In 2017, the Romanian authorities conducted a reform regarding public personnel remuneration through the adoption of Law no. 153/2017 on the unitary remuneration of the personnel paid from public funds. The purpose of the mentioned law was to ensure a uniform remuneration framework in the public sector by applying clearly formulated principles and criteria as well as to decentralize the decisions taken in this area. From this perspective, the purpose of the present study is to analyze the impact of the implementation of Law no. 153/2017 on the unitary remuneration of the personnel paid from public funds from the perspective of its application, its effects, and the correlation of individual performance with the level of payment. Within the framework of the research, the process of applying the new rules, the principles underlying the new payment system, the criteria for adopting the new payment system, the level of income increases, the correlation between civil servants’ activities and the level of remuneration as well as, the objectivity of the individual evaluations were considered. The research methodology consists of an opinion survey conducted in public administration institutions using as a research instrument, a self-administered questionnaire where 320 civil servants participated. The study revealed a high degree of dissatisfaction among civil servants regarding the new remuneration system as well as the existence of certain factors that are more relevant and important than the income level, for developing civil servants’ motivation, such as the hierarchical superiors’ attitudes and the appreciation expressed by the beneficiaries of the provided services. The study also revealed that the current remuneration system does not support sufficiently the modernization process in the public administration and more than that, it led to an increase in the costs of implementing the regulations of the normative act because a significant proportion of public servants have contested in court the manner in which this law was applied
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Piddubnyi, Ihor. "Тhe Activities of the King and the Government of Romania at the Beginning of World War II". Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, n. 37-38 (18 dicembre 2018): 208–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.208-216.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article emphasizes the task of the Romanian government at the beginning of the Second World War, aimed at preserving the independence and territorial integrity of the state. Tasks were solved by maintaining good-neighborly relations with other countries, taking measures to protect state borders. The position of the government did not change after the assassination of the head of government A.Calinescu, but forced to take steps to form a government capable of suppressing the activities of the guardians. Following was the government of reconciliation. Both governments had the purpose to demonstrate the continuity of power and the maintenance of the previously chosen political line. Governments were formed within the framework of the National Renaissance Front, which was considered a means of national reconciliation. There have been no changes in the attitude towards Britain and France, which was due to the preservation of the power of Anglophiles and Francophiles. In domestic policy the task was to renew the country, to support change in favor of the country's defense capability. The domestic policy also involved the implementation of the plan for deprivation of citizenship of a large number of people, and the establishment of minimum wages. raised the issue of preservation of natural resources of the country. The country tried to maintain a high rating of the king as a unifying center for the Romanians, which led to a holiday tour of the country in December 1939 - January 1940. King visits to Oradea, Constantsa, Chisinau became a means of influencing public opinion and allowed the leaders of national minorities to demonstrate affection the crown, the cause of national revival, the strengthening of the army. At the same time, the government was shown the attention to the western and eastern outskirts of the country through holding ministerial conferences and defining tasks for improvement of existence.
Keywords: Romania, Carol II, Gh.Tatarescu, government, World War II, domestic policy
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Plavinskaia, Nadezda. "La fortune éditoriale du Nakaz de Catherine II en Europe du XVIIIe siècle". Diciottesimo Secolo 7 (18 novembre 2022): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/ds-13185.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Instruction of Catherine II (the Nakaz, 1767) represented an original attempt of the Russian supreme power to introduce certain ideas of the European Enlightenment into the practice of national legislation. The ‘philosophical’ origins of the Nakaz, which incorporated broad borrowings from Western eighteenth-century thinkers, ensured the empress’s work a place among the most liberal texts of the Russian Enlightenment and promoted its spread beyond borders. In the last third of the XVIII century more than thirty editions of the Nakaz in several languages – German, English, French, Italian, Dutch, Polish, Romanian, Swedish, Greek and Latin – circulated in Europe. Such editorial activity attested the great interest of the public opinion in the reforms announced by Catherine II at the beginning of her reign. Nevertheless, the Nakaz translations were not without consequence to the original text, having caused its modifications. An additional point is that most of these translations were initiated or supported by the people connected with Russia by their functions or by their interests.
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Buturoiu, Dana Raluca, e Ana Voloc. "Media Coverage in Times of Crisis. Intermedia Agenda-setting of COVID-19 – related Topics". Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 23, n. 2 (1 luglio 2021): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2021.2.323.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In times of crisis, the media play a crucial role in offering people information and updates related to the ongoing events. Thus, the media implicitly shape public opinion on the issues they cover and, as a result, influence public attitudes and behaviors. In this context, this paper aims at analyzing the media coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic. Specifically, by means of quantitative content analysis (N=1511) conducted on both television and online news stories released during March 18-31 2020, this study sheds light on the agenda-setting effects of the media and the phenomenon known as intermedia agenda-setting. Main results show that, in spring 2020, both television and online news stories extensively covered COVID-19 topics, focusing on domestic issues such as decisions taken by the authorities in order to manage the pandemic, effects of the virus, and statistics. Furthermore, results show a relatively high intermedia agenda-setting effect within the Romanian media environment. Content published online (either in the form of social media content or online stories) is frequently “borrowed” and cited in both online and television news stories, leading us to the idea that digital media might have become mainstream information sources.
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Herdea, Valeria, Petruta Tarciuc, Raluca Ghionaru, Bogdan Pana, Sergiu Chirila, Andreea Varga, Cristina Oana Mărginean, Smaranda Diaconescu e Eugene Leibovitz. "A Sensitive Public Health Issue—The Vaccine Acceptancy and the Anti-Pertussis Immune Status of Pregnant Women from a Romanian Metropolitan Area". Children 10, n. 4 (29 marzo 2023): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/children10040640.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
(1) Background: Immunization of pregnant women (PWs) against Bordetella pertussis infection is still a challenging health matter. (2) Methods: We gathered questionnaire data from 180 PWs regarding their expectancies and current opinion on infectious disease prevention. For the group of PWs who agreed to further investigations, the serum levels of Ig G anti-B. pertussis antibodies (IgG-PT) titer were measured and analyzed. (3) Results: A total of 180 PWs completed the questionnaire and 98 (54.44%, study group) accepted to perform the laboratory tests. During the first two pregnancy trimesters, PWs were found to be more willing (compared with the control group) to test for identifying high-risk situations that could affect themselves and their future infant (p < 0.001). Most of the participating PWs (91, 91.9%) had low levels of anti-pertussis antibodies (values < 40 IU/mL). Declared vaccine coverage of the PWs newborn infants for DTaP-1 and Prevenar 13 (at 2 months) and DTaP-2 and Prevenar 13 (at 4 months) vaccination reached 100% in the study group, while in the control group only 30/82 (36.59%) PWs accepted to be vaccinated during pregnancy, none of them providing data on their infants’ vaccine coverage. (4) Conclusions: Enrolled PWs faced a waning immunity against the B. pertussis infection. By raising maternal confidence in the protective role of vaccines against infectious diseases, better vaccine acceptance and better infant vaccine coverage can be achieved.
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Kós, Anna. "„Mondom én, hallgatod te”". Symbolon 22, n. 2 (2021): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.46522/s.2021.02.04.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The relationship between media and public opinion has been analyzed by many researchers, and most of these analyses relate to the nature of the recipient’s decoding. The research to be presented is also such a topic: how the interpretation of content on the media surface is affected by the fact that recipients of different nationalities try to interpret what is being said. One of the key issues in intercultural communication (apart from the language used, obviously) is the understanding of the way of life of the nations/nationalities concerned, their attitudes towards the most fundamental issues of individual and community life, their values, norms, customs and behavior, knowledge of their social and material products. If we try to create media content for people socialized in another culture without knowing it all, there will most likely be a misunderstanding in the end. If we apply Patrick Charaudeau’s findings on language competencies and Geert Hofstede’s analysis on cultural dimensions to the Romanian-Hungarian media communication relations, we will find explanations for interesting situations.