Articoli di riviste sul tema "Roman arabe contemporain"

L'écrivaine française Marguerite Duras, née en Indochine en 1914, est considérée comme l'un des écrivains dont les œuvres se distinguent par la nouveauté. Cela lui accorde une grande renommée depuis le début de ses écrits. Il est vrai que Duras n’était pas une théoricienne, mais certains l'a mise avec les romanciers du Nouveau Roman comme Alain Robbe-Grillet, Nathalie Sarraute et Michel Butor. D’autres critiques l’étudient en fonction de la modernité qui caractérise ses œuvres littéraires. Cette recherche étudie la réception des œuvres littéraires de Marguerite Duras en Irak. L'étude comprend une introduction au roman en Irak : ses ressources, son développement, et l'effet du roman étranger sur lui ainsi que le rôle de la traduction dans ce domaine. En effet, le roman est un genre littéraire récent en Irak et dans le monde arabe, par rapport à la poésie, le modèle connu par les arabes depuis longtemps. L'essence de cette étude est d’aborder la réception des œuvres de Marguerite Duras en Irak notamment la majorité de ses romans ont été traduits en arabe. Cela mérite des recherches surtout qu’elle est l'écrivaine le plus réceptif parmi ses contemporains. L'étude explore non seulement ce qui a été écrit à propos de cette écrivaine, mais aussi aborde les facteurs d'attraction dans les œuvres de Duras pour le lecteur arabe. En outre, la recherche porte sur la critique des œuvres de Duras. L'étude montre que l'ensemble de ce qui a été écrit sur Duras dans la langue arabe consiste à montrer les principaux traits de ses écrits et de sa popularité ainsi que son rôle dans le développement du roman moderne. De même, le lecteur arabe capture la modernité introduite par Duras sur l’écriture du roman du XXe siècle, en particulier dans ses œuvres postérieures ainsi que son style d’écriture appuyé sur des effets non verbaux tels que la musique, le cri et le silence. Cependant, les avis sont variés concernant la nature des œuvres de Duras. Les études ont porté sur les sujets qu'elle a traités dans ses écrits comme l'amour, la liberté et la justice. Elle a fait usage de son autobiographie à être une matière de ses écrits. L'autre aspect qui distingue les œuvres de Duras est le style et le langage de son écriture : les critiques étaient d’accord que la simplicité de ses écrits n’était qu’apparente, produite par la brièveté de l’œuvre.

This article explores the theme of war in the main graphic novels of Lamia Ziadé and Zeina Abirached, two Franco-Lebanese artists. Following a tripartite plan, it scrutinizes the pictorial and scriptural aesthetics of the artists in Bye Bye Babylond (2010), Ô nuit, Ô mes yeux (2015) and Ma très grande mélancolie arabe (2017) by Ziadé and in Le Jeu des hirondelles: mourir partir revenir (2007), Je souviens: Beirut (2008) and Prendre refuge (2018) by Abirached. The article examines each author’s approach to the history of the Middle East, especially that of Lebanon, as well as the impact of the so-called ‘duty of memory’ on bandes dessinés that manifest a clear autobiographical temptation.

Eclectic Sufism that might be interpreted as a modern form of subjectivity construction has been observed in Morocco and Pakistan. This article reports comparable phenomena elsewhere, using the case of the Arabic translation of Elif Shafak’s novel The Forty Rules of Love. The article argues that, in the wider Arab world as in Morocco and Pakistan, the localization of eclectic Sufism is an instance of the reinterpretation of Islamic traditions to incorporate globally relevant social imaginaries. It questions, however, the association between eclectic Sufism and individualism, and argues that there is also a further form of localization: the application of eclectic Sufism to contemporary political conditions, notably the problem of sectarianism.Eklektisk sufisme, som kan fortolkes som et udtryk for moderne subjektivitetskonstruktion, kan observeres i Marokko og Pakistan. Denne artikel beskriver og diskuterer fænomener fra andre egne med udgangspunkt i den arabiske oversættelse af Elif Shafaks roman The Forty Rules of Love. Artiklen argumenterer for at den lokalt forankrede eklektiske sufisme, man finder i den arabiske verden såvel som i Marokko og Pakistan, bygger på en genfortolkning af islamiske traditioner, som inkorporerer globalt relevante sociale forestillinger. Samtidig rejses spørgsmål om forbindelsen mellem den eklektiske sufisme og individualismen og muligheden for lokal forankring på et yderligere niveau, nemlig samtidige politiske forhold og problemstillinger knyttet til sekularisme.

The aim of this paper is to assess the assumptions we make about the age of carbonized and uncarbonized plant materialsfrom soil samples. By questioning the age and origin of plant remains, we investigate an unexploited potential of possiblearchaeological interpretations. As a case study, carbonized and uncarbonized plant remains from a house that dates to thetransition between the Pre-Roman Iron Age and the Roman Iron Age at Hove-Sørbø in Southwestern Norway are investigated. As opposed to the original assumptions based on the preservation conditions at the locality, a total of 1 062 uncarbonized seeds of the arable weeds fat-hen (Chenopodium album) and corn spurrey (Spergula arvensis) are shown to be contemporary with the house. This is a unique find in Norway, and it is assumed that the seeds are a by-product of crop processing, most likely residues from fine sieving of cereal grains. The literature discussing macro analysis and interpretation relevant for Norwegian archaeological contexts is scarce. This is partly due to the fact that analysis of macro remains from such contexts is inherently interdisciplinary, and therefore dependent upon the involvement of archaeologists as well as palaeobotanists for further method development and knowledge production.

Dans la nouvelle littérature française et francophone, Ezza Agha Malak est une figure emblématique de la littérature du postmodernisme. Directrice de recherches à l’Université libanaise, Médaille du Mérite de l’Éducation parlementaire, Chevalier dans l’ordre des Arts et des Lettres depuis 2012, Officier dans l’ordre des Arts et des lettres depuis 2011, Ezza Agha Malak est détentrice de plusieurs prix et trophées des institutions libanaises. Auteure de plus d’une trentaine d’ouvrages en français, (romans, recueils de poèmes, essais) elle a signé une centaine d’études et d’articles centrés sur des thèmes sociétaux et humanistes. Six ouvrages collectifs examinent son œuvre, réalisés par des chercheurs de tous pays. Son œuvre (traduite en plusieurs langues, notamment en anglais et en arabe) a fait l’objet de plusieurs thèses de doctorat et de mémoires de Master. Abstract: Ezza Agha Malak is a leading figure of French and Francophone contemporary literature. Head of research at the Libanese University, she was the recipient of numerous awards including the Médaille du Mérite de l’Éducation parlementaire and was made Chevalier dans l’ordre des Arts et des Lettres (2012) and Officier dans l’ordre des Arts et des lettres (2011). Ezza Agha Malak is also a prolific writers who authored more than 30 books in French (in genres ranging from poetry to novel) and 100 academic articles. Her work has been the focus of several dissertations and collective books, in addition to being translated in numerous languages including English and Arabic.

Ilmul Saidala (Unani pharmacy) is an important pharmaceutical branch of Unani System of Medicine, also known as Greco-Arabic medicine. Its historical evolution is intricately related with that of human’s disease and sufferings. The earlier records about the Ilmul Saidala reveal that the Greco-Roman civilization is credited with its origin and development. Then, the Arabs preserved their medical legacy, and enriched it with their pharmaceutical experiments, innovations, and newer formulations. Most of the physicians rendered voluminous compendium known as “Al-Qarābādhīn” (pharmacopoeia) on the pharmacy including pharmaceutical as well as cosmeceutical preparations. After the fifth century, the development in Unani Pharmacy has been greatly contributed by Arab physicians and the world acclaimed piece of knowledge from this period is Avicenna’s ‘Canon of Medicine’. The medical influences of the Arabs helped in further development, regulation, and advancement of pharmaceutical sciences in the European soil and evolved it as a distinctive institution of respect and public welfare. The vastness of knowledge of Greco-Arabic period can be judged from the fact that the contemporary innovations and developments in the pharmaceutical industry is primarily owed to the original contributions of Greek, Egyptian, and Arab philosophers and physicians, such as Hippocrates, Pedanios Dioscorides, Galen of Pergamon, Avicenna, Rhazes, Geber etc. In India, Mughals, especially emperor Akbar was very instrumental in the propagation of Unani medicine and had appointed Unani physicians in different cities of his territory. Later on, Khandan Shareefi (Shareefi family) and Khandan Azizi (Azizi family) played important roles in the promotion of Unani Pharmacy. In post-independence India , Hạkīm ‘Abd al-Hạmeed established Unani pharmacies on the lines of the modern pharmaceutical industry for the mass production of Unani formulations in compliance with Good Manufacturing Practice (GMP) guidelines. At present, Unani System of Medicine and its pharmacies enjoys the patronage of Government in India and other South-East Asian countries, such as Pakistan and Bangladesh along with post graduate education in Unani pharmacy. The present work is a sincere attempt of authors to critically appraise the Unani Pharmaceutical potentials from the past, the current waves of developments and issues, and their possible ways forward. Bangladesh Journal of Medical Science Vol. Vol. 21(1) 2022 Page : 24-36

Abstract The prophet’s biography had a supreme place in the Turkish writings. In this vein, the present research’s title is “The Meccan Era in the Turkish Writings from the prophet’s birth till the Prophetic Immigration to Medina”. Therefore in this research, a great amount of information about the Meccan era in the Turkish Writings from the prophet’s birth till the Prophetic Immigration to Medina was collected. It also included prophet’s life before and after the mission till the immigration to Abyssinia, the boycott, passing the second Aqaba Pledge, the Prophet's stand towards some contemporary nations and finally, the conclusion and the list of citied works and references. Before the prophet Muhammad Ibn Abd Allah's (PBUH) birth, the Arabian Peninsula lived in full darkness then it was enlightened by Islam. The prophet (PBUH) was not detached from the universal arena; rather, he was aware of the surrounding nations led by the Persians and Romans during that time. The Turks became in contact with Arabs from the earlier ages of the Islamic history. Moreover, the prophet sat in the Turkish tent and it is noticed that the Turkish Literature has paid great attention to the prophet’s biography, as well as the Meccan and Medina eras, since his childhood till his prophecy and all the details that related to the holy prophetic immigration to Medina, as we will see in the followings researches.

Abstract The prophet’s biography had a supreme place in the Turkish writings. In this vein, the present research’s title is “The Meccan Era in the Turkish Writings from the prophet’s birth till the Prophetic Immigration to Medina”. Therefore in this research, a great amount of information about the Meccan era in the Turkish Writings from the prophet’s birth till the Prophetic Immigration to Medina was collected. It also included prophet’s life before and after the mission till the immigration to Abyssinia, the boycott, passing the second Aqaba Pledge, the Prophet's stand towards some contemporary nations and finally, the conclusion and the list of citied works and references. Before the prophet Muhammad Ibn Abd Allah's (PBUH) birth, the Arabian Peninsula lived in full darkness then it was enlightened by Islam. The prophet (PBUH) was not detached from the universal arena; rather, he was aware of the surrounding nations led by the Persians and Romans during that time. The Turks became in contact with Arabs from the earlier ages of the Islamic history. Moreover, the prophet sat in the Turkish tent and it is noticed that the Turkish Literature has paid great attention to the prophet’s biography, as well as the Meccan and Medina eras, since his childhood till his prophecy and all the details that related to the holy prophetic immigration to Medina, as we will see in the followings researches.

Deeply divided between opposing national, religious, and ethnic groups, contemporary Jerusalem is a paradigm of urban heterogeneity and dichotomous identities. The social divisions that split Jerusalem are many and deep; to list the more obvious lines of fragmentation, this small city of about a half-million persons includes Muslims, Christians, and Jews; secular and ultra-orthodox Jews; Palestinian refugees; peasants; and old established Jerusalemite families. Although Jerusalem's physical and social landscape is criss-crossed by multiple political and symbolic boundaries, there can be no doubt that the major fault line is between Israelis and Palestinians—or, to use the terms often employed by members of both groups, between Jews and Arabs. This results from Israel's occupation of East Jerusalem in 1967 and the forced imposition of Israeli sovereignty over the entire city. Israel holds political and legal control throughout Jerusalem, while the Palestinians, who consider themselves to be in a situation of illegal occupation, continue to be Jordanian citizens who are classified under Israeli law as ‘residents of Jerusalem’ (Romann & Weingrod 1991). As a consequence of this fundamental division, practically every feature of this Holy City—from urban space to everyday consumer products (such as milk, vegetables, bread, and cigarettes) and including buses, buildings, and even sounds and colors—is perceived and identified by members of both groups as either “Israeli” or “Palestinian.” These two basic group identities appear to be totally discrete and mutually exclusive.

Sacrificial Tradition and Religion during the Early Iron Age in South Scandinavia – with Special Reference to Settlement SacrificesSacrificial customs and religion during the Early Iron Age (500 BC–400 AD) has occupied archaeologists from the infancy of archaeology. Most would probably agree that the religion was primarily fertility related, originating as it was in the existing peasant society. The literature does not reflect any disagreement about the religion of the Early Iron Age being polytheistic and consequently concerned a variety of gods. However, it is still unknown how the religion was integrated in the everyday life, and under which conditions it was practiced.The research interest and the overall synthesis framework have especially addressed sacrifices in bogs and wetlands (for instance weapon sacrifices, bog bodies, deposited earthenware, anthropomorphic wooden figures, domestic animals, cauldrons, ring sacrifices, etc.). Strongly simplified, the existing consensus may be expressed in one single sentence: The overall society-related sacrificial traditions develop from being almost exclusively connected with wetland areas during the Early Iron Age (until c.400 AD) to being primarily connected with dry land after this time, cf. Fig. 1.The question is whether – based on the intense data collection over the recent decades – archaeology can or should maintain this very simple picture of the development of the sacrificial traditions and the religions during the Iron Age? Is it possible that we – rooted in for instance narrow definitions of sacrificial finds, habitual thinking, and a “delusion” consisting of the numerous well-preserved, well-documented, spectacular, and impressive finds of bog sacrifices – fail to see numerous forms of deposits, which (as opposed to the impressive finds of sacrifices in bogs) are hidden in the archaeological material?The settlements of the Iron Age have been excavated in large numbers over the recent decades, and it is the ritual finds from these localities that provide the background for this article.The ritual deposits from the settlements can be divided into two superior groups distinguished by the physical context. One comprises sacrifices made to constructions, which are characterized by being directly connected to a specific structure; the other encompasses settlement sacrifices that are to a higher degree characterized by an overriding affiliation to the settlement. The establishment of a sacrifice definition suitable for scanning the archaeological material for relevant finds is of vital importance. As the definition should not beforehand restrict the search through the material, it is important not to narrow the basis by concentrating only on the physical characteristics of the individual artefacts. The general idea behind the present presentation is that the different ritual dimensions of a society are internally connected as they function within the same overall conventions and, as a consequence, make up parts of a general mental structure, which can leave physically recognizable traces across the different ritual dimensions, cf. Fig. 2. This principal viewpoint creates a theoretical starting point for my work and the established definition of sacrificial finds: All intentionally deposited objects, which analytically show significant similarities as regards their physical appearance and/or their deposition context with other recognized ritual objects/contexts, and which are closely connected to these in time and space, should, when analysed, be considered sacrificial finds.The British religious historian, Ninian Smart, describes religion as consisting of seven thematically describing situations, which – albeit not completely unconnected – may be described individually:1) A dogmatic and philosophical dimension, comprising doctrine systems.2) A mythical and narrative dimension, comprising tales of the deities, of the creation, etc.3) An ethical and judicial dimension, comprising the consequences of the religion in relation to the shaping of the life of the individual.4) A social and institutional dimension comprising organisations and institutions that tie together the individual religious society.5) An empirical and emotional dimension comprising the individual’s experience of god and the divine.6) A ritual and practical dimension comprising prayer, sacrifices, worship, etc.7) A materiel dimension comprising architecture, art, sacred places, buildings, and iconography.As archaeologists, we have a very limited possibility of investigating the very thoughts behind the practiced religion. It is therefore natural to concentrate to a higher extent on the overall setting for it – the ritual dimension and the materiel dimension respectively. The ritual dimension and in particular its sacrificial aspect is traditionally divided into groups characterised by their significance level within the religion as such.1) The first and most “important” group consists of cult rituals. These are characterized by being calendar rites based on the myths of the religion or the history of the people, and by playing a part in the events of the year.2) The next group comprises transition rites (rite de passage), which follow the life cycle of the individual.3) The last group comprises rites of crises, which serve the purpose of averting danger, illness, etc.It is important to realize that the two first ritual groups are predictable cyclic rituals addressing the gods, the myths, and/or the people/the individual respectively. Only the third and least central group of rituals is determined by non-predictable and “not-always” occurring incidences. On this background, it becomes central to analyse, which category one is facing when one wants to assess its importance for the religion as such, in order to evaluate the primary character of the religion.In an attempt to understand the overall importance of a specific ritual practice, one cannot ignore a very complicated problem, which is to evaluate whether the sacrifices were practiced by single individuals or by a larger group of people as part of more common and society-supporting rituals. The issue of the relation between different sacrifice types and the groups causing these has been addressed repeatedly. Often, narrow physical interpretation frames as to who sacrificed what are advanced (i.e. Fig. 3). However, the question is how suitable are these very narrow and rigid interpretation models? As mentioned above, a sacrifice is defined by the intention (context) that caused it rather than by the specific physical form of the object!The above mentioned methodical and theoretical issues provide the background for the author’s investigation of the archaeological sources, in which he focused especially on the relationship between ritual actions as they are expressed in bog deposits and in burial grounds and measured them against the contemporary finds from the settle­ments.The analysis of the archaeological material is based on those find groups (sacrifices of cauldrons, magnificent chariots, humans, animals, metals, and weapons), which have traditionally been presented as a proof that society supporting and more community influenced ritual sacrifices were carried out beside the bogs.The examination of the material supports that sacrifices of cauldrons, magnificent chariots, humans, animals, and earthenware are found in both settlements and wetlands (Figs. 4-12), and that the deposits seem to follow superior ritual conventions, i.e. Fig. 2. The sacrifices were not made in fixed sacred places but in a momentary sacred context, which returns to its daily secular sphere once the rituals have been carried out. Often, the ceremony consists of a ritual cutting up of the sacrificed object, and the pars pro toto principle occurs completely integrated in connection with both burial customs, wetland sacrifice customs, and settlement sacrifice customs. Sacrifices often occur as an expression of a rite de passage connected to the structures, fields, or infrastructure of the village. However, the repeated finds of earthenware vessels, humans, and animals in both wetland areas and in the villages indicates that fertility sacrifices were made regularly as part of the cyclic agricultural world. This places the find groups in a central position when it comes to understanding the religious landscape of the Early Iron Age. In a lot of respects, the settlement finds appear as direct parallel material to the contemporary wetland-related sacrificial custom and so one must assume that major religious events also took place in the settlements, for instance when a human or a cauldron was handed over to the next world. Both the selection of sacrificial objects, the form of depositing, and the preceding ceremonial treatment seem to follow superior ritual structures applying to both funerary rites and wetland sacrifices in Iron Age society.Often, the individual settlement-related sacrificial find seems to be explained by everyday doings, as largely all sacrifice-related objects of the Early Iron Age have a natural affiliation with the settlement and the daily housekeeping. However, it is clear that if the overwhelming amount of data is made subject to a comprehensive and detailed contextual analysis, settlement related find groups and attached action patterns appear, which have direct parallels in the ritual interpretation platform of the bog context. These parallels cannot be explained by pure practical or coincidence-related explanation models!As opposed to ploughed-up Stone Age axe deposits or impressive bronze depots from the Bronze Age and gold depots from the Late Iron Age, a ploughed-up collection of either earthenware, bones, human parts, etc. are not easily explained as sacrificial deposits. However, much indicates that the sacrificial settlement deposits of the Iron Age were not placed very deeply, and so they occur in the arable soil of later times. We must therefore assume that these very settlement-related sacrificial deposits from the Early Iron Age are extremely underrepresented in the available archaeological material. In order to clarify the sacrifice traditions in the Early Iron Age settlements, it is therefore necessary to have localities, which comply with a very rarely occurring find situation. The sites must have fine preservation conditions for bone material and, equally important, thick, continuously accumulated deposits of culture layers, as these preserve the usually shallowly deposited sacrifices. Further, it would be a great advantage if the site has a high degree of settlement continuity, as under optimal conditions, the investigation should comprise the activities of several centuries on the same spot.The Aalborg area holds Early Iron Age localities, which meet all of the above-mentioned conditions – for instance the settlement mound of Nr. Tranders, from which a few results will be pointed out. Time wise, the locality covers all of the Pre-Roman Iron Age and the fist part of the Early Roman Iron Age. Around ten farm units have been excavated from the settlement, each of which can be traced across a period of several hundred years. The houses were constructed with chalk floors (cf. Fig. 13), which give optimal preservation conditions for bone material, and the culture deposits assumed a thickness of up to 2 metres. Around 150 houses were excavated at this site (cf. Fig. 14). The author systematically checked the comprehensive find material, and starting from the theoretical and methodical approach presented in this article, was able to isolate 393 sacrificial deposits – a very comprehensive material in comparison with the sacrificial wetland sites!In 279 cases, it was possible to isolate sacrifices in connection with constructions. These comprised such different items as Stone Age axes, fossils, dress pins, a bronze fibula, iron knives, iron arrowheads, a bronze ring, an iron axe, various pottery sacrifices, amber, bone stilettos, bone spearheads, a bone arrowhead, complete animal skeletons, animal skulls and jaws, various animal bones, an infant, humane skull fragments, etc. (cf. Fig. 15). Just as the sacrificed objects themselves vary, so does the sacrifice intensity in the different constructions. Thus, houses without any registered construction sacrifices occur, whereas other constructions showed up to 5-15 sacrifices. These intense sacrifice activities are mainly connected with the later settlement phases from the Late Pre-Roman and the Early Roman Iron Age.The most ordinary find groups are different animal bones, pottery, Stone Age axes, fossils, and various pointed or edged tools. It is a characteristic of the construction sacrifices that they almost never show any signs of having been burnt prior to the depositing. The fact that all finds are not comparable merely because they are related to a construction is obvious, as the find group comprises as different objects as a sea urchin and an infant! Whereas the first should probably be considered an amulet, human sacrifices are traditionally considered a far more radical and ultimate act, and thus a sacrifice concerning a wider circle than the individual household. The highly varied sacrifice material causes the traditional link between construction sacrifices and an extremely narrow celebrant group to be reassessed. The excavations at Nr. Tranders also stress the fact that the amount of registered construction sacrifices are highly dependant on the preservation conditions and context registration as well as an open mind towards ritual interpretations in a traditionally secular research setting.In 114 cases, it was possible to determine settlement sacrifices at Nr. Tranders (cf. Fig. 16). The variation between the sacrificed objects closely follows the above described construction sacrifice and bog sacrifice traditions – both as regards temporary intensity in the centuries around the birth of Christ and which objects were deposited. From a superior view, the settlement sacrifices are characterized by often having been deposited in small, independent sacrificial pits, which were merely dug down a few centimetres from the surface level of the time, and rarely more than 25 cm. This very limited deposition depth emphasizes the enormous problems and distorting factors, which are probably the reason why the settlement sacrifices are so anonymous in most Iron Age settlements. They were simply ploughed away! The dominating sacrificial animal in the settlements was the sheep, often a lamb. However, the dog, the horse, and the cow also occur frequently in the material, whereas the pig is rarely included in the finds. To judge from both settlement and structure sacrifices, the distribution of sacrificial animals seem to be a direct mirror image of the life basis of the Early Iron Age society in the Aalborg area.One ritual element in particular, however, fundamentally separates the group of settlement sacrifices from those connected to structures, namely fire. Whereas fire does not seem to be part of the ritual make-up concerning structure sacrifices, both burnt and unburnt sacrifices appear in the settlement sacrifice material (cf. Fig. 17 & 18). This condition is especially obvious when examining the deposited animal and human bones. The two maps on Fig. 19 show the finds of burnt and unburnt bone deposits respectively. On the background of these two plots (x, y, and z coordinates) the following analysis has been made: (interpolation “unburnt”)-(interpolation “burnt”), cf. Fig. 20. The analysis clearly points out that the relation between burnt and unburnt bone deposits is time related: the burnt deposits were made in the time before the birth of Christ, whereas the unburnt deposits were made during the following centuries. If this is related to the contemporary development of the grave custom in North Jutland, it is noteworthy that we can establish an obvious parallel development. Thus, the burial custom also changes around the beginning of the birth of Christ from a cremation grave custom to an inhumation grave custom. This coincidence probably indicates that within the two different religious and ritual contexts, the “ritual language” is to some degree identical when it comes to passing on humans and sacrificial animals.Irrespective of the superior sacrificial context – a bog, a lake, a field, a meadow, a structure, or a settlement – both the sacrifice intensity and the sacrificed objects seem to be based on objects from the daily household. As shown in the case of Nr. Tranders, the sacrifices occur in such large numbers on settlements with optimal preservation conditions that it is impossible to maintain the thesis that the Iron Age people had an especially one-sided preference for performing the sacrificial rituals in connection with wetland areas.As a supplement to the archaeological evidence, archaeologists have often sought support in historical accounts written by Romans in the centuries around the birth of Christ. The Roman historian Tacitus’ description of the religious activities of the Teutons is particularly describing and geographically differentiated. He mentions some general features such as the Teutons mainly worshipping Mercury (Mercury is the god of fertility, shepherds, etc.) and that they consider it a sacred duty even to bring him a human sacrifice on fixed days (i.e. a sacrifice cycle). Hercules and Mars (gods of strength and war) can only be reconciled with the allowed animal sacrifices. Besides, the Teutons consider it incompatible with the grandness of the heavenly powers to close them in behind walls and give them human features (cf. the lacking iconography). Tacitus´ overall description of the religion of the Teutons is thus primarily dealing with fertility sacrifices in relation to Mercury and the sacrifice of humans on certain days, i.e. a sacrifice cycle.More specifically, Tacitus describes the religious practice performed by tribes in South Scandinavia and North Germany at the time immediately succeeding the birth of Christ:“Nor in one of these nations does aught remarkable occur, only that they universally join in the worship of Nerthus; that is to say, the Mother Earth [Nerthus is phonetically concordant with the name Njord, a fertility goddess known from Norse mythology]. Her they believe to interpose in the affairs of man, and to visit countries. In an island of the ocean stands the wood Castum: in it is a chariot dedicated to the Goddess, covered over with a curtain, and permitted to be touched by none but the Priest. Whenever the Goddess enters this her holy vehicle, he perceives her; and with profound veneration attends the motion of the chariot, which is always drawn by yoked cows. Then it is that days of rejoicing always ensue, and in all places whatsoever which she descends to honour with a visit and her company, feasts and recreation abound. They go not to war; they touch no arms; fast laid up is every hostile weapon; peace and repose are then only known, then only beloved, till to the temple the same priest reconducts the Goddess when well tired with the conversation of mortal beings. Anon the chariot is washed and purified in a secret lake, as also the curtains; nay, the Deity herself too, if you choose to believe it. In this office it is slaves who minister, and they are forthwith doomed to be swallowed up in the same lake. Hence all men are possessed with mysterious terror; as well as with a holy ignorance what that must be, which none see but such as are immediately to perish.”Traditionally, the text is solely related to the numerous bog finds from the period. The question is, however, whether this is appropriate? Even a very limited analysis of the content of the text clearly reveals that the described religious exertion and the traces it must have left in the archaeological material can only be partly described from the numerous sacrificial bogs. The account of Nerthus may be split into two separate parts. One part that describes the common religious actions and another part comprising rituals carried out by a narrower group of people. The ritual mentioned with a severely limited circle (priest and slaves) comprises the washing of the goddess’ chariot by a lake and the succeeding sacrifice of the slaves chosen for the task. Far larger does the participant group appear throughout the rest of the Nerthus story. At first, there is a short mentioning of Nerthus driving about to the different tribes! This may be interpreted in such a way that the rituals described comprise actions, which take place where people are primarily moving about, i.e. in the villages! Perhaps the larger settlements of the Early Iron Age play a central part in relation to such common society-supporting ritual traditions. Tacitus decribes the physical context to be able to change its rules and norms at this sudden religious activity (cf. “They go not to war; they touch no arms.”) and in this way change sphere from an everyday, secular context to a religious context – a sacrosanct condition arises. The settlement thus enters different spheres at different times! Tacitus´ account of the execution of and the setting for the practiced ritual structure thus closely follows the structure known from archaeological excavations of bogs and settlements.How, then, does the religious practice of the Early Iron Age – and its sacrificial part in particular – appear on the background of the analyses above? (Fig. 22). May the sacrificial activity in actual fact be divided into two overriding groups, as was previously the tradition – individual structure sacrifices on settlements and both common and individual sacrifices in wetland areas – or is it necessary to revise and differentiate this view of Early Iron Age religion and the sacrificial customs in particular?The very unbalanced picture of the ritual displays of the society, involving chosen bogs as an almost “church-like” forum, is neither expressed in the archaeological material nor in the few written sources. On the contrary, the sacrificial activity appears as a very complex area, completely connected to the time and the regional development of the society of which it was part. Sacrificial objects primarily comprising everyday objects in the form of food, earthenware, animals, and humans did not differ from the secular culture until the actual ritual act took place.Considering the fact that the sacrificial objects comprised a wide range of everyday items, it is perhaps not so strange that the context in which the objects were sacrificed also varied considerably. It thus seems as if the conventional sacrificial customs were attached to the complete active resource area of the settlements, both in the form of wetland areas, and to the same degree of settlements. The conditions concerning burial sites, field systems, grazing areas, border markings, etc. still appear unclear, although it can be established that here, too, ritual activities took place according to the same conventions.The exertion of the rituals constituted a just as varied picture during the Early Iron Age as did the choice of sacrificial objects and place of sacrifice. Thus, we see objects deposited intact, as pars pro toto, smashed, burnt, etc. In spite of this very complex picture, patterns do seem to occur. There are thus strong indications that the rituals connected to settlement sacrifices of humans and animals during the Early Iron Age are closely connected with the rituals attached to the burial custom, and as such mirror a conventional communication form between humans and gods. Conversely, it seems as if structure sacrifices through all of the Early Iron Age primarily occur unburnt and that the ritual make-up connected to the finds of structure sacrifices is thus detached from the previously mentioned types of sacrifice, whereas the actual selection of the sacrificial objects seem to follow the same pattern.It is a characteristic of the ritual environments of the Early Iron Age that they appear momentary and as part of the daily life in the peasant community. Much thus indicates that permanent sacred environments and buildings did not exist to any particularly large degree. This does not imply that people would not return to the same sacred sacrificial places but rather that in between the sacrifices, these places formed part of the daily life, just as all the other parts of the cultural landscape.The examination of both published and unpublished material shows that the settlements were parallel contexts to the wetland areas and that these two contexts probably supplemented each other within the religious landscape of the Early Iron Age. In the light of the sacrificial find material there is no need to make a strong distinction between the religious societal roles of the settlements as opposed to the wetlands. The context (wetland and settlement) cannot in itself be understood as a useful parameter for determining whether we are dealing with large collective society-supporting ritual sites or sites connected to a minor village community. The question is whether the variation of sacrificial contexts should be related to different deities and myths, i.e. the mythical and narrative dimension of the religion, rather than to the size of the group of participants. On a few settlements, metal vessels, chariots, and humans were sacrificed – find types that are traditionally associated with the bogs and with groups of participants from a larger area than the individual settlement. This interpretation should also be applied to the settlements.In spite of the fact that from an overall perspective, the practiced religion in South Scandinavia seems homogenous, there is neither archaeological nor historical evidence for the presence of real ritual and religious units comprising large areas, such as complete provinces. However, we must assume that sacrifices of for instance humans, chariots, cauldrons, and the large weapon accumulations were made by groups of people exceeding the number of inhabitants in a single settlement. We thus have no reason for questioning the traditional concept that chosen wetland areas functioned as sacred places from time to time to major sections of the population – whether the sacrifices were brought about by for instance acts of war or as part of a cyclic ritual. The question is whether the large settlements of the Early Iron Age did not play a similar part to a hinterland consisting of a number of minor settlements, as the comprehensive finds from for instance the settlement mounds near Aalborg seem to indicate.During the Late Roman Iron Age and Early Germanic Iron Age, the previously so comprehensive sacrificial activity connected to the wetlands declined considerably. Parallel to this, the frequent settlement-related fertility sacrifices of bones and earthenware vessels in the Early Iron Age recede into the background in favour of knives, lances, craftsmen’s tools, and prestigious items representing the changed society of these centuries. During the Late Iron Age, the iconographic imagery, after having been throttled down for almost a millennia, regains a central role within the religion. This happens by virtue of a varied imagery on prestigious items such as bracteates and “guldgubber,” cf. Fig. 21. Seen as a whole, it seems as if – parallel to the development of the society during the Late Roman Iron Age and the Early Germanic Iron Age – there is a dimension displacement within the ritual and religious world, which manifests itself in an increased focus on the material dimension. The question is whether this very dimension displacement is not reflecting the religious development from the fertility-related Vanir faith to the more elitist Æsir faith.Jesper HansenOdense Bys Museer Translated by Annette Lerche Trolle

AlrumBurnt houses at an Early Iron Age tell site in Western JutlandThe Alrum settlement is renowned in particular for producing one of the largest prehistoric finds of charred grain and seeds ever discovered in Denmark.The site was excavated in 1939 under the direction of Gudmund Hatt, but it was Hans Helbæk who carried out a detailed analysis of the plant remains. The latter were subjected to re-examination in 1994, whereas the extensive finds assemblage, stored at Ringkøbing Museum, has only now been fully investigated and analysed. The reason for this is that the excavation records, thought for many years to have been lost, turned up by chance at the National Museum of Denmark in 2000.The Alrum site is located on a slight elevation, about 1 km from Stadil Fjord and 10 km north of the town of Ringkøbing (fig. 1).The settlementThe excavation trench exposed an area of about 300 m2, within which there were sequences of six to seven house sites lying one on top of the other, resulting in cultural deposits with a vertical stratigraphy of 1.5 m, in other words a tell site (fig. 2). Two of the houses (house I and house II) had been destroyed by fire and had been abandoned in such great haste that everything remained within the burnt-out remains of the buildings. House II was the better preserved of the two, containing building timbers, c. 50 pottery vessels, straw ropes, some stone tools, a ball of wool etc. The house was 14.5 m long and 4.5 m wide (c. 60 m2), with living quarters at the western end and a presumed byre to the east. Relative to contemporary houses in Eastern Jutland, those in Western Jutland were small. The roof was borne by five pairs of posts arranged along the length of the house and was probably comprised of heather turf. The post-built walls had an inner cladding of thick oak planks, whereas the outer surface is presumed to have been covered with a layer of straw or grass. The living quarters were fitted out with a clay bench or platform at the gable, an ornamented hearth in the middle and, between the two, a stone mortar set firmly into the clay floor (fig. 3). No traces were seen in the byre of the usual stall dividers, so perhaps the house had not been fully completed when the fire broke out! Most of the pottery lay close to the clay bench, together with several bodies of untempered clay; these weighed c. 9 kg. Up against the north wall there were two impressive solid andirons, 27-28 cm in height and weighing more than 3 kg (figs. 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8). The pottery dates the house to the late Pre-Roman Iron Age.Beneath house II lay the successive remains of six to seven other houses. The pottery reveals that this small village was founded around 500 BC, whereas the latest examples are from the century around the birth of Christ (figs. 6 and 13). Only parts of house I could be excavated, but here too a great deal of pottery was encountered, together with a few stone artefacts (figs. 9 and 11).Building timberVirtually all the woodwork in the burnt houses was of oak, supplemented by a little willow and alder which are well suited to making the wattle of the walls. In each house there was a large number of roof and wall postholes, with the charred post ends still in situ; along the walls lay large pieces of so-called wattle panels. As a consequence, it was possible to measure the dimensions of the timbers. Charring leads to a reduction in size of the timber, but by how much? Information received from the Danish Institute of Fire and Security Technology states that, as a rule of thumb, there is a reduction of 0.5-0.6 mm for every minute the fire burns. Figure 10 gives the timber dimensions alongside a column showing measurements after 20 minutes of burning, to which 1 cm has been added. In spite of the latter, the timber dimensions were still markedly less than those of unburnt posts seen at for example Feddersen Wierde in the North German salt marshes. As oak is totally dominant as the building timber, this begs the question as to where it was obtained? A pollen diagram from a site located 4-5 km from Alrum shows that the landscape was open and unlikely to have had large areas of oak woodland. One possibility is that the oak wood was obtained from Eastern Jutland, perhaps being exchanged for fish and other marine resources?Agriculture and fishingThe large quantities of charred grain and seeds recovered from the site constitute an excellent basis on which to gain a detailed insight into the subsistence. The most important cereals were barley and oats, accompanied by a little wheat, flax and gold of pleasure. In addition to these, seeds had been gathered from a range of weedy species, with corn spurrey, goosefoot, and persicaria being the commonest (fig. 14). These weeds show that the arable fields were sandy and only lightly manured and this conclusion is supported by the size of the cereal grains which is also very modest. It seems likely that the low-lying fields were flooded with salt water from time to time, but barley, flax and gold of pleasure are all salt tolerant.In historical times seeds of the above weed species were used in bread, porridge and gruel by farmers living on the Jutland heath. Tubers of false oat grass were also found at Alrum; these are rich in starch and therefore represent a good food supplement. The heaps of crop plant remains can be classified as threshed and unthreshed (fig. 15). This can perhaps give an indication of the time of year at which the fire took place; it was most probably in the autumn. On the other hand, the bone material from the site is very limited due to the well-drained acid sandy soil. Mention can, however, be made of a perforated ox astragalus (fig. 11a-b). Even so, it can safely be presumed that the many good grazing areas were extensively exploited.On the basis of the site’s location and finds of stone net sinkers, it seems justified to refer to Alrum’s inhabitants as fisher-farmers.Settlement and landscapeToday, the Jutland west coast has a harsh climate with sand drift and storms as significant factors in the lives of the inhabitants. But this was not always the case and in the Early Iron Age the situation must have been quite different: Sand drift was less extensive, the coastline had a different appearance and the sea level fluctuated, as can be seen for example at Højbjerg just south of Ringkøbing Fjord and in several other locations (fig. 1). A rise in sea level of just 0.5 m would reduce the area of shore meadow considerably (fig. 16). The woodland picture was also different.The most important indicator of this very different landscape and environment is the sustained habitation which characterises many settlements, and is exemplified by Alrum with more than 500 years of activity at the same location, and even a further couple of centuries close by, as suggested by recent aerial photographs. People lived at Nørre Fjand for 300-400 years and Klegod, now located directly on the present-day coastline, was probably occupied for at least a century. Such extended occupation of the same site must also be presumed to have resulted in social and family-related changes.There was of course some sand drift in the Early Iron Age. This is apparent from sand layers between the individual house phases and on the arable fields. However, it was apparently not so extensive that it prompted people to move; the sand layers are modest in their thickness. A good example of the stubbornness of these Iron Age people is seen at the small village of Klegod where the inhabitants ploughed through a layer of sandy soil of no less than 40 cm in thickness.The course of the coastline must also have been quite different back then as remains of Iron Age settlements are revealed now and then by today’s fierce winter storms which can cut deep into the sand dunes. Klegod, which dates from c. 500 BC, is just such a locality and provides secure proof that the coast must have lain a good way out to the west at the time, perhaps as much as several kilometres.In this dynamic and changeable landscape, the fisher-farmers of the Early Iron Age managed to maintain their existence over many generations and they were perhaps not as isolated as one could easily imagine. However, one main question remains: What led these people to settle in these near-coastal areas? The numerous Iron Age sites show that many families must have been involved. Was it marine resources or the good grazing along the shore meadows which attracted them? Another factor should also be pointed out: The coastline also hosted an archipelago, with a protective row of islands located offshore as seen today in the Netherlands and Northern Germany and these provided opportunities for closer contacts with the latter areas.Jørgen Lund & Poul NissenMoesgård Museum

Cet article traite de l’esclavage et du genre dans la fiction contemporaine omanaise écrite par des femmes. Face au vide historiographique et anthropologique sur l’esclavage légal dans la péninsule Arabique, la littérature nourrie par la mémoire permet d’aborder cette question. Elle rend visible des subjectivités d’esclavisé·es ou de leurs descendant·es absentes des récits dominants. Dépassant les polémiques sur l’usage de la production littéraire dans les sciences sociales, l’article considère la littérature comme un point d’entrée anthropologique, politique et économique apte à éclairer les situations concrètes de l’esclavage et du post-esclavage dans la société contemporaine omanaise. Il souligne tout particulièrement les tensions entre l’écriture mémorielle de l’esclavage et les positions de pouvoir et de genre des écrivaines. Il analyse ainsi une double subjectivité : celle des protagonistes femmes dans le roman et celle des romancières. Deux principaux romans omanais examinent l’esclavage dans la sphère intime et privée de la famille, du mariage et de la sexualité : Sayyidāt al Qamar (Les Corps célestes) de Jokha Alharthi et Al ashyā’ layssat fi amākiniha (Things are not in their place) de Huda Hamed (Al Jahouri). Le premier roman aborde frontalement l’esclavage et la traite omanaise qui s’étendait des côtes d’Afrique orientale jusqu’au Baloutchistan ; la concubine Zarifa étant l’un des principaux personnages. Le second roman raconte l’évitement matrimonial entre Amal, une baysara (métissée) et Mohsin, un « Arabe » issu d’une tribu « noble » et « pure ». Dans les deux romans, la question de la race, du genre et de l’origine généalogique s’inscrit au cœur des pratiques matrimoniales, sexuelles et familiales.L’article s’appuie sur une enquête de terrain menée au sultanat d’Oman en février 2023. Des entretiens en langue arabe ont été conduits avec les deux romancières Jokha Alharthi et Huda Hamed, afin de recueillir leurs discours et leurs perceptions sur le passé colonial, sur l’esclavage et son héritage, sur le rôle de la littérature, sur la réception de leur œuvre par le public local et international ainsi que sur les sources utilisées dans leur production littéraire. D’autres entretiens ont été menés avec des personnalités littéraires, académiques, et des représentants officiels.Dans la première partie de cet article, le roman contemporain est traité comme un matériau permettant de saisir les transformations sociétales dans le sultanat d’Oman en contexte d’esclavage et de post-esclavage, dans une perspective intersectionnelle. En premier lieu, cette partie met en lumière les multiples formes de domination au sein de l’institution du concubinage, soulignant la notion de propriété légale de l’esclave (milk) dans la loi musulmane. Elle montre le cycle de violences sexuelles exercées sur le corps de l’esclave-femme ainsi que les relations complexes entre maître et concubine où se mêlent abus, affection et domination. Elle témoigne aussi des relations prohibées entre la maîtresse et son esclave. Cette première partie indique également comment le roman permet d’évoquer les expériences de genre différenciées parmi les esclaves eux-mêmes, entre les esclaves né·es dans la maison du maître et les esclaves capturé·es qui se remémorent le « voyage ». Une telle distinction informe sur le sentiment d’appartenance à la nation : la loyauté nationale semble plus forte parmi les esclaves né·es dans la maison du maître, notamment les femmes, qu’au sein de la génération capturée, surtout masculine, bien plus rebelle. Le roman contemporain omanais donne l’opportunité, en troisième lieu, de décrire les pratiques post-esclavagistes au sein du mariage, un lieu de reproduction des hiérarchies sociales et raciales. Il évoque le thème des évitements matrimoniaux qui exprime des subjectivités féminines où s’entrecroisent race, genre et lignée. Prenant le cas des bayāsir (métissé.es), le roman omanais révèle que la discrimination ne relève pas de la couleur de peau mais de la généalogie. Si ces romans rendent visibles des trajectoires et des expériences d’esclavisé·es, le positionnement des romancières peut sembler paternaliste, les femmes noires étant souvent associées aux stéréotypes liés à la prostitution et à l’impossibilité pour elles de former une famille stable.La deuxième partie de l’article aborde les modes de narration, les positionnements des romancières omanaises, et la réception controversée de l’œuvre littéraire évoquant l’esclavage. Elle traite des subjectivités et des sources utilisées par les romancières. La place attribuée à l’histoire orale et aux archives dans la construction romanesque est centrale dans l’écriture féminine et mémorielle sur l’esclavage. Des subjectivités racialisées sont également évoquées. À l’inverse des black feminists afro-américaines qui ont écrit des neo-slave narratives, les romancières omanaises ne sont pas issues de communautés afro-arabes descendantes d’esclaves ; elles appartiennent à la classe dominante et « blanche ». Si ces romancières sont accusées de faire le jeu du colonialisme, on leur reproche également d’être son relais. Des attaques féroces ont fusé après l’attribution de prix littéraires (comme celui du Man Booker International Prize 2019 pour Sayyidāt al Qamar de Jokha Alharthi) et la traduction de leur œuvre. Pour les « conservateurs », ces romans montraient les Omanais sous l’angle des colonisateurs ou des esclavagistes. Ainsi, la traduction de ces œuvres a produit des discours locaux autour de l’esclavage et a soulevé de nombreuses polémiques à propos de la mémoire coloniale. Cette fictionnalité vient combler un silence institutionnel, les autorités évitant d’engager un débat national sur l’esclavage qui pourrait nuire à l’image internationale du pays. Au-delà d’un récit national homogène, la fiction contemporaine, essentiellement écrite par des femmes, permet donc de rendre visible l’esclavage dans la péninsule Arabique. Dépassant des visions sur l’esclavage oriental « doux » et « bienveillant », cet article cherche à inscrire celui-ci dans les études sur les histoires globales de l’esclavage.

Abdellah Taïa, Rachid O. et Eyet-Chékib Djaziri font partie d’une nouvelle vague d’écrivains maghrébins qui traitent ouvertement du thème de la sexualité « minoritaire » dans leurs communautés arabo-musulmanes. À partir des apports philosophiques de Svetlana Boym sur la nostalgie, cette contribution se propose d’analyser la construction de l’homosexualité contre les cadres de la mémoire, de l’histoire et de la mélancolie. Les romans de ces auteurs contemporains mettent en scène des protagonistes exilés et homosexuels qui se retrouvent piégés dans une subtile ligne de faille entre un Maghreb chéri mais aussi homophobe et une France plus libérale et pourtant froide et hostile. Il s’agit dans le déplacement transméditerranéen d’un élément important non seulement d’une tentative de construire une subjectivité homosexuelle mais aussi d’un travail de reconnaissance et de mise en évidence de la sexualité « minoritaire » surtout au Maghreb où « le poids du tabou sexuel est incontestablement le plus insurmontable même au niveau du discours » (Serhane, 1995 : 25).

Alors que l’américanisme, l’africanisme, l’européanisme, l’indianisme… sont reconnus, certifiés par des musées ou des sections de musée, des départements universitaires, des chapitres de manuels depuis les origines, l’anthropologie de la Méditerranée est une spécialité récente, prenant corps, sous l’égide des universités britanniques, dans les années 1950. Ce retard est dû, au moins en partie, à l’hétérogénéité du monde méditerranéen partagé entre les façades méridionale et orientale de la mer, qui relèvent, à première vue, de l’étude du monde arabo-musulman, et la façade septentrionale ressortissant de prime abord de l’ethnologie européenne. Le scepticisme, récusant la pertinence d’une anthropologie de la Méditerranée, peut encore trouver des arguments dans l’histoire des civilisations ou dans l’actualité. Contrairement à d’autres régions du monde, l’aire iranienne voisine par exemple, le monde méditerranéen ne forme une unité ni par ses langues ni par ses traditions religieuses. Faut-il rappeler que seul l’Empire romain l’a unifié pendant plusieurs siècles autour du « mare nostrum » en favorisant l’épanouissement d’une culture gréco-latine à vocation universelle et en développant tout autour de la mer des institutions politiques sur le modèle de Rome ? Puis l’histoire de la Méditerranée fut faite de partages, de schismes, de croisades, de guerres entre empires, de conquêtes coloniales qui aboutirent, au terme de péripéties violentes, à la situation contemporaine où coexistent trois ensembles eux-mêmes fractionnés : une Méditerranée latine, catholique, largement laïcisée , partie intégrante de l’Europe occidentale, une Méditerranée balkanique orthodoxe avec ses poches islamiques, une Méditerranée arabo-musulmane. En dépit de ces fractures, des hommes de lettres campèrent, dans les années 1930, une Méditerranée des échanges et de la convivenza, à laquelle donnent crédit des lieux et des épisodes remarquables de l’histoire (l’Andalousie au temps du califat omeyade, la Sicile de Frédéric II, des villes cosmopolites de la fin du XIXème siècle et du début du XXème siècle : Istanbul, Smyrne, Salonique, Beyrouth, Alexandrie, Alger, Tanger, Trieste, Marseille, etc.). Des revues (à Marseille, les Cahiers du sud de Jean Ballard, à Tunis Les Cahiers de la Barbarie d’Armand Guibert et Jean Amrouche , à Alger Rivages d’Edmond Charlot et Albert Camus, à Rabat Aguedal d’Henri Bosco) exaltèrent cette « fraternité méditerranéenne » tout autant imaginaire que réelle. Gabriel Audisio fut le chantre le plus exalté de cette commune « patrie méditerranéenne »: « Non, écrit-il, la Méditerranée n’a jamais séparé ses riverains. Même les grandes divisions de la Foi, et ce conflit spirituel de l’Orient et de l’Occident, la mer ne les a pas exaltés, au contraire adoucis en les réunissant au sommet sensible d’un flot de sagesse, au point suprême de l’équilibre ». Et à l’image d’une Méditerranée romaine (il veut « remettre Rome ‘à sa place’ ») il oppose celle d’une « synthèse méditerranéenne » : « À cette latinité racornie, j’oppose tout ce qui a fait la civilisation méditerranéenne : la Grèce, l’Égypte, Judas, Carthage, le Christ, l’Islam ». Cette Méditerranée qui « vous mélange tout ça sans aucune espèce de pudeur », dit-il encore, « se veut universelle ». Avant qu’un projet collectif d’anthropologie n’émerge, des ancêtres de la discipline, des géographes, des historiens, avaient apporté une contribution importante à la connaissance du monde méditerranéen. Maine, Robertson Smith, Frazer, etc. étaient classicistes ou historiens du droit et se référaient souvent aux sociétés antiques de la Méditerranée pour analyser coutumes et croyances ou encore les différentes formes d’organisation sociale (la tribu, la cité, etc.) et leur évolution. Plus tard, dans les premières décennies du XXème siècle, de remarquables études monographiques ou thématiques furent réalisées sur les différentes rives de la Méditerranée , telles celles de Maunier (1927) sur les échanges rituels en Afrique du nord, de Montagne (1930) sur les Berbères du sud Marocain, de Boucheman (1937) sur une petite cité caravanière de Syrie…Géographes et historiens, plus préoccupés par l’ancrage matériel des sociétés que par leur structure ou leurs valeurs, publièrent aussi des travaux importants, synthétiques ceux-ci, sur le monde méditerranéen ; ainsi Charles Parain, dans La Méditerranée, les hommes et les travaux (1936), campe une Méditerranée des infrastructures, celle qui prévaudra jusques et y compris dans les 320 premières pages de la thèse de Fernand Braudel (1949), celle des « ressources naturelles, des champs et des villages, de la variété des régimes de propriété, de la vie maritime, de la vie pastorale et de la vie agricole, des métiers et des techniques ». L’acte fondateur de l’anthropologie de la Méditerranée fut un colloque organisé en 1959 par Julian Pitt-Rivers, Jean Peristiany et Julio Caro Baroja, qui réunit, entre autres, Ernest Gellner, qui avait mené des travaux sur le Haut-Atlas, Pierre Bourdieu, alors spécialiste de la Kabylie, John K. Campbell, auteur de recherches sur les Saracatsans du nord de la Grèce. Cette rencontre, et celle qui suivit, en 1961, à Athènes donnèrent lieu à la publication de deux recueils fondamentaux (Pitt-Rivers, 1963, Peristiany, 1965), campant les principaux registres thématiques d’une anthropologie comparée des sociétés méditerranéennes (l’honneur, la honte, le clientélisme, le familialisme, la parenté spirituelle, etc.) et véritables coups d’envoi à des recherches monographiques s’inscrivant désormais dans des cadres conceptuels fortement charpentés. Les décennies 1960, 1970 et 1980 furent celles d’une croissance rapide et d’un épanouissement de l’anthropologie de la Méditerranée. Le monde méditerranéen est alors saisi à travers des valeurs communes : outre l’honneur et la honte, attachés au sang et au nom (Pitt-Rivers, 1977, Gilmore, 1987), la virilité qui combine puissance sexuelle, capacité à défendre les siens et une parole politique ferme qui ne transige pas et ne supporte pas les petits arrangements, l’hospitalité ostentatoire. C’est aussi un univers où domine une vision endogamique du monde, où l’on prise le mariage dans un degré rapproché, mieux la « république des cousins », où se marient préférentiellement le fils et la fille de deux frères, une formule surtout ancrée sur la rive sud et dans l’Antiquité pré-chrétienne, ; Jocaste ne dit-elle pas à Polynice : « Un conjoint pris au-dehors porte malheur » ? Ce à quoi Ibn Khaldoun fait écho : « La noblesse, l’honneur ne peuvent résulter que de l’absence de mélange », écrivait-il. Aux « républiques des beaux-frères », caractéristiques des sociétés primitives exogames étudiées par Claude Lévi-Strauss s’opposent ainsi les « républiques méditerranéennes des cousins », prohibant l'échange et ancrées dans l'endogamie patrilinéaire. Alors que dans les premières, « une solidarité usuelle unit le garçon avec les frères et les cousins de sa femme et avec les maris de ses sœurs », dans les secondes « les hommes (...) considèrent leurs devoirs de solidarité avec tous leurs parents en ligne paternelle comme plus importants que leurs autres obligations, - y compris, bien souvent, leurs obligations civiques et patriotiques ». Règne ainsi, dans le monde méditerranéen traditionnel, la prédilection pour le « vivre entre soi » auquel s’ajoute une ségrégation marquée entre les sexes, « un certain idéal de brutalité virile, dont le complément est une dramatisation de la vertu féminine », poursuit Germaine Tillion (1966). La Méditerranée, c’est aussi un monde de structures clientélaires, avec ses patrons et ses obligés, dans de vieilles sociétés étatiques où des relais s’imposent, à tous les sens du terme, entre le peuple et les pouvoirs; parallèlement, dans l’univers sacré, les intermédiaires, les saints, ne manquent pas entre les fidèles et la divinité ; ils sont nombreux, y compris en islam où leur culte est controversé. La violence avec ses pratiques vindicatoires (vendetta corse, disamistade sarde, gjak albanais, rekba kabyle…) fait aussi partie du hit-parade anthropologique des caractéristiques méditerranéennes et les auteurs analysent les moyens mis en œuvre pour sortir de ces conflits (Black-Michaud, 1975). Enfin, comment ne pas évoquer une communauté de comportements religieux, en particulier les lamentations funèbres, les dévotions dolorisantes autour des martyrs ? L’« inflation apologétique du martyre » est ainsi un trait commun au christianisme et à l’islam chiite pratiqué au Liban. La commémoration des martyrs fondateurs, dans le christianisme comme en islam chiite, donne lieu à des rituels d’affliction de part et d’autre de la Méditerranée. C’est en terre chrétienne la semaine sainte, avec ses spectaculaires processions de pénitents en Andalousie, ou, en Calabre, ces cérémonies où les hommes se flagellent les mollets et les cuisses jusqu’au sang. Au Liban les fidèles pratiquent, lors des processions et des prônes qui évoquent les tragiques événements fondateurs, des rituels dolorisants : ils se flagellent avec des chaînes, se frappent la poitrine avec les paumes des mains, voire se lacèrent le cuir chevelu avec un sabre. Dans le monde chrétien comme en islam chiite, des pièces de théâtre (mystères du Moyen Âge, ta’zie) ont été composées pour représenter le martyre du sauveur. Rituels chiites et chrétiens présentent donc un air de famille (Bromberger, 1979). Cette sensibilité au martyre dans les traditions religieuses méditerranéennes est à l’arrière-plan des manifestations laïques qui célèbrent les héros locaux ou nationaux tombés pour la juste cause. C’est le cas en Algérie. Toutes ces remarques peuvent paraître bien réductrices et caricaturales, éloignées des formes de la vie moderne et de la mondialisation qui l’enserre. Ne s’agit-il pas d’une Méditerranée perdue ? Les auteurs cependant nuancent leurs analyses et les insèrent dans le contexte spécifique où elles prennent sens. Dans leur généralité, elles offrent, malgré tout, une base de départ, un cadre comparatif et évolutif. Après une période faste, couronnée par un ouvrage de synthèse récapitulant les acquis (Davis, 1977), vint le temps des remises en cause. Plusieurs anthropologues (dont Michael Herzfeld, 1980, Josep Llobera,1986, Joao de Pina-Cabral,1989…) critiquèrent de façon radicale l'érection de la Méditerranée en « regional category » en fustigeant le caractère artificiel de l'objet, créé, selon eux, pour objectiver la distance nécessaire à l'exercice légitime de la discipline et qui s'abriterait derrière quelques thèmes fédérateurs fortement stéréotypés. À ces critiques virulentes venues des centres européens ou américains de l’anthropologie, se sont jointes celles d'ethnologues originaires des régions méditerranéennes, pour qui la référence à la Méditerranée est imaginaire et suspecte, et dont les travaux sont ignorés ou regardés de haut par les chercheurs formés à l’école britannique. Ce sentiment négatif a été d’autant plus accusé sur les rives méridionale et orientale de la Méditerranée que la mer qui, à différentes périodes, reliait est devenue un fossé aussi bien sur le plan économique que politique. Diverses initiatives et prises de position scientifiques ont donné un nouvel élan, dans les années 1990-2000, à l’anthropologie de la Méditerranée. Colloques et ouvrages (par exemple Albera, Blok, Bromberger, 2001) rendent compte de cette nouvelle conjoncture. On se garde désormais plus qu’avant de considérer le monde méditerranéen comme une aire culturelle qui présenterait, à travers le temps et l’espace, des caractéristiques communes stables. Au plus parlera-t-on d’un « air de famille » entre les sociétés riveraines de la mer en raison de contextes écologiques similaires, d’une histoire partagée, de la reconnaissance d’un seul et même Dieu. Cette perspective mesurée rejoint le point de vue de Horden et Purcell (2000), auteurs d’un ouvrage important tirant un bilan critique de l’histoire du monde méditerranéen. Pour eux, qui combinent points de vue interactionniste et écologique, la Méditerranée se définit par la mise en relation par la mer de territoires extrêmement fragmentés, par une « connectivity » facilitée par les Empires. Le titre énigmatique de leur livre, The Corruptive Sea, « La Mer corruptrice », prend dès lors tout son sens. Parce qu’elle met en relation, cette mer serait une menace pour le bon ordre social et pour la paix dans les familles. Cette proximité entre sociétés différentes qui se connaissent fait que le monde méditerranéen s’offre comme un terrain idéal au comparatisme « à bonne distance ». C’est sous le sceau de ce comparatisme raisonné que s’inscrivent désormais les travaux les plus convaincants, qu’ils se réclament explicitement ou non de l’anthropologie de la Méditerranée (voir sur la nourriture Fabre-Vassas, 1994, sur la parenté Bonte éd., 1994 , sur la sainteté Kerrou éd., 1998 et les traditions religieuses, sur les migrations et les réseaux Cesari, éd., 2002, sur le cosmopolitisme Driessen, 2005) Tantôt les recherches soulignent les proximités (Albera, 2005, 2009, Dakhlia, 2008, Dakhlia et Kaiser, 2011), tantôt elles les relativisent (Fernandez Morera, 2016, Bromberger, 2018), tantôt elles insistent sur les aspects conflictuels (Chaslin, 1997). Une autre voie est de considérer le monde méditerranéen, non pas comme un ensemble fait de similarités et de proximités mais comme un espace fait de différences qui forment système. Et ce sont ces différences complémentaires, s’inscrivant dans un champ réciproque, qui permettent de parler d’un système méditerranéen. Chacun se définit, ici peut-être plus qu’ailleurs, dans un jeu de miroirs (de coutumes, de comportements, d’affiliations) avec son voisin. Les comportements alimentaires, les normes régissant l’apparence vestimentaire et pileuse, le statut des images… opposent ainsi des populations revendiquant un même Dieu (Bromberger, 2018).