Tesi sul tema "Rights of man, 1791"

All persons are subjects of law, but not everyone has the “capacity” to fully exercise them. On this basis, people with disabilities have seen their opportunities for development as human beings limited.Why it that people with disabilities have been historically marginalized by the Law? In this article, the author presents a detailed analysis on the subject, including the legal paradigm change that was the adoption of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.
Todas las personas somos sujetos de Derecho, perono todos tenemos la “capacidad” para poder ejercerlos plenamente. Bajo este argumento, las personas con discapacidad han visto limitadas sus posibilidades de desarrollarse como seres humanos.¿Por qué las personas con discapacidad han sido históricamente marginadas por el Derecho? En el presente artículo, la autora nos presenta un detallado análisis sobre la materia, incluyendo el cambio de paradigma jurídico que supuso la adopción de la Convención sobre los Derechos de la Personacon Discapacidad.

Grant Morrison’s Animal Man could be argued to worry the man/animal boundary. Using closereadings of the comics against the backdrop of Jacques Derrida’s and Martin Heidegger’stheories on the boundary between man and animal, I explore the following ideas which seemcommon in the discourses on that which separates humans from animals: intelligence vs. instinct,the human hand vs. the animal’s paw, humanity’s richness-in-world vs. animal’s poorness-inworld,and language.In Animal Man, Morrison gives voice to animal characters by giving them personalities,which seems a romanticizing of the real state of affairs. Alongside all the depicted animals, thereare many hybrid characters, which take on the characteristics of both humans and animals. Theuse of hybrid characters such as the Coyote and Animal Man problematize the boundary betweenman and animal. This study of Animal Man, most importantly, shows that the differences as wellas similarities between humans and animals are based on ideologically produced discourses, andthis includes Morrison’s own philosophy on animal rights and his activism. I argue that Morrisonboth worries the boundary between humans and animals, and keeps it operative in order to makethe reader perceive animals in more anthropocentric terms.

This study examines the theories about intervention and sovereignty in relation to the world of today, with the raising question about humanitarian intervention in a globalized society.The purpose of this paper is to examine if intervention can be justified in a sovereign state and how it can be justified. The expected outcome is that conclusion can be drawn from the specific case with United Nations intervention in Bosnia and Hercegovina, and what kind of motives they putted up to justify their intervention.Because we are still living in the era of the Westphalia system with the inherited thoughts of state sovereignty, but in conflict with the new ideas of globalization and human rights, it’s of big relevance to look at this topic closer.First of all the reader is presented to the theoretical aspects of state, sovereignty and different kinds of intervention, to become more aware of the complications surrounding the relationship between these conceptions.The method used in this study is a motive analysis with the focus on the motives told by United Nation, to be the reason for the intervention in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The empirical results are based on the reports from United Nations Security Council during the years 1991 – 1995.The results are that the intervention in Bosnia and Hercegovina can be justified when looking at the theories in relation to the empirical result, with the FN – charter and the fact of violation against humanitarian law and human rights.One conclusion can easily be drawn, that individual rights are playing a big role in today’s global society and are putting some pressure on the United Nation to look over the rules about humanitarian intervention.

In december 2017 Sweden’s public service operation Sveriges television launched the series Köttets lustar. The series is about the Swedish comedian Henrik Schyffert when he explores the Swedish meat industry. During the series, two piglets named after the Swedish princesses Viktoria and Madeleine moves in to his flat in Stockholm, as a result of a bet he has with his son Limpan. Limpan, who loves animals and thinks that Schyffert eats too much meat wants Schyffert to get to know an animal from the meat industry, and decide whether he could kill an animal he has gotten to know or not. If he lets the pigs live in the end of the series, then he must eat vegetarian food for the rest of his life and if he decides to kill them, then he can continue to consume meat. During the series, and before Schyffert decides whether the pigs should live or die, he examines whether he should eat vegetarian food or meat, and what consequences vegetarian food has for his masculinity. The aim with this analysis was to examine the series Köttets lustar and how it depicts men’s relationship to meat consumption and the consequences it entails, seen from a animal rights perspective.  During this analysis I used the Norman Fairclough critical discourse analysis with its three dimensions: texts, discourse practice and the sociocultural practice. My analysis showed that meat consumption is an important part of the masculinity and in Schyfferts case he wasn’t ready to give up meat because of a fear that a life as a vegetarian could deprive him of his masculinity. The series also showed meats impact on the climate and the fact that animals in the meat industry also have feelings and are intelligent. The main conclusion of the analysis was that meat in relation to animal rights is very complex because meat’s importance for the masculinity. Because of the society where the man is norm and animals, like women, are defined as the other, the man’s need for meat has a bigger importance than whenever the animals is abused or not, which is something that shows in the series.

Scarce is the research on the effects of the social and political climates of the Civil Rights era on children of that time. Comparisons are made throughout these writings between that era and the social and political climates that exist today in the United States of America. Specifically, the effects of these climates on Black males are examined across contexts. To better understand the Black male perspective, this body of research contributes to filling the gap of scarce research about older Black men, exploring lived experiences of eight African-American and Black men, 66-78 years of age, through first person interviews. A phenomenological research design and first person interviews allowed the researcher to find themes in the lived experiences of these men. Some of their life experiences (e.g., experiencing racism and disrespect related to being Black men), parallel the research findings throughout the literature review about the life experiences of generations of younger Black males that are coming behind them. Six themes were drawn, from the lived experiences of these men, to answer two research questions that guided the study. Those themes are: 1) personal experience with discrimination, racism or prejudice, 2) the need for strong familial support, 3) the importance of being aware of differences, 4) learning about your-self, 5) giving back to family and community and, 6) views about the need for counseling. From this research, implications are made for counselors, counselor educators and community advocates.
EDD
There are not a lot of research articles that follow the lives of children that lived through the Civil Rights Era, specifically young Black boys of that time. That era was full of social and political climates that the researcher compares to the social and political climates that exist as recently as the time of these writings in 2018. In this research study, the researcher interviewed eight African-American and Black men, ages 66-78, about their experiences living as men in the United States of America. Their life experiences are filled with lessons about racism, building positive family support, learning about yourself, taking care of responsibilities and community advocacy, to name a few. One of many potential benefits of these experiences is the impact it can have on young Black boys today who are living through social and political climates like those that the men interviewed lived through. The men interviewed were able to look back on their lives as young men and offer words of wisdom and advice to young Black men today. These words of wisdom and research have the potential to benefit the way mental health clinicians provide care for their clients, the way community members advocate for their young Black male citizens and the way police interact with citizens, specifically young Black men. For the purpose of this research, African-American is the term used to describe an American of African and especially of black African descent. Black is the term used to describe a person having origins in any of the Black racial groups of Africa. The men interviewed were also asked about their view of respect which, for this research, is defined as: high or special regard: the quality or state of being esteemed.

Antifeministiska samfundet (AFS) is an organisation that is against feminism, but that works for equal rights between men and women. My informants are giving their opinions and answering questions such as why they are members of an antifeminist organisation. In order to bring AFS into a social context, I present feminist thoughts and explain how antifeminist movements occur.

Antifeministiska samfundet (AFS) är en förening som vill verka mot feminism men för jämställdhet. Mina informanter delar med sig av sina åsikter och svarar på frågor som varför man går med i en antifeministisk förening. För att placera in AFS i ett samhälleligt sammanhang presenterar jag feminismens tanketradition och förklarar hur antifeministiska rörelser uppstår.

Bakgrund: Flyktingfrågan blev högaktuell under 2000-talet. Detta då en allt större andelen samkommande ungdomar ankom Europa samtidigt som synen alltmer utgår från att dessa urholkar den nationella kulturen, sammanhållning och social välfärd. År 2020 initierades en offentlig utredning där huvuduppdraget innebar att utreda hur en “långsiktigt hållbar” migrationspolitik kan skapas. I samband med detta föreslogs i nämnda utredning bland annat att endast bevilja tillfälliga uppehållstillstånd. Flyktingar uppfattas alltmer som ett hot mot den nationella kollektiva identiteten. De samhälleliga förändringarna och paradigmskiftet påverkar i allra högsta grad nyanlända barn och ungdomar. För den ensamkommande gruppen av barn innebär flykten i sig en särskilt otrygg situation utan egen familj och det skyddsnät som denna utgör. För denna grupp är därför anskaffandet av ett arbete, som är enviktig del av en lyckad integration, av särskilt stor vikt med tanke på att det i många fall avgör möjligheterna att stanna i Sverige.  Syfte: Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur ensamkommande ungdomar upplever anskaffandet av ett arbete i Sverige, samt att i denna process undersöka vilket stöd som ungdomarna anser vara mest betydelsefullt. Följande frågeställningar bearbetas i studien: ● Vilka utmaningar upplever de ensamkommande ungdomarna när det gäller att erhålla ett arbete i Sverige? ● Vilka underlättande faktorer upplever de ensamkommande ungdomarna när det gäller att erhålla ett arbete i Sverige? ● Vilket vuxenstöd anses av ungdomarna som mest betydelsefullt på vägen mot anskaffandet av ett arbete? Metod: Kvalitativ metod användes i studien och data producerades genom att tolv semistrukturerade intervjuer genomfördes med ensamkommande individer som rekryterades via ett bekvämlighetsurval (privata kontakter), på grund av det rådande pandemiläget. Intervjuerna genomfördes i samverkan med en annan medstudent. Det teoretiska ramverket bestod av ett fenomenologiskt perspektiv. Intervjuerna transkriberades och en tematisk analys gjordes utifrån ett perspektiv på integration.  Resultat och slutsatser: De ensamkommande ungdomarnas upplevelser sammanställdes efter tematisk analys, och presenterades i fem olika teman. Språk, avsaknad av körkort och en upplevd rasism skapade hinder för inträde på arbetsmarknaden, samtidigt som de ensamkommande ungdomarna framförde vikten av att uppnå självständighet och att inte ge upp som styrkor. Kontaktnät och att ha ett socialt stöd upplevdes av ungdomarna som avgörande för att finna ett arbete. Juridiska hinder och den oro som dessa skapar, var något som i detta sammanhang stack ut på ett negativt sätt i ungdomarnas berättelser. Området för studien är relativt outforskat, och betoningen på ungdomarnas egna upplevelser bidrar med en ny dimension till barn- och ungdomsforskningen på detta område, där fokus ligger på forskning med i stället för om ungdomarna. När ungdomarnas eget perspektiv lyfts i förhållande till möjligheten till inträde på den svenska arbetsmarknaden, blir detta ett bidrag till den samlade bilden av det praktiska integrationsarbetet. Background: The refugee issue became highly topical during the 2000s. This is due to the fact that an increasing number of unaccompanied minors arrived to Europe, but also the more and more widespread view that they erode the national culture, cohesion and social welfare. In 2020, a public inquiry was initiated in which the main task was to investigate how a “sustainable” migration policy can be created. During this time, it was proposed in the saidinquiry, among other things, to grant only temporary residence permits. Refugees are increasingly perceived as a threat to the national collective identity. The societal changes and the paradigm shift affect newly arrived children and young people to a very high degree. Fort he unaccompanied group of children, escape in itself means a particularly insecure situation without one's own family and the safety net that this constitutes. For this group, therefore, the acquisition of a job, which is an important part of a successful integration, is of particular importance, given that in many cases it determines the possibilities of staying in Sweden. Aim: The purpose of the study is to investigate how unaccompanied minors experience the acquisition of a job in Sweden, and in this process to investigate which support the group considers most important. The following issues are addressed in the study: What challenges do the unaccompanied minors experience when it comes to getting a job in Sweden? What facilitating factors do the unaccompanied minors experience when it comes to getting a job in Sweden? Which adult support is considered most significant by the unaccompanied minors, when it comes to acquiring a job?  Method: Qualitative method was used in the study and data were produced by conducting twelve semi-structured interviews with unaccompanied individuals who were recruited via a convenience sample (private contacts), due to the prevailing pandemic situation. The interviews were conducted in collaboration with another fellow student. The theoretical framework consisted of a phenomenological perspective. The interviews were transcribed and a thematic analysis was implemented, using an integrational perspective.  Results and conclusions: The experiences of unaccompanied young people were compiled after implementing the thematic analysis, and presented in five different themes. Language, lack of driving licenses and a perceived racism created obstacles for entry to the labor market, while the unaccompanied young people emphasized the importance of achieving independence and not giving up as strengths. Contact networks and having social support were perceived by the young people as crucial for finding a job. Legal obstacles and the anxiety they create was something that in this context stood out in a negative way in theyoung people’s stories.  The area of the study is relatively unexplored, and the emphasis on young people's own experiences contributes a new dimension to child and youth research in this area. When the young people's own perspective is illustrated in relation to the possibility of entering the Swedish labor market, this also becomes a contribution to the overall picture of the practical integration work.

Trots principen om avtalets subjektiva begränsning kan det finnas skäl till att utöka ett aktieägaravtals verkningar mot förvärvande tredje man för att skydda beaktansvärda intressen. Då rättsläget är oklart är det av intresse att undersöka huruvida en tolkning med laganalogins hjälp mot sakrättens samt skiljerättens område kan klargöra rättsläget.

För att ge läsaren tillräcklig bakgrund för analysen beskrivs rättsläget vad gäller aktieägaravtal och de bakomliggande teorierna rörande den analogiska tillämpningen. Därefter analyseras undantag till avtalets subjektiva begränsning, varefter en diskussion följer där frågan huruvida analogier kan dras besvaras.

Resultatet av denna framställning är att en analogisk tillämpning kan göras mot de två undersökta rättsområdena, dock endast i begränsad utsträckning vad gäller skiljerättens område. En kombinerad applicering av möjliga analogier från sakrättens och skiljerättens områden på aktieägaravtal leder till ett resultat där aktieägaravtalets bundenhet mot både förvärvande tredje man samt kvarstående parter klargörs.

Despite the doctrine about privity of contract, there can be reasons to recognise effects of a shareholder’s agreement against acquiring third party to protect legitimate interests. Since the legal position is uncertain, it is of interest to examine whether an analogy of law towards indefeasible rights and arbitration agreements can clarify this uncertainty.

To give the reader enough background information for the analysis, the legal position regarding shareholder’s agreement and the basic theories about the application of analogies are described. Thereafter exceptions to the privity of contracts are analysed, after which a discussion where the question whether analogies can be made is answered.         

The result of this thesis is that an application by analogy can be made towards the two examined areas, but only to a limited extent regarding arbitration agreements. A combined application of analogies possible from indefeasible rights and arbitration agreements creates a result where the validity of a shareholder’s agreement towards both acquiring third party and remaining parties is clarified.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Samuel Antonio Merbach de Oliveira.pdf: 35956675 bytes, checksum: 74eec15f01414cfe7928d91593ddd657 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-17
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The thesis has as objective to answer equally to the philosophical union between the phases and the generations of rights of the man. ln turn, the specific objectives are: to study the historical evolution of the rights of the mau since the antiquity until the contemporaries treats; to show that the choice of the person as a new citizen of international law can guarantee the protection of the dignity of the human being; to examine the development and to effect of the rights of the man in the contemporary society in agreement of the teachings of Norberto Bobbio. The Age of the Rights subject in Norberto Bobbio: Phases and Generations are of great relevance, therefore, following the trend of the contemporary philosophy, the recognition and the protection of the rights of the man are presented in the Constitutions of the modern democratic States, as we has in the international system of rights of the man, representing a way to long for the ideal of the pacific coexistence between the nations. For Bobbio the most important problems of our time are mentioned to the rights of the man and to the peace, in the way that the solution for the peace problem depends on our survival; and the solution of the rights of the man problem is the only certain signal of the civil progress. Bobbio understands this reason, the dialogue and the moderation are specific and valid elements of the culture and the human being condition to minimize the disrespect and the breaking of the rights of the man in the contemporary society, even in a historical time of great violence and not of lesser injustices. To the Bobbio's philosophy the Rights afield Man are developed in four phases: the first phase -Right Born Universal moment where the Natural Rights was not positive; the second phase -Particular Positive Rights are characterized for the fact of the State recognizes part of the Natural Rights in Constitution Letters (particular positive); the third phase -Universal Positive Rights examines the magnifing of the recognition of the Natural Rights and its positive consequent that occurs by means of Treat International(universal positive)and the fourth phaseis called phase of Specification deals with the gradual passage for a later determination of the titular citizens ot rights. In a complementary way, the jointed previously phases have five deriving generations of the historical development of the rights of the man: Ia Generation -the Individual Rights: that estimates individual freedoms and the formal equality in front of the law; 2a Generation -the Colective Rights: established on the social rights that have for objective to guarantee to the people material conditions as essential for the full joy of their rights, where detaches the right to 'the work; 3a Generation - the Rights of Fraternity or Solidarity: deals with the collective and diffuse rights, that basically understand the environrnental and the consumer rights; 4a Generation: The Rights of Genetic Manipulation: that are related with the biotechnology and to bioengineering, reflecting ethical concerning questions of life and death. Although the Bobbio's philosophy has not placed the peace as element of fifth generation, Bobbio gave a special attention to the subject of the peace. In fact, if Bobbio was present in the current days, certainly would have replaced the peace of third for the fifth Generation of the Rights of the Man, for considering it as necessary estimated for the recognition and the effective protection rights of the man in each State. Finally, the conclusion deals with the roain arguments pointed out in the course of the thesis in front of the referring observations to the rights of the man. In this association, was overcome a position concerning the diverse problems and the viable solutions to subject them, printing evaluations of the points longed for in the thesis
A tese tem como objetivo responder reflexivamente à conjugação filosófica entre as fases e as gerações de direitos do homem. Por sua vez, os objetivos específicos são: estudar a evolução histórica dos direitos do homem desde a antiguidade até os tratados contemporâneos; mostrar que a escolha da pessoa humana como novo sujeito de direito internacional pode garantir a proteção da dignidade do ser humano; examinar o desenvolvimento e a efetivação dos direitos do homem na sociedade contemporânea à luz dos ensinamentos de Norberto Bobbio. O tema A Era dos Direitos em Norberto Bobbio: Fases e Gerações é de grande relevância, pois, seguindo a tendência da filosofia contemporânea, o reconhecimento e a proteção dos direitos do homem estão presentes nas Constituições dos Estados democráticos modernos, bem como no sistema internacional de direitos do homem, representando um meio para se almejar o ideal da coexistência pacífica entre as nações. Para Bobbio os problemas mais importantes do nosso tempo referem-se aos direitos do homem e à paz, no sentido de que da solução do problema da paz depende a nossa sobrevivência,e a solução do problema dos direitos do homem é o único sinal certo de progresso civil. Bobbio entende que a razão, o diálogo e a moderação são elementos específicos e válidos da cultura e da condição humana para minimizar o desrespeito e a violação dos direitos do homem na sociedade contemporânea,mesmo numa época histórica de grandes violências e não de menores injustiças. À filosofia de Bobbio os direitos do homem desenvolvem-se em quatro fases: a primeira fase -Direitos Natos Universais momento em que o direito natural não se encontrava positivado; a segunda fase - Direitos Positivos Particulares caracteriza-se pelo fato do Estado reconhece parte dos direitos naturais em Cartas Constitucionais (positivação particular); a terceira fase -Direitos Positivos Universais examina a ampliação do reconhecimento dos direitos naturais e sua conseqüente positivação que ocorre por meio, dos Tratados Internacionais (positivação universal) e, a quarta fase denominada de Especificação-trata da passagem gradual para uma ulterior determinação dos sujeitos titulares de direitos. De modo complementar, as fases anteriormente elencadas tem-se cinco gerações oriundas do desenvolvimento histórico dos direitos do homem: 1a Geração- Os Direitos Individuais: pressupõem as liberdades individuais e a igualdade formal perante a lei; 2a Geração - Os Direitos Coletivos: estabelecem sobre os direitos sociais que têm por objetivo garantir aos indivíduos condições materiais tidas como imprescindíveis para o pleno gozo dos seus direitos, em que se destaca o direito ao trabalho; 3 Geração - os Direitos de Fraternidade ou de Solidariedade: tratam dos direitos coletivos e difusos, que basicamente compreendemo direito ambiental e do consumidor; 4a Geração: Os Direitos de Manipulação Genética: relacionam-se à biotecnologia e à bioengenharia, refletem eticamente acerca de questões da vida e da morte. Embora a filosofia bobbiana não tenha colocado a paz como elemento da quinta geração, Bobbio deu especial atenção ao tema da paz. De fato, se Bobbio estivesse presente nos dias atuais, certamente teria reposicionado a paz da terceira para a quinta Geração dos Direitos do Homem, por considerá-la como pressuposto necessário para o reconhecimento e a efetiva proteção dos direitos do homem em cada Estado. Por fim, a conclusão trata dos principais argumentos salientados no curso da tese ante os óbices referentes aos direitos do homem. Nesta seara, tomou-se uma posição acerca dos diversos problemas e as soluções viáveis para debelá-los, imprimindo avaliações dos escopos almejados na tese

The aim of this study was to understand which factors that lay the foundation for social workers’ custody investigations and the judges’ decisions in custody disputes. Additionally, it was to examine the social workers’ and the judges’ views on children’s’ rights in this process. The study was based on qualitative research where six semi-structured interviews were conducted. Four social workers and two judges working with custody- investigations, and disputes were interviewed. The analysis consists of two key concepts: the concept of discretion and child sociology. The result shows that judges and social workers experience difficulties with interpreting the best interest of the child, that there are different perceptions about when lone and joint custody should be considered and how to best design the rights of access. A common consensus among the interviewees with regards to the best interest of the child, is that each situation requires an individual interpretation while considering necessary safety aspects. Social workers’ statements tend to dominate how the best interests of a child is defined in a judge’s decision. Both professions find ways to accommodate the best interests of the child, even though it does not always turn out ideal. There is a strong believe that the child’s voice is governing the decision, even though our study shows that it is not always considered in the custody investigations nor in court.

In Sweden, children residing in the country without a permit has had access to schooling since 2013. Yet, only a few people have taken the time to do research on the topic and evaluate the policy change that gave these children right to attend elementary and upper secondary school. This essay adopts an administrative politics-perspective to evaluate their schooling based on a goal-fulfilment criterion. The goals are then used as a reference with which to compare the real policy effects. To gather information about the policy effects, six interviews were performed with centrally given actors within Uppsala municipality, Sweden. The first goal of reference in this thesis is presented in Swedish school law and government bill; all children shall have access to basic schooling. The second goal of reference is that these children’s education should be equivalent to that of other children in the country. This means that they have should have access to the school resources necessary for them to fully participate in their education. Generally, one can see that the achievement of these goals is questionable in Uppsala municipality. This result can also be generalised to a nation-level, with the help of the Swedish School Inspectorate, and thus demonstrating that the issues with the goal fulfilment in Uppsala municipality is strongly dependent on the lack of effective nationally stipulated measures and strategies.

Genom våra två fallstudier har vi undersökt formuleringsarenans intentioner vad gäller elevinflytande i förhållande till hur dessa tar sig uttryck i praktiken. För att finna formuleringsarenans intentioner har vi använt oss av Skolkommitténs tre utgångspunkter om varför elever skall ges inflytande i skolan. Skolkommittén har på ett konkret och förståeligt sätt redogjort för tre motiveringar till elevinflytande vilka benämns som: ”Mänsklig rättighet”, ”Demokratifostran” och ”Elevers inflytande över sitt lärande”.   I vår text har vi eftersträvat att ringa in ämnesområdet och ge läsaren en tillräcklig bakgrund för vidare läsning. För att vidga vår förståelse för elevdemokrati idag ser vi det med andra ord som angeläget att mer översiktligt och kort redogöra för en historisk tillbakablick. Med vår undersökning som underlag hävdar vi att elevdemokrati sett ur elevperspektiv, observatörperspektiv och lärarperspektiv kan te sig mycket olika. Eleverna talar om sitt inflytande i förhållande till deras mänskliga rättigheter såsom när de ska sova, äta och om att få vara inomhus när det är kallt. Det framkommer även att praktiserandet av elevdemokrati i de båda undersökta klassrummen tycks vara avhängigt lärarens egen uppfattning om vad elevdemokrati är och vilka demokratiska förmågor som är viktiga att utveckla i klassrummet. Ytterligare en intressant iakttagelse vi har gjort i vår studie är att skolans sociokulturella upptagningsområde inverkar och påverkar skolans förutsättningar och behov att utöva elevdemokrati. Denna iakttagelse förefaller intressant och anses av oss författare som lämplig för vidare studier. Vår uppsats är begränsad av en tidsram och lämnar oss och förmodligen andra med frågor för vidare forskning. Vår förhoppning är att denna uppsats ger läsaren reflektioner och ett väckt intresse kring elevdemokrati och elevinflytande.
Trough our two case studies we have sought to explore how and if, the description of democracy in the Swedish curriculum is viable in the reality. To our benefit the Skolkommitténs three motivations for pupils’ democracy, named “human right”, “democratic upbringing” and “pupils’ influence over their own learning”, has been useful. In this text the reader will find an attempt to surround the subject and give enough background information for comprehension. By using the methods of conversations with pupils, classroom observations and teacher interviews at two different schools, including literature studies, we have been able to make the conclusion that the realisation of the curriculum is a long process of transformation and influence from various angles. We have found that the meaning of pupils’ democracy differs depending on whose perspective is being regarded. Pupils tend to focus their human rights. Such as when to eat, sleep or wanting to stay inside when it is cold outside. Teachers on the other hand seem to solely be the ones to decide what impact pupils’ democracy will have in the classroom, and what democratic abilities that are important for pupils to acquire. Amongst our results we find the sociocultural surroundings from where the pupils derive as distinguished from the others concerning the schools conditions for pupils’ democracy. This fact has also encouraged our interest and we will pass this on as a future matter of research. Our research has nevertheless been restricted by schedule and leaves us and probably others with questions for further research, however our hope is that this essay will give the reader enough thoughts to see the relevance in our research.

1994 in Cairo United Nations Population and Development Fund held a conference where the attending 179 nations agreed that Sexual and reproductive health is a human right. Everyone is entitled to this right without distinction.   This thesis investigates what covenants, declarations, policies, strategies and national law say about sexual and reproductive rights for men, specifically men in Sweden.   The thesis aims to enlighten the reader about men’s situation in a welfare state where discriminatory structures in society is reproducing gender stereotypes in a country that is one of the most gender equal countries in the world.   The general lack of common knowledge and subsequent lacking education in the matter is abundantly clear when browsing documents issued by official sources throughout the world. While Europe and its countries have begun to examine and call attention to this neglected subject, progress is still slow and could be hazardous to men’s sexual and reproductive health. The thesis concludes with an argument that Sweden have a discriminatory structure built in society that discriminate men and their right to sexual and reproductive health according to Discrimination Act 2008:567 by practices that appear to be neutral but can affect men in a negative way.

Denna studie undersöker hur våld i nära relation i sju fall av grov kvinnofridskränkning kan förstås utifrån Messerschmidts teori om konstruktionen av maskulinitet och brott. Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur orsakerna till våldet beskrivs i fallen samt hur gärningsmännen beskriver offrens roll i våldet. Frågeställningarna som ställs i studien är 1) Hur ser arbetssituationen ut för kvinnan och mannen i de fall som analyseras? 2) Hur beskrivs orsaken till våldet i fallen och hur representerar gärningsmännen kvinnornas roll i våldet? samt 3) Hur kan dessa framställningar förstås utifrån teorin om maskulinitet och brott? Metoden som har använts är en kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Resultatet visar på att arbetslösheten hos gärningsmannen har en påverkan men inte en kausal relation till orsaken till våldet. Tre teman framkom i analysen som visade på att kontroll, svartsjuka och bestämmanderätt var centrala vid förklaringarna av våldet. Det framkom även att gärningsmännen försöker lägga över skulden på offren genom att beskriva hur hon har provocerat honom till våldet. Slutsatserna i studien är att de beskrivningar som har analyserats kan förstås och förklaras utifrån konstruktionen av maskulinitet och våldet uppstod främst när den maskulina identiteten uppfattades som ifrågasatt av offret.
This study examines how violence in close relationship in seven cases of gross violation of women's rights can be understood from Messerschmidt's theory on construction of masculinity and criminality. The purpose of this study is to examine the explanations for the violence in the cases as well as how the perpetrators describes the victim’s role in the violence. The problem statements in this study are 1) What does the working situation look like for the woman and man in the analysed cases? 2) How are the violence explained in the cases and how does the perpetrators describe the women's part in the violence? and 3) How can these explanations be understood from Messerschmidt's theory on masculinity and crime? The used method is a qualitative content analysis. The results show that the perpetrators unemployment has an effect, though not a causal relationship, on the occurring of the violence. Three themes emerged from the analysis that showed that control, jealousy and authority are central when describing the violence. It also emerged that the perpetrators tried to place the blame on the victim by describing how she provoked him to violence. Conclusions of this study are that the analysed descriptions can be understood and explained through the construction of masculinity and the violence mainly occurred when the masculine identity was perceived as being questioned by the victim.

This essay compares the figurative language of Bob Dylan’s albums The Times They Are A-Changin’ (1964) and Highway 61 Revisited (1965), with a focus on how Dylan remained engaged with societal injustices and human rights as he switched from acoustic to fronting a rock ‘n’ roll band. The essay argues that Dylan kept his critical stance on social issues, and that the poet’s usage of figurative language became more expressive and complex in the later album. In the earlier album Dylan’s critique, as seen in his use of figurative language, is presented in a more obvious manner in comparison to Highway 61 Revisited, where the figurative language is more vivid, and with a more embedded critical stance.
Uppsatsen jämför det figurativa språket i Bob Dylans skivor The Times They Are A-Changin’ (1964) och Highway 61 Revisited (1965), med ett fokus på hur Dylan fortsatte vara engagerad inom samhällsfrågor och mänskliga rättigheter när han gick över från akustisk solomusik till att leda ett rockband. Uppsatsen argumenterar för att Dylan behöll sin kritiska syn på samhällsfrågor, och att poetens användning av figurativt språk blev mer expressivt och komplext i det senare albumet. I det tidigare albumet är Dylans kritik, som den framstår i hans användning av figurativt språk, presenterad mer direkt i jämförelse med Highway 61 Revisited, där det figurativa språket är mer levande och innehåller en mer förtäckt kritik.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo investigar a proposta de educação contida no discurso do movimento zapatista do estado mexicano de Chiapas, a partir da análise de documentos que tratam especificamente sobre esta questão e em outros nos quais se desenham seus princípios políticos mais gerais. Procura-se trabalhar com a tensão – característica do debate atual dos direitos humanos - entre a reivindicação por igualdade social e por direitos culturais dos povos indígenas, que está presente no zapatismo contemporâneo. Encontra-se a construção de uma educação autônoma, como parte do desenvolvimento de uma organização do território rebelde de Chiapas, que procura uma maneira própria de traduzir essa tensão entre igualdade e diferença e cujos objetivos seriam a construção coletiva de uma escola empenhada na mudança das condições de vida da sociedade em que vive.
This work has as objective to investigate the education proposal presents in the discourse of the zapatista movement of the mexican state of Chiapas, from the analysis of documents that deals specifically about this question and others in which is delineated yours political principles more generals. It is looked work with the tension - characteristic of the actual discussion of the rights of the man – between the demands for social equality and for cultural rights of the indigenous people, that is present in the contemporaneous zapatism. We find the construction of an autonomous education, as part of the development of the an organization of the rebel territory of the Chiapas, that looks for your own way to translate this tension between equality and difference and which objectives are the collective construction of a school that is compromised in the change of the life’s conditions of the society that is part.

This study is exploring how social workers working for the Social Services in the Stockholm area, experience the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), which has become part of the Swedish law. The Social workers that participated in the study, are working with children that are being abused or witnessing abuse in their home environment. The students of the study focus on how the social workers think the new law can affect them in their work with the children. Furthermore, this study wants to investigate, if the new law can give the social workers a different approach when working. There were six social workers that participated in the study from different Social Service offices within the Stockholm area. The result of the study showed that the social workers were positive towards UNCRC becoming part of the Swedish law, but they illustrated having a low trust in how it will affect them in the practical work. However, collaboration with the welfare system, could make a difference on the children's future. The social workers also explained, that with the right knowledge, they could intercept the abused kids in their home earlier and faster.

Les États africains de l’espace francophone ont rénové leurs droits civils, par la refonte des dispositions du Code civil français de 1804, reçu en héritage colonial. Les textes issus des réformes, dénommés « Codes des personnes et de la famille », étaient censés mettre fin au pluralisme juridique dans les relations d’ordre privé, lequel résultait de la coexistence du droit positif et des normes coutumières et religieuses, par l’unification des droits de la famille. L’occasion devait en même temps être saisie de conformer les législations du mariage au dispositif juridique international des droits humains, en particulier sur le mariage. À cet effet, l’égalité de l’homme et de la femme tenait la place centrale dans l’énoncé des motifs des lois. Cependant, les droits des sexes définis, au terme des codifications, se signalent par leur faiblesse pour ce qui concerne la femme. Bien davantage, le caractère sectoriel des approches juridiques de réduction des inégalités ne permet pas au droit de jouer le rôle transformateur escompté. Par ailleurs, il est constaté, à travers ses manifestations, que le pluralisme normatif demeure, avec une incidence négative sur l’effectivité des règles en vigueur.En comparant les Codes du Bénin, du Burkina Faso et du Mali, il apparaît qu’en contrepartie de certains droits nouveaux institués en faveur de la femme (comme l’autonomie professionnelle), qui souffrent en outre d’inapplication, des coutumes inconciliables avec les droits humains (comme la polygynie) ont été incorporées dans les droits républicains. Il en découle que les législateurs africains ne se sont pas significativement détachés des traditions qui participent au maintien de la condition juridique et sociale féminine. La situation appelle des réformes en profondeur des droits de la famille, de même que la mise en œuvre de politiques gouvernementales coordonnées, afin d’atteindre l’égalité réelle des sexes dans le mariage
French-speaking black African countries have renewed their civil rights, on the basis of the French civil code resulting from the 1804 colonial legacy. The texts issued from the reform called “Codes of persons and family” were supposed to put an end to legal pluralism within private relationships, resulting from the coexistence between positive law, customary and religious rules, by the unification of family rights. It provides at the same time the opportunity to confirm marriage regulations within the legal law of international human’s rights, particularly about nuptiality. In this respect, equality of man and woman held the central place in statements of laws patterns. However, the rights of sexual equality moreover disadvantage women. Much more, the sectoral character of the legal approaches concerning the reduction of the inequality, compromises the transforming role of the right. Furthermore, some facts demonstrate that normative pluralism remains and that its impact is negative on the efficiency of the rules in force.When we compare the Codes of Benin, Burkina and Mali it reveals that in return of some new rights instituted in favor of woman, for example the unapplied professional autonomy, irreconcilable customs with human rights such as polygyny has been incorporated in republican rights. It follows that some African legislators are not significantly detached from traditions that contribute to the maintenance of woman legal and social condition. This situation calls for deep reform of family rights, as well as the implementation of a governmental action plan to achieve equality of sexes within marriage

В повідомленні досліджено роль прокуратури в захисті прав і свобод людини, загальних інтересів суспільства та держави. Пропонуються висновки і рекомендації.
В сообщении исследована роль прокуратуры в защите прав и свобод человека, общих интересов общества и государства. Предлагаются выводы и рекомендации.
In a report investigational role of office of public prosecutor in defence of rights and freedoms of man, general interests of society and state. Conclusions and recommendations are offered.

L’analyse de la situation internationale actuelle montre l’existence de nombreux obstacles et limites à la lutte effective contre le terrorisme international. Dans cette thèse, il n’est pas question d’étudier le terrorisme en général, un sujet controversé et bien étudié en doctrine juridique et en science politique. Il n’est pas question non plus de s’attarder sur la lutte contre le terrorisme elle-même. Il s’agit de réfléchir, d’étudier et d’analyser les nombreuses limites juridiques à cette lutte antiterroriste, tant au niveau de l’élaboration des règles antiterroristes qu’au niveau de leur mise en œuvre
The analysis of the current international situation shows the existence of numerous obstacles and limits to the effective fight against international terrorism. In this thesis, there is no question of studying terrorism in general, a controversial subject well studied in legal doctrine and political science. Nor is it a question of dwelling on the fight against terrorism itself. It is a question of reflecting, studying and analyzing the numerous legal limits to this fight against terrorism, both in terms of the elaboration of anti-terrorist rules and their implementation

In January 1947 the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (CHR) held its First Session, the primary object of which was to draft a Universal Declaration of Human Rights. However, during the debates at this session the ideological and philosophical differences between the delegates were of such intensity that it appeared that the project would be unable to proceed. What this thesis examines is the role of the Unesco Committee on the Philosophic Principles of the Rights of Man in resolving the philosophical and ideological impasse faced by the CHR. Specifically, this study examines the Unesco Committee's project to ascertain the philosophic bases of human rights, which was undertaken parallel to the work of the First and Second Sessions of the CHR, the First Session of the CHR's Drafting Committee and the drafting of the preliminary Declaration by Canadian John Humphrey, the director of the Human Rights Division (HRD) of the UN Secretariat. This study analyzes the relationship between these various processes, and the motives and objectives of Unesco in undertaking its project. The method of investigation includes an analysis of CHR records and documents, primary Unesco documents, inclusive of personal letters and reports, and the memoirs and writings of key figures in the drafting of the Declaration and Unesco, such as Humphrey and Julian Huxley, the first Director General of Unesco. Based on this review of documents a conclusion was drawn that key actors from the CHR, the HRD and Unesco closely cooperated with the intention of constructing precisely the philosophical and ideological conclusions, and pragmatic human rights structure, required to resolve the CHR's ideological impasse, and provide the necessary philosophical rationalizations to justify Humphrey's preliminary draft and the version of the Declaration ultimately proclaimed.

Booker T. Washington organized the National Negro Business League (NNBL) in 1900, and it became the largest and most influential black business organization for much of the twentieth century. Enterprising black men and women in the NNBL linked their entrepreneurial activities to a modern, progressive social and political agenda. They relied on discourses of race, nation, and business that were both modern, radical, and progressive and traditional, conservative, and reactionary. The thesis moves beyond prosaic debates about the efficacy of black business and black economic nationalism to consider how black entrepreneurs in the NNBL interacted with the material and cultural dimensions of the political economy. A disconnect often existed between the grand ambitions of the executive leadership and the intrigues of the local league membership. Race and entrepreneurship drew attention to lapses in the rhetoric of progress and change in the New South. Finally, it looks at interracial cooperation and conflict in the NNBL. By privileging blacks' struggles for liberation, the thesis enhances understanding about the many ways blacks struggled to strike a tenable balance between personal agency and structural constraints.
text

The dissertation examines African American Freemasons throughout the South during the Jim Crow era. The secret nature of Prince Hall Affiliated Freemasonry (PHA) has hidden the contribution and activism of the organization and its members. I argue the organization is part of a web of networks that fought for civil and human rights for African Americans. Through PHA, members are cultivated into leaders, activists, businessmen; over the years, the members have created an initiatic identity that connected them to the African American community and humanity. The significance of my study is that I analyze PHA through a womanist lens and argue the organization has a diarchal gender relationship that allows women and men to take on leadership and activist roles that differed from the normative gender relationship of their time.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Wharton’s heroines are ordinary women who fight to secure material comfort and create selves that satisfy their emotional and sexual needs. These women often find that the two goals are mutually exclusive, since society strictly dictates appropriate behavior. This code of behavior stems from their relation to men: as objects to be won, as wives, and as mothers. In many instances, women are not even aware of their prescriptive roles and confuse their search for self with a search for security. Material comfort does not nurture Wharton’s heroines’ inner selves and they feel a metaphysical dissatisfaction, often seeking to find contentment through divorce or affairs. What they find in either case is that the cure to their ennui is not material, but mental. Wharton’s women seek a transcendent self—a self that is not dependent upon popular notions of respectability; a spiritual state that is independent from any attachment to social imperatives.

Коналош А. В. Омбудсмен як «спеціальний» суб‘єкт вирішення публічно-правових спорів: міжнародно-правові, європейські та національні правові стандарти залучення та визначення статусу : кваліфікаційна робота магістра спеціальності 081 "Право" / наук. керівник Р. О. Кукурудз. Запоріжжя : ЗНУ, 2020. 117 с.
UA : Кваліфікаційна робота складається зі 117 сторінок, містить 83 джерела використаної інформації. Робота присвячена дослідженню особливостей міжнародно-правових, європейських та національних правових стандартів залучення та визначення статусу омбудсмена як «спеціального» суб‘єкта вирішення публічно-правових спорів. Уповноважений Верховної Ради України з прав людини займає особливе місцем у системі інституціональних гарантій прав і свобод людини і громадянина в сучасній демократичній правовій державі. Специфіка адміністративно-правового статусу цього інституту дозволяє йому, по-перше, вступати у відносини із суб‘єктами державного управління; по-друге, користуючись власними засобами реагування, впливати на окремі рішення органів державного управління; по-третє, виступати особливим елементом механізму захисту прав людини і громадянина, сприяючим не тільки відновленню порушених індивідуальних прав, але й викорінення загальних дефектів функціонування адміністративної системи, і, по-четверте, служити додатковим засобом контролю над виконавчою владою. Саме існування та функціонування даного інституту є додатковим чинником підвищення дисципліни прийняття державних рішень та законності в діяльності публічної адміністрації. Прагнення вирішити проблему захисту прав і свобод людини і громадянина від незаконних рішень публічної адміністрації стало головною причиною появи спеціальних інституцій захисту прав, одним з яких є інститут уповноваженого Верховної Ради України з прав людини. Метою кваліфікаційної роботи є з’ясування особливостей міжнародно-правових, європейських та національних правових стандартів залучення та визначення статусу омбудсмена як «спеціального» суб‘єкта вирішення публічно-правових спорів. Об’єктом кваліфікаційної роботи є суспільні відносини у сфері міжнародно-правових, європейських та національних правових стандартів залучення та визначення статусу омбудсмена як «спеціального» суб‘єкта вирішення публічно-правових спорів. Предметом дослідження є особливості міжнародно-правових, європейських та національних правових стандартів залучення та визначення статусу омбудсмена як «спеціального» суб‘єкта вирішення публічно-правових спорів.
EN : Qualifying work consists of 117 pages containing 83 sources of information used. The work is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of international legal, European and national legal standards of involvement and determination of the status of the ombudsman as a "special" subject of resolving public law disputes. The Commissioner for Human Rights of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine occupies a special place in the system of institutional guarantees of human and civil rights and freedoms in a modern democratic state governed by the rule of law. The specifics of the administrative and legal status of this institution allows it, first, to enter into relations with the subjects of public administration; secondly, using their own means of response, to influence certain decisions of public administration bodies; thirdly, to act as a special element of the mechanism of protection of human and civil rights, contributing not only to the restoration of violated individual rights, but also to the elimination of general defects in the functioning of the administrative system, and, fourthly, to serve as an additional means of control. The very existence and functioning of this institution is an additional factor in improving the discipline of public decision-making and legality in the activities of public administration. The desire to solve the problem of protection of human and civil rights and freedoms from illegal decisions of the public administration was the main reason for the emergence of special institutions for the protection of rights, one of which is the institution of the Verkhovna Rada Commissioner for Human Rights. The purpose of the qualification work is to clarify the features of international legal, European and national legal standards of involvement and determination of the status of the ombudsman as a "special" subject of public law disputes. The object of the qualification work is public relations in the field of international legal, European and national legal standards of involvement and determination of the status of the ombudsman as a "special" subject of public law disputes. The subject of the research is the peculiarities of international legal, European and national legal standards for the involvement and determination of the status of the ombudsman as a "special" subject of public law disputes.

Na Assembleia Nacional Francesa em 1789 foi aprovada a Declaração dos Direitos do Homem e do Cidadão. Esta Declaração pode ser considerada simbolicamente como um ato decisivo que assinalou o fim do Antigo Regime aniquilado pela Revolução Francesa, traçando os princípios e mudanças que se queriam imprimir segundo um novo modelo liberal e, principalmente, a reivindicação de se impor limites ao Poder e garantir o que hoje chamamos de direitos civis e políticos. Como um marco fundamental, espalhou sementes transformadoras da sociedade, servindo como fonte de inspiração ideal para os povos que lutaram por sua liberdade, tornando anseios, antes circunscritos nas teorias políticas e filosóficas, em direitos juridicamente reconhecidos e protegidos contra eventuais violações por parte do Estado. Nesse influxo, Portugal não se viu alheio a essas transformações, cujas influências podem ser sentidas na implantação de sua Monarquia Constitucional e posteriormente no seu Estado Republicano. Da análise dos debates parlamentares que precederam a elaboração dos textos constitucionais e do eco ocorrido na principal imprensa do período é possível identificar a memória, os valores e os ideais da Revolução Francesa e a evidente influência da Declaração dos Direitos do Homem e do Cidadão de 1789 no movimento constitucional português, nomeadamente nas garantias individuais insertas nas suas Constituições insculpidas sob o modelo liberal: as Monárquicas de 1822, 1826, 1838 e a Republicana de 1911.
At the French National Assembly in 1789 the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen was approved. This Declaration can be considered symbolically as a decisive act that established the end of the Old Regime annihilated by the French Revolution, outlining the principles and changes that were intended to be imprinted according to a new liberal model and, above all, the claim to impose limits on power and guarantee what we call nowadays civil and political rights. As a key milestone, it has spread transformative seeds of society, serving as an ideal source of inspiration for the people who fought for their freedom, making longings, once just circumscribed in political and philosophical theories, in legally recognized rights and protected against possible violations by the State. In this influx, Portugal was not unaware of these transformations, which influences can be felt in the establishment of its Constitutional Monarchy and later in its Republican State. From the analysis of the parliamentary debates that preceded the elaboration of the constitutional texts and the echo that occurred in the main press of this period, it is possible to identify the memory, values and ideals of the French Revolution and the evident influence of The Declaration of Rights of Man and Citizen of 1789 in the Portuguese constitutional movement, mainly in the individual guarantees inserted in its Constitutions inscribed under the liberal model: the Monarchies of 1822 , 1826, 1838 and the 1911 Republican.