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1
Brand, Matthew. "Right-wing refugees and British politics, 1830-1871". Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2016. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/58495/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis investigates the role of right-wing refugees in British politics during the middle years of the nineteenth century, considering the relationships which these refugees established with British politicians, and the difficulties which their multifarious activities created for the makers of British foreign policy. Whereas the contribution of left-wing refugees to British politics and diplomacy during the Victorian era has been considered at length by numerous historians, the relationships which their right-wing counterparts formed with British politicians and the diplomatic concerns which they created have found little attention. This thesis seeks to redress this imbalance by analysing an overlooked but nevertheless important series of networks and controversies in which these exiles became involved during the tumultuous middle years of the nineteenth century. The study first considers the largely diplomatic implications of the presence of the former Charles X of France and his court in Britain during 1830-32, before turning to the difficulties and opportunities which both the Carlist and Miguelite pretenders and their refugee supporters presented for British governments and politicians alike throughout the 1830s and 1840s. The next three chapters consider the apogee of refugee influence over British politics during the years 1848-50, when the victims of the European revolutions of 1848 intrigued with allies in both Britain and continental Europe alike. The final two chapters then chart the rise of the refugee Orléans branch of the French royal family into highly-regarded political actors, whilst considering the diplomatic implications of their presence in Britain. This study suggests that whereas left-wing refugees boasted a modest political legacy and provoked several international controversies, those of the right not only enflamed diplomatic dispute but often actively intervened in British high politics. It therefore posits that refugees played a far wider and more important role in nineteenth-century Britain than previously noted.
2
Mitchell, Paul Terence. "Philippe de Villiers : politics, parties, ideology". Thesis, University of Ulster, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287136.
Testo completo
3
Zander, Patrick Glenn. "Right modern". Diss., Atlanta, Ga. : Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28270.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M. S.)--History, Technology and Society, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009.Committee Chair: Jonathan Schneer; Committee Member: Dr. John Krige; Committee Member: Dr. John Tone; Committee Member: Dr. Gus Giebelhaus; Outside Reader: Dr. David Edgerton.
4
Hayes, Mark. "The ideological dimensions of radical right wing politics in Britain : a critical appraisal". Thesis, University of Southampton, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316363.
Testo completo
5
Henderson, Peter Charles, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College e School of Humanities. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950". THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Henderson_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trendsDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
6
Olsen, Jonathan. "Nature and nationalism : right-wing ecology and the politics of identity in contemporary Germany /". New York, NY : St. Martin's Press, 1999. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/hol053/99017474.html.
Testo completo
7
Schwanebeck, Wieland. "How the Right-Wing Blockbuster Disposes of the ‘Non-Working’ Working Class". Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A21122.
Testo completo
8
Tipaldou, Sofia. "Russia’s nationalist-patriotic opposition: the shifting politics of right-wing contention in post-communist transition". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/308508.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Mi tesis doctoral trata los factores que influyen la aparición de organizaciones de extrema derecha contemporáneos en
Rusia y subraya el papel clave de liderazgo en dichas organizaciones. Las preguntas de investigación son: ¿Hasta que
punto ha cambiado el movimiento de derecha radical ruso a lo largo del tiempo? ¿Qué factores son responsables de la
transformación interna (la aparición y la evolución) del movimiento de derecha radical en Rusia?
Las variables dependientes centrales de mi estudio son el surgimiento y el cambio de los modelos organizativos de la
derecha radical rusa y tienen que ver con el por qué, el cuándo y el cómo emergen nuevas estructuras movilizadoras y
como cambian su forma, sus estrategias, discursos, y modelos. El objeto de mi estudio es el movimiento nacionalpatriota
ruso, lo cual llamaré "oposición nacionalista-patriota" y definiré como: el amplio espectro de organizaciones
nacionalistas extra-parlamentarias (partidos, movimientos y milieus), así como sus aliados dentro de la Duma. Utilicé
una serie de métodos de recolección de datos que incluyen la observación participante, entrevistas semiestructuradas
(entrevistas a informantes claves), el uso de documentos generados por los movimientos bajo investigación, artículos de
prensa e investigación de archivos.
Mi estudio utiliza un enfoque interdisciplinario que combina diferentes disciplinas (ciencia política, sociología,
economía) y diferentes métodos, y su objetivo es forjar un puente entre la documentación existente de ciencia política y
de sociología sobre el fenómeno de la derecha radical. Queriendo entender el surgimiento y evolución de los
movimientos, mi tesis aborda el desafío analítico de identificar las circunstancias que incluyen procesos estructurales y
culturales y los combina con un enfoque basado en la actividad humana. Se basa en el esfuerzo continuo de fusionar las
teorías de nacionalismo y de los movimientos sociales con el fin de contribuir a la construcción de una teoría más sólida
sobre la protesta de los movimientos de la derecha radical.
Mi argumento es que las organizaciones rusas de derecha radical contemporáneas cambian su forma, la estrategia, el
discurso y el modelo a través de un proceso de adaptación basado en nuevas divisiones socioeconómicas (en la línea de
estado-nación/ confederación sin la dominancia de una nación, cívica ciudadanía basada en derechos cívicos/ en sangre,
y organizaciones políticas parlamentarias/ extra- parlamentarias), en la respuesta del gobierno hacia estas divisiones (en
particular a través de la política de migración), y en las oportunidades que el régimen u otros factores externos (por
ejemplo la tecnología) se abre o se cierra a ellos. Las oportunidades están determinadas por el contexto estructural que
incluye elementos culturales, sociales y políticos. La movilización y los resultados del movimiento nacionalista-patriota
pueden alimentar de nuevo en ambas estructuras de movimiento y estructuras de contexto. Durante este proceso, el
papel del liderazgo es crucial, para capitalizar las oportunidades existentes, para construir una atracción al mensaje
público de que es capaz de atraer el apoyo del público, y para transformar sus formas y estructuras organizativas de una
manera que les permita sobrevivir y lograr sus objetivos.
La realización de las entrevistas con líderes de los movimientos nacionalistas patriotas muestra que su actividad es
fundamental para la creación y supervivencia de los movimientos. Mi estudio elabora una serie de movimientos
conceptuales, incluyendo la introducción de una definición más amplia de la derecha radical que toma en cuenta las
complejas relaciones que existen dentro y entre las organizaciones que la componen y su interacción con las
organizaciones de oposición; la introducción del término estructuras de oportunidades tecnológicas; y la evolución del
partido La Otra Rusia (anterior Partido Nacional-Bolchevique) del frente nacional-patriota.
La investigación presente contribuye a la obtención de una visión más clara de los patrones y la dinámica de la derecha
radical en contextos de transición, especialmente en los no-democráticos. El caso de estudio de Rusia se integra en el
debate de las ciencias sociales enfocado en la aparición y el desarrollo de los movimientos de extrema derecha y
pretende aportar herramientas para entender mejor casos similares que atraviesan un cambio sistémico rápido. Cuenta
con implicaciones más amplias sobre el papel de las organizaciones nacionalistas en la transición democrática; el
entendimiento de los movimientos similares en otros entornos de transición, como en Ucrania, o en contextos
occidentales con características similares, por ejemplo los entornos de crisis económica del sur de Europa; y la mejor
comprensión de presiones en la política interna que puedan afectar la toma de decisiones gubernamentales en una serie
de cuestiones, como podría ser en la política exterior.My PhD dissertation deals with the factors that influence the emergence of contemporary far right organizations in Russia and underlines the key role of leadership in those organizations. The research questions addressed in my research are: To what extent does the Russian radical right movement vary over time? What accounts for the internal transformation (the emergence and further evolution) of radical right organizations in Russia? The central outcome variable of my study are the emergence and organizational change of the Russian radical right movement that has to do with the why,when, and how mobilizing structures arise and how they change their form, strategy, discourse, and model. The population of my study is the broader radical right movement in Russia, which I will call “nationalist-patriotic opposition” and define as: the wide spectrum of extraparliamentarian nationalist organizations (parties, movements, and milieus), as well as their allies within the Duma. I used a number of data-gathering methods that include participant observation, semi-structured interviewing (key informant interviews), the use of indigenously generated documents by social movement organizations, newspaper articles, and archival research. My study uses an interdisciplinary approach that combines different disciplines (political science, sociology, and area studies) and different methods based on extensive fieldwork (key-informant semi-structured interviewing, participant observation, and archival research) and aims to forge a bridge between political science and sociology literature on this topic. It addresses the analytical challenge of identifying circumstances that include both structural and cultural processes and combine them with an agent-based approach in order to understand movement emergence and development. It is based on the ongoing effort of merging nationalism and social movement theories in order to contribute to the construction of a more solid theory of radical right protest. My argument is that Russia's contemporary radical right organizations have changed their form, strategy, discourse, and model through an adaptation process under the influence of new socioeconomic cleavages (along the lines of nation-state/ nationless confederacy, civic/ blood citizenship, and parliamentarian/ extraparliamentarian political organizations), the government's response towards these cleavages (particularly through migration policy), and opportunities the regime or other external factors (e.g. technology) opens or closes to them. Opportunities are shaped by the structural context which includes cultural, social, and political elements. The mobilization and outcomes of the nationalist-patriotic movement may feed back into both movement structures and context structures. During this process, the role of leadership is crucial, for capitalizing on the existing opportunities, for constructing a message attractive to the public, and for transforming their organizational forms and structures in a way that will enable them to survive and to accomplish their goals. Evidence from interviews with leaders of nationalist-patriotic movements shows that their agency is fundamental for the movements' creation and survival. My study makes a series of conceptual contributions, including the introduction of a broader definition of the radical right that accounts for the complex relations that exist within and among the organizations that comprise it and their interaction with opposing organizations; the introduction of the term “technological opportunity structures”; and the disentanglement of the existent form of the National- Bolshevik Party- The Other Russia- from the nationalist-patriotic front. The present research contributes to obtaining more insight into the patterns and dynamics of right-wing radicalism in transitional settings, especially non-democratic ones. The case study of Russia seeks to contribute to the debate in social science on the emergence and development of radical right wing movements about a broader category of similar cases that undergo rapid systemic change. It has further implications for our understanding of the role of nationalist organizations in democratic transition; on the understanding of similar movements in other transitional settings, e.g.. Ukraine, or in Western non-transitional settings with similar characteristics, e.g. Southern European economic crisis environments; and for the better understanding of pressures in domestic policy that may impact governmental decision-making in a series of issues, e.g. foreign policy.
9
Bleher, Saskia. "Right-wing populism in the European Union and the rise of Germany's Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and Hungary's Jobbik". Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/31600.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this thesis is it to investigate the socio-political conditions that gave rise to right-wing populism (RWP) in Germany and Hungary. It ascertains reasons for increasing right-wing populist attitudes in these two countries by tracing the emergence of the German Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and the Hungarian Movement for a better Hungary (Jobbik). The choice to compare these parties was influenced by considerations relating to their roles as main opposition parties in their respective countries’ parliaments as well as the fact that they were catapulted to political prominence as right-wing populist parties in the aftermath of the refugee crisis of 2015. Examining the causes for the increase of RWP across Europe is indispensable for purposes of understanding the everchanging political landscape of the European Union (EU) and the continued threat RWP poses to liberal democratic values in that region. Furthermore, it is necessary to comprehend the undercurrents besetting the two societies’ social fabrics and political nomenclatures as well as their roles in precipitating rightwing populist movements that have gone on dominate their respective polities. To unearth the circumstances behind the rise of RWP as a political phenomenon, the Most Different Systems Design will be utilized to identify factors which account for the success of the AfD and Jobbik in their respective countries. To carry out this task both the Cultural Backlash Thesis (CBT) and the Economic Insecurity Perspective (EIP) are employed as theoretical nodal points to ascertain each of the two countries’ unique set of socio-political and socioeconomic circumstances that propelled right-wing parties to political prominence. This thesis argues that both the CBT and EIP have been at the centre of why right-wing populism has been on the rise in the EU in recent times. Accounting for the exponential rise of Jobbik and the AfD is the exploitation of growing nationalist sentiments by both parties fuelled by fear of the loss of traditional norms and values since the refugee crisis. By focusing on traditional values and their countries’ cultural identities, the two right-wing populist parties inadvertently exclude minority groups on a continued basis. Furthermore, this study claims that while cultural discontents account for the rise of both parties, economic grievances are only applicable in Jobbik’s case alone. This is due to the fact that Germany suffers from less economic difficulties as EU’s strongest economy, whereas Hungary’s own has been performing below par, which has been aggravated by high levels of corruption in the public sector. Hence, Jobbik’s rise has been aided by economic and cultural frustrations as a result of the so-called foreign infiltration whereas the AfD’s is attributed to growing cultural and nationalist grievances gaining a foothold in Germany.
10
Foster, Bruce Wayne. "New Right, old Canada, an analysis of the political thought and activities of selected contemporary right-wing organizations". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56543.pdf.
Testo completo
11
Cordes, Niels G. (Niels Guether). "A Spatial Analysis of Right-wing Radical Parties: The Case of the Republikaner Party Programs Since 1983". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277992/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Right-wing parties in European states have improved electorally in recent years. The small German Republikaner party is representative of these successes. This study examines outcomes for the Republikaner that may be attributable to movements on a number of policy issues.
12
Mehta, Akanksha. "Right-wing sisterhood : everyday politics of Hindu nationalist women in India and Zionist settler women in Israel-Palestine". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2017. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/24903/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Right-Wing movements have gained political momentum in the last few decades, drawing within their ranks women who not only embody their exclusionary and violent politics but who also simultaneously contest everyday patriarchies. This thesis examines the everyday politics of women in two right-wing movements, the cultural nationalist Hindu right-wing project in India and the settler-colonial Zionist project in Israel-Palestine. Based on fourteen months of ethnographic, narrative, and visual 'fieldwork' conducted with women in both these movements, I argue that through a politics of the everyday, right-wing women bargain and negotiate with patriarchal communities/homes, male-formulated ideologies and discourses, and male-dominated right-wing projects and spaces. These mediations replicate and affirm as well as subvert and challenge patriarchal structures and power hierarchies, troubling the binaries of home/world, private/public, personal/political, and victim/agent. I assert that dominant literature on right-wing women focuses on motherhood and family, ignoring various other crucial subject positions that are constituted and occupied by right-wing women and neglecting the agential and empowering potential of right-wing women's subjectivities. I use four themes/lenses to examine the everyday politics of right-wing women. These are: pedagogy and education; charity and humanitarian work; intimacy, friendship, sociability and leisure; and political violence. By interrogating the practices that are contained in and enabled by these four locations of Hindu right-wing and Zionist settler women's everyday politics, this thesis highlights the multiple narratives, contradictions, pluralities, hierarchies, power structures, languages, and discourses that encompass right-wing women's projects. By capturing the processes of subject formation of right-wing women, I encapsulate how my interlocutors shape the subjectivities of those in their communities, transforming the local and international landscapes of the Hindu right-wing and the Zionist settler project. Drawing together ethnographic narratives, 'story-telling', visuals, methodological and ethical reflections, and inter-disciplinary theoretical engagement, this thesis also asks what the many-layered textures of everyday politics of right-wing women might mean for feminist scholarship in gender studies, politics, and international relations, for feminist methodologies, for feminist ethics, and for feminist activism.
13
Åkerman, Daniel. "Politics of Unresponsiveness : The effects of issue salience and party convergence on radical right-wing success in Sweden". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-417793.
Testo completo
14
Smith, Jason Matthew. "Extreme Politics: An Analysis of the State Level Conditions Favoring Far Right Parties in the European Union". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4177/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Three models are developed to analyze the state level conditions fostering the rise of far right parties in the European Union in the last two decades. The political background of these parties is examined. This study offers a definition for far right parties, which combines several previous attempts. The research has focused on the effects of the number of the parties, immigration, and unemployment on support for the far right in Europe. Empirical tests, using a random effects model of fifty elections in eight nations, suggest that there are political, social, and economic conditions that are conducive to electoral success. Specifically, increases in the number of "effective" parties favor the far right, while electoral thresholds serve to dampen support. Immigration proves to be a significant variable. Surprisingly, changes in crime and unemployment rates have a negative effect on support for the far right. Suggestions for future research are offered.
15
Van, Rooyen Johann. "The white rightwing in South African politics : a descriptive study of its roots : an assessment of its strength, and an elucidation of its territorial policies and political strategies, 1969-1991". Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18273.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Bibliography: pages 511-522.To understand the intricacies of white rightwing politics in South Africa, an in-depth analysis of the roots, strength, policies and strategies of a very small but potentially potent sector of South Africa's diverse population is required. The aim of this dissertation is to provide an objective analysis of interlinking issues associated with the rightwing, the gathering and logical presentation of empirical data, the critical discussion of theories relating to ethnicity, and the provision of a framework in which to evaluate further developments in the sphere of rightwing politics. The thesis is concerned with an assessment of the white rightwing movement as a potentially disruptive element within the process of transformation to a democratic dispensation in South Africa. It argues that Afrikaner ethno-nationalism is the driving force of the rightwing, and discusses this phenomenon in the context of its historical roots, its class base, and its ethnic component. The thesis relies on the theoretical framework of Horowitz, which suggests that the rightwing should be analyzed in terms of a collective drive for power, which in turn could be used to confirm the social status of the Afrikaner ethnic group. It is argued that in the rightwing view, the best way to confirm Afrikaner social status and to protect the group from domination by other ethnic groups and races, is through self-determination. To achieve this goal, the rightwing has placed heavy emphasis on territorial aspects and has structured its territorial demands on the basis of achieving ethnic homogeneity in the Afrikaner 'fatherland'.
16
Wright, Devon A. "Conservative Right-Wing Protest Rhetoric in the Cold War Era of Segregationist Mobilization". FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3457.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the early Cold War decades, the Citizens’ Councils of America (CCA) became the flagship conservative right-wing social movement organization (SMO). As part of its organizational activities, it engaged in a highly sophisticated propaganda effort to mobilize pro-segregationist opinion, merging traditional racist arguments with modern Cold War geopolitics to characterize civil rights activism and federal civil rights reforms as an effort to bring about a tyrannical, Soviet-inspired, dictatorship. Through a content discourse analysis, this research aims to contribute to understanding what factors determine how SMO’s deploy propaganda rhetoric. The main hypothesis is that geopolitical factors, defined here as specific geographic contexts in which sociopolitical issues are situated and from which propaganda rhetoric is deployed, are influential determinants. Since SMO rhetoric reflects its larger ideological orientation, SMO ideology is also influenced by geopolitical factors. For comparative analysis, propaganda literature from the Ku Klux Klan, as well as elite segregationist rhetoric from the same period is included. Relying on frame theory all rhetoric is quantitatively analyzed centering on the question of what factors drive SMO frame messaging. To contribute to frame theory a concept is proposed called frame constellation, which is a web of SMO frame rhetoric and symbolism that functions as an overlapping, intersecting and interrelated system of ideas which revolve around a central intellectual logic for collective action.
17
Waltå, Göran O:son. "Poet under black banners the case of Örnulf Tigerstedt and extreme right-wing Swedish literature in Finland, 1918-1944 /". Uppsala : Stockholm : [Uppsala universitet] ; Almqvist & Wiksell International, (distr.), 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/29476101.html.
Testo completo
18
Henderson, Peter Charles. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950". Thesis, View thesis, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends
19
Hellström, Joanna. "Dehumanization in Everyday Politics : A study of discursive dehumanization of beggars on social media". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-375106.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Social science scholars mainly regard dehumanization as a phenomenon of conflict and war. Concurrently, dehumanizing attitudes and behavior in democratic, non-conflict settings is a significant field within social psychology. Given the rise of right-wing populism and populist rhetoric, there is reason to believe that dehumanization has nestled its way into political discourse. With this background, the current study has investigated whether dehumanizing attitudes allegedly held by citizens are also expressed in their political arguments. Dehumanization can lead to support for aggression, discrimination, and violence even in democratic societies. Therefore, it is essential for political scientists to acknowledge its existence, as dehumanization can have a severe impact on equality and the defense of human rights. This paper is a cross-cutting study, which bridges the gap between political science and social psychology in the study of dehumanization by answering the question: Whether and how dehumanization is used in the debate on street begging in everyday politics? Discursive dehumanization on social media was mapped with the help of a novel analytical tool for content analysis. Social psychology has shown that people hold dehumanizing attitudes, and this study has shown that people are also willing to express these attitudes. This study finds that dehumanization is used in the debate on street begging to a significant degree. Dehumanization is mainly used in negative depictions of beggars, which undermine their moral capacity, civility, and refinement. The results of this study provide a foundation for studying both discursive dehumanization and dehumanization in political science.
20
Aggeborn, Linuz. "Essays on Politics and Health Economics". Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-296301.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Essay I (with Mattias Öhman): Fluoridation of the drinking water is a public policy whose aim is to improve dental health. Although the evidence is clear that fluoride is good for dental health, concerns have been raised regarding potential negative effects on cognitive development. We study the effects of fluoride exposure through the drinking water in early life on cognitive and non-cognitive ability, education and labor market outcomes in a large-scale setting. We use a rich Swedish register dataset for the cohorts born 1985-1992, together with drinking water fluoride data. To estimate the effect we exploit intra-municipality variation of fluoride, stemming from an exogenous variation in the bedrock. First, we investigate and confirm the long-established positive relationship between fluoride and dental health. Second, we find precisely estimated zero effects on cognitive ability, non-cognitive ability and education. We do not find any evidence that fluoride levels below 1.5 mg/l have negative effects. Third, we find evidence that fluoride improves labor market outcome later in life, which indicates that good dental health is a positive factor on the labor market.Essay II: Motivated by the intense public debate in the United States regarding politicians’ backgrounds, I investigate the effects of electing a candidate with earlier experience from elective office to the House of Representatives. The U.S. two-party-system with single-member election districts enables me to estimate the causal effect in a RD design where the outcomes are measured at the election district level. I find some indications that candidates with earlier elective experience are more likely to be members of important congressional committees. I also find some indications that directed federal spending (pork barrel spending) is higher in those districts were the elected representative had earlier elective experience prior of being elected to the House, but the effect manifests itself some years after the election. In contrast, I find no robust or statistically significant effects for personal income per capita or unemployment rate in the home district.
Essay III: This paper uses Swedish and Finnish municipal data to investigate the effect of changes in voter turnout on the tax rate, public spending and vote-shares. A reform in Sweden in 1970, which overall lowered the cost of voting, is applied as an instrument for voter turnout in local elections. The reform increased voter turnout in Sweden. The higher voter turnout resulted in higher municipal taxes and greater per capita local public spending. There are also indications that higher turnout decreased the vote share for right-wing parties. I use an individual survey data set to conclude that it was in particular low income earners that began to vote to a greater extent after the reform.
Essay IV (with Lovisa Persson): In a theoretical model where voters and politicians have different preferences for how much to spend on basic welfare services contra reception services for asylum seekers, we conclude that established politicians that are challenged by right-wing populists will implement a policy with no spending on asylum seekers if the cost is high enough. Additionally, adjustment to right-wing populist policy is more likely when the economy is in a recession. Voters differ in their level of private consumption in such a way that lower private consumption implies higher demand for basic welfare services at the expense of reception of asylum seekers, and thus stronger disposition to support right-wing populist policies. We propose that this within-budget-distributional conflict can arise as an electorally decisive conflict dimension if parties have converged to the median voter on the size-of-government issue.
21
Lindberg, Jonas. "Religion in Nordic Politics as a Means to Societal Cohesion : An Empirical Study on Party Platforms and Parliamentary Debates 1988–2012". Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-241250.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this study, I address the relationship between religion and politics in the Nordic countries, 1988–2012, against a background of increasing religious diversity alongside more or less continuous relationships between church and state. My aim is to analyse possible changes in the way religion is referred to by Nordic parliamentary parties, and in the way these parties use religion as a means to societal cohesion. I use theories on religious change and on the motives for using religion in politics to discuss a possible re-emergence of religion in politics, with the help of concepts such as functional differentiation, glocalisation and politicisation. I apply different forms of content analysis in a mixed-methods approach, using both substantial and functional definitions of religion. The thesis is based on four articles published or accepted for publication in peer-reviewed international journals: First, a study on religion in Nordic party platforms from around 1988, 1998 and 2008. Second, a study on religion in Danish, Norwegian and Swedish parliamentary debates, 1988/89, 1998/99 and 2008/09. Third, a study on the role of the majority churches in the final Nordic parliamentary debates on same-sex unions 1989–2012. Fourth, a study on Danish and Norwegian parliamentary debates on the wearing of veils among judges and policewomen in 2009. The major findings are that the references to religious diversity in party platforms and parliamentary debates have increased, which leads to a more complex understanding of the religious cleavage in politics, and that right-wing populist parties in particular politicise religion to achieve political influence. Furthermore, human rights have been increasingly used to address religious diversity as a political issue. I interpret these findings as continuous use of religion for societal cohesion in Nordic politics, through a model of different forms of politicisation using the concepts civil religion, human rights and nationalism. The thesis contributes to a better understanding of the religious cleavage, politicisation of religion, the impact of globalisation on the political debate about religion and changes as well as continuity regarding the use of religion in Nordic politics.Cover photography: Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt (chairman of The Moderate Party) debates with Member of Parliament Jimmie Åkesson (chairman of The Sweden Democrats) in the Swedish parliament Riksdagen on 19 January 2011. Photographer: Melker Dahlstrand/Riksdagsförvaltningen.
NOREL
Impact of Religion
22
Persson, Lovisa. "Essays on Politics, Fiscal Institutions, and Public Finance". Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-264462.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Essay 1 (with Mikael Elinder): We show that house prices in general did not respond to a large cut in the property tax in Sweden. Our estimates are based on rich register data covering more than 100,000 sales over a time period of two and a half years. Because the Swedish property tax is national and thus unrelated to local public goods, our setting is ideal for causal identification of the property tax on house prices. Our result that house prices did not respond to the tax cut at the time of implementation cannot be explained by early capitalization at the time of announcement. Two other stories appear to explain our results. First, it is possible that house buyers expect an offsetting increase in the supply of housing. Second, house buyers might simply not understand how the tax cut affects total future costs of owning a house. Unfortunately, it has proven difficult to disentangle the two mechanisms, and we must therefore conclude that both may be relevant. Essay 2: I investigate government consumption smoothing (sensitivity) under a balanced budget rule in Swedish municipalities. In general, I find Swedish municipalities to be highly consumption sensitive. Municipalities consume 87.6% out of predicted current revenues in the time period leading up to the implementation of the balanced budget rule, and they consume 76.3% out of predicted current revenue in thetime period following the implementation. Fiscally weak municipalities are found to be more consumption sensitive than fiscally strong municipalities. Very weak municipalities have become more consumption sensitive compared with very strong municipalities since the implementation of the balanced budget rule. Thus, I find indicative evidence that both credit market constraints and formal budget rules such as balanced budget rules increase municipal consumption sensitivity Essay 3: Using the Swedish municipal sector as my political laboratory, I study the effect of a coalition partner on policy outcomes. I use a version of Regression-Discontinuity Design (RDD) specifically suited to proportional systems to define close elections, which can be used for identifying the effect of the Left Party as coalition partner to the Social Democrats. The Left Party is found to have a positive and medium sized effect on the municipal income tax rate. The positive effect is in line with what we expect given the policy preferences of Left Party representatives, but also given the predictions from political fragmentation theory. I find no effects on expenditures or debt, and the negative result for investments is not robust. Essay 4 (with Linuz Aggeborn): In a model where voters and politicians have different preferences for how much to spend on basic welfare services contra immigration, we conclude that established politicians that are challenged by right-wing populists will implement a policy with no spending on immigration if the cost of immigration is high enough. Additionally, adjustment to right-wing populist policy is more likely when the economy is in a recession. Voters differ in their level of private consumption in such a way that lower private consumption implies higher demand for basic welfare services at the expense of immigration, and thus stronger disposition to support right-wing populist policies. We propose that this within-budget-distributional conflict can arise as an electorally decisive conflict dimension if parties have converged to the median voter on the size-of-government issue.Felaktigt isbn: 978-91-85519-61-3
23
Lind, Jenny. "Spelar politiken någon roll? : En jämförelse mellan Kalmar kommun och Karlskrona kommun". Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Human Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-489.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Currently, the whole globe is faced with serious problems which negatively affect people around the world: increased pollution, excessive waste, and weather pattern changes. ‘Left’ and ‘right’ wing political parties alike have embraced ‘green’ politics and for many of these parties, environmental issues have become a top priority that is very much reflected in their manifestos. This study examines the environmental goals of two of Sweden’s largest political parties and how these ambitions are reflected at a local level. The conclusions I have drawn in the study have been achieved by analysing official documents and by the comparison between two Swedish municipalities. As a result of my research, I have learned that the political leanings of a party are substantial in determining the goals and works for long-term sustainability at a local level. However, whether the prevailing parties are of the ‘left’ or ‘right’ political orientation does not seem to be of big importance because both ‘wings’ in Sweden are very liberal and have very similar environmental goals.
24
Cymrot, Danilo. "Polícia Militante: deputados policiais militares na Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de São Paulo (1999-2011)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2136/tde-11102015-141358/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Utilizada para reprimir movimentos sociais e manter a ordem, a polícia é tradicionalmente identificada com os interesses da direita. No Brasil, a criação da Polícia Militar no contexto político da ditadura civil-militar instaurada no país em 1964 facilita essa associação. No entanto, se por um lado policiais militares tendem a se aliar politicamente a setores da população que se opõem a instrumentos de responsabilização da polícia, encarados como fatores que dificultam o trabalho policial, por outro, são servidores públicos que reivindicam melhores condições de trabalho, o que abre a possibilidade para que se aproximem da esquerda ou pelo menos se distanciem da direita neoliberal. Alguns dos candidatos a deputado estadual mais votados em São Paulo são oriundos da Polícia Militar. O presente trabalho almeja investigar se os deputados da Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de São Paulo oriundos da Polícia Militar, das 14ª, 15ª e 16ª legislaturas (1999-2011), são responsivos ao eleitorado de direita; se adotam pontos de vista homogêneos sobre diversos temas (militarização da polícia, corrupção policial, missão da Polícia Militar, policiamento comunitário, ditadura, política criminal, movimentos sociais etc.); e como exercem a defesa dos interesses da Polícia Militar, uma corporação marcada por inúmeros conflitos internos, principalmente entre praças e oficiais. Para tanto, pesquisou-se em que zonas eleitorais esses deputados são proporcionalmente mais votados; problematizou-se a associação entre sensação de insegurança, defesa de bandeiras repressivas, percepção da corrupção e o voto em candidatos e partidos de direita; identificaram-se seus projetos de lei; compararam-se suas votações em plenário na 16ª legislatura (2007-2011); analisaram-se seus discursos na tribuna da ALESP, que foram contrastados com pesquisas de opinião pública, pesquisas de opinião de policiais militares e literatura sobre subculturas policiais. Da mesma forma, o trabalho discute as possíveis razões que levam policiais militares a se candidatarem a uma vaga no Poder Legislativo estadual.The police are used to repress social movements and to keep the order, and are traditionally identified with the right wing interests. In Brazil, the Military Police was created within the political context of the civil/military dictatorship established in 1964 and eases such association; however, if on one hand military policemen tend to politically ally themselves with the population sectors contrary to instruments that hold the police liable, faced as factors making police work more difficult, on the other hand, military policemen are public servants claiming for better work conditions, and there is the possibility of they getting nearer to the left wing, or at least distancing themselves from the neoliberal right wing. Some candidates for deputies of the House of São Paulo State Legislative derive from the Military Police. The aim of this work is to investigate whether the deputies of the House of Representatives of the State of São Paulo from the Military Police, in the 14th, 15th and 16th legislatures (1999-2011), are responsive to the right wing electors, if they adopt similar viewpoints on several themes (police militarization, police corruption, Military Polices mission, community policing, dictatorship, criminal policy, social movements, etc.), and how they defend the Military Polices interests, a corporation marked by uncountable internal conflicts, mainly among police force and officers. For such purpose, the following issues were addressed: research about in which electoral zones those deputies are proportionally more voted; where one can see the connection among feeling of insecurity, defense of repressive flags, perception of corruption and voting in right wing candidates and parties; identification of their bills of law; their votes in plenary sessions in the 16th legislature (2007-2011) are compared; their speeches at ALESPs tribune are analyzed and contrasted with public opinion polls, opinion polls with military policemen and the literature on police subcultures. Likewise, the work discusses the possible reasons for military policemen running for an office in the State Legislative.
25
Contini, Alice. "Italian racialized women and feminist activism : Exploring discourses of white women in Italian feminist activism work". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Genus, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-175386.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The starting point of this study is the common assumption that the Italian society is based on a patriarchal ideological system in which racism is often normalized. The binary distinction between women and men in Italian society has evolved into discussions and awareness raising on genderbased violence or violence against women. As intersectionality has become a central point in Italian contemporary feminism, this study uses the analysis of topics related to the historical creation of the idea of Italian-ness, migration and the influence of right-wing politics in current gender related issues as the basis of a feminist Critical Discourse Analysis. With this in mind, using intersectional theory, postcolonial feminism, and studies of whiteness, the study aims at exploring as to which extent the discourses of three white Italian women, who identify as feminist activists, influence the presence of racialized Italian women in their work. This study should create academic data and contribute to a research that is extremely limited on these topics.
26
Sandell, Albin. "Från nytta till belastning : En jämförelse av svenska partiledares perspektiv på invandring och positionering i invandringsrelaterade debatter 2014 och 2017". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-339065.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The autumn 2015 represented a critical juncture for Swedish migration politics. Prime Minister Löfven’s government tightened immigration policies in accordance with proposals made since long by the radical right wing party the Sweden Democrats (SD). But did the critical juncture and the following migration policies involve new political strategies against SD, and how have the mainstream parties’ leaders’ perspective on immigration been affected? The analysis is based on systemic functional grammar and scholarly literature concerning perspectives on immigration. Policy proposals, party leaders’ perspectives on immigration and party leaders’ positioning in immigration-related television debates from 2014 and 2017 are compared. The results confirm previous research showing that there was a strong convergence amongst mainstream parties 2014, in migration politics as well as in positioning against SD. In 2017, the migration issue has split up into more detailed issues like family reunification, temporary residence permits and differentiated welfare. The utility perspective on immigration was salient in 2014. In 2017, two new central perspectives on immigration were constructed: the strain perspective and the reversed rights perspective. The study suggests that immigration-related issues has gone from being a forum for distance making between mainstream parties and SD, to be like any other issue – a forum for the usual political dynamics between governing parties and opposition.
27
Marsden, Sarah V. "How terrorism ends : understanding the outcomes of violent political contestation". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3970.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Existing scholarship suggests terrorism is an ineffective method of political contestation; groups rarely achieve their political objectives and are often disrupted by the security services. These findings invite us to look again at the dominant rational choice paradigm, which suggests that terrorism is selected as the best strategy to achieve predetermined goals. Unpicking the assumptions underpinning this model using historical case studies, comparative analysis and typology development, this thesis broadens our interpretation of what those who use terrorism seek to achieve. It does so via a tripartite framework. First, employing a new reading of American pragmatist thought, interpreting militant group goals as culturally and socially mediated problems opens up a new vista of outcomes, in particular examining the way terrorism seeks to change relations between people. Second, using Social Movement Theory as its organising framework, an empirically derived typology of militant groups sets out the background political conditions and organisational characteristics of 28 dormant groups. Using existing models of interpreting outcomes to assess these historical cases demonstrates the unmet challenges of providing robust explanations for why terrorism ends and what it achieves. Third, the thesis explores the promise of a mechanism and process-led approach to explaining outcomes. It does so through in-depth examination of two historical case studies: Kach and the Aden-Abyan Islamic Army. Despite being classified as failures, using largely neglected primary sources, the case studies reveal a range of fascinating and important outcomes that still resonate in Israel and Yemen today. Most of these methodological and conceptual tools are being applied to the question of terrorism's outcomes for only the first or second time. In doing so, this thesis offers greater depth than existing scholarship on how terrorism ends, by looking beyond measures such as success and failure in interpreting outcomes, whilst affording greater breadth through its ability to make comparative assessments at the level of mechanisms and processes. The result is a more detailed and robust set of explanations as to how terrorism ends and what it achieves, illustrated through detailed historical case studies of two interesting, yet often neglected, groups.
28
Marqués-Martin, Claudia. "Shaping the Francoist female body politic : female right-wing life-writing". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2016. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=231868.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
War-focused life-writing and the study of the female subject in a period where war had the potential to destabilise traditional women's roles and identities remains an under researched topic. This thesis focuses on how the self-representation of the lives of right wing women were discursively constructed and reflexively represented in relation to large scale political, social and economic contexts. It supports Passmore's view that by deconstructing the traditional binary position in which right-wing women found themselves, they 'are no longer seen simply as such as victims or victimisers, but as both simultaneously. This thesis draws upon the life-writing of four women who belonged to Franco's elite regime: Maria Rosa Urraca Pastor, Regina García, Pilar Millán Astray and Pilar Primo de Rivera and explores the (re)construction and reflexive representations of the self. It shows how they not only struggled to identify with one collective group, but adopted and shifted between different collective identities. It demonstrates how womanhood and motherhood were created, recreated, redefined and modified to become a politicised and patriotic idea of woman. It shows how these four women reconstructed a new (female) identity by adapting their femaleness and their expected role as women in order to achieve acceptance within the Francoist movement. This thesis shows the need to rethink the right-wing meaning of womanhood, motherhood, and female agency in contemporary scholarship.
29
Benowitz, June Melby. "Grace Wick : portrait of a right-wing extremist". PDXScholar, 1988. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3789.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
"Grace Wick: Portrait of a Right-Wing Extremist" is a biography of an American woman who lived between 1888 and 1958. Wick grew up in a small midwestern town, but as a young woman broke away from small town tradition by moving to the city to pursue a career as an actress in the theater and in silent movies. In the course of her acting career she traveled across North America and had the opportunity to associate with people from all walks of life. As an actress, she was able to achieve an autonomy enjoyed by few women during the 1910s and early 1920s. She also developed into a political activist, organizing campaign rallies for candidates, crusading to extend women's freedom, and was an active participant in mainline politics. However, as a middle-aged woman during the late 1930s, Wick developed a narrow focus on life, becoming involved with right-wing, pro-America organizations. By the 1940s she had become outspoken against immigrants and Jews and was actively distributing nativist, anti-Semitic propaganda. The thesis poses and suggests answers to the question of why a woman who had spent a number of years in the city, and in a career which afforded her the opportunity to gain a cosmopolitan view of the world, followed a course toward nativism and right-wing extremism in her later years.
30
Ross, Gordon Charles. "The swastika in socialism : right-wing extremism in the GDR". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300908.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This is the first empirical investigation of right-wing extremism in the GDR produced in English. Based on original research in the former GDR state archives as well as interviews with former right-wing extremists, it reconstructs and discusses the nature of right-wing extremism in the GDR, focusing, in particular, on the decade 1980-1990. The major aim of the thesis is to provide a fuller characterisation of the phenomenon in order to understand its existence and development in a self-proclaimed socialist, anti-fascist state. This aim is achieved by reconstructing right-wing extremism from the empirical and secondary sources and highlighting affinities between the dominant political culture of the GDR and the salient features of GDR right-wing extremism. The major findings of the study can be summarised as follows: right-wing extremism in Germany after the Wende was not simply a result of the problems associated with German re-unification but represents a continuation of a right-wing subculture that was developing into a small but militant political movement in East Germany before 1990 The right-wing extremists themselves were predominantly drawn from families closely associated with the regime and displayed no especial signs of socio-economic deprivation or social marginalisation. The motivation for right-wing extremism in the GDR was based largely on ethno-nationalist arguments which were mobilised and legitimised within mainstream political culture and a legitimacy crisis that undermined the regime in the 1980s.
31
Suveren, Yasar. "The Right Wing Conservative Politicians In Turkey: Ideological And Political Imaginations". Phd thesis, METU, 2013. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615763/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis aims to describe and analyze the politicians who belong the right-wing political conservative traditions in Turkey by the mediation of their understanding and mentality. In this framework, the study primarily intends to investigate and analyze their perceptions of political and ideological imaginations. Turkish right seems to have a quite heterogeneous structure. While the recognition of the heterogeneity embodied around the political-institutional structuring is crucial to understand the Turkish right-conservatism, focusing merely on the heterogeneity and differences is inadequate to understand the right-conservative tradition. This study aims to analyze the aforesaid diversity and heterogeneity in the axes of politics and ideology. In spite of its heterogeneous qualifications, there are some attributions which made the Turkish right-wing conservative tradition homogeneous on certain economic, social and cultural issues. In this context, the study aims to analyze and understand the differentiations and affinities among the politicians who belong to the mainstream right-wing conservative political parties by focusing on the politicians discourses.
32
Roig, i. Sanz Daniel. "Del nacionalisme integral al totalitarisme: El catalanisme radical davant l’ascens dels feixismes a l’Europa dels anys trenta (1931-1935)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671883.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Aquesta tesi doctoral és un estudi de cas sobre el separatisme català dels anys trenta. I particularment sobre els segments politico-ideològics que abraçarien des del nacionalisme integral d’arrel maurrassiana fins el totalitarisme. Un recorregut que es gestaria principalment per mitjà d’organitzacions com Nosaltres Sols! i el Partit Nacionalista Català, nascudes a l’escalf de l’independentisme antimacianista i d’una oposició frontal a la solució estatutària, parcialment reeixida, dins la II República espanyola. I on des de diferents posicionaments –ja fos per la via insurreccional o la participació electoral– també s’experimentaria en el seu si un procés de radicalització ideològica que s’acabaria plasmant, ja el 1935, a través d’agrupacions com el Bloc Escolar Nacionalista o el Moviment Nacionalista Totalitari. D’aquesta manera, desentranyar per quines passarel·les ideològiques es produiria aquesta radicalització, així com avaluar-ne quin seria l’impacte de l’ascens dels feixismes en el catalanisme radical, ha estat un dels objectius d’aquest treball. Una temàtica, en suma, ben poc tractada per la historiografia catalana. I que, alhora, s’endinsa –a través de diferents fonts documentals i d’arxiu– en la problemàtica epistemològica sobre l’existència d’un feixisme català.Cette thèse de doctorat est une étude d’ensemble sur le séparatisme catalan des années trente. Elle traite particulièrement des segments polítiques et ideològiques qui seraient compris depuis le nationalisme intégral d’origine maurrassien jusqu’au totalitarisme. Un parcours qui se concevrait principalement par l’intermédiaire d’organisations comme Nosaltres Sols! et le Partit Nacionalista Català. Il naît dans l’ardeur de l’independantisme antimacianiste et d’une opposition frontale à la solution statutaire, partialement réussie, au sein de la Seconde Répúblique espagnole. Où, à partir de différents positionnements – que ce soit par la voie insurrectionnelle ou la participation électorale– s’expérimenterait en leur sein un processus de radicalisation idéologique qui se serait créé, déjà en 1935, au travers de groupes comme le Bloc Escolar Nacionalista ou le Moviment Nacionalista Totalitari. Ainsi, en dévoilent par quelles passerelles idéologiques se produirait cette radicalisation, comment en évaluer quel serait l’impact de la montée des fascismes sur le catalanisme radical, a donc été un des objectifs de ce travail. Un sujet, en somme, bien peu traité par l’historiographie catalane, et qui, en même temps, se plonge –au travers des différentes sources documentaires et d’archive– dans la problématique épistémologique sur l’existence d’un fascisme catalan.
This doctoral thesis is a comprehensive study of Catalan separatism in the 1930s. It deals particularly with the political and ideological segments ranging from Mauritian origin's integral nationalism to totalitarianism. This journey would be designed mainly through organizations like Nosaltres Sols! and the Partit Nacionalista Català. It arose out of the ardour of anti-Macianist independence and head-on opposition to the partially successful statutory solution within the Second Spanish Republic. From different positions – whether through insurrectional means or electoral participation – these organizations experienced a process of ideological radicalization that would be reflected in the creation in 1935 of groups such as the Bloc Escolar Nacionalista or the Moviment Nacionalista Totalitari. One of the main aims of this word has therefore been to unravel the ideological gateways underpinning such radicalization, so as to appraise the impact of the rise of fascism on radical Catalanism. This subject has been largely overlooked by the Catalan historiography, and therefore this research contributes – through the various documentary and archive sources – to the epistemological problematic of the existence of a Catalan fascism.
33
Grigoryan, Nune. "Mediated Political Participation: Comparative Analysis of Right Wing and Left WingAlternative Media". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1560681444996954.
Testo completo
34
Janjic, Biljana. "Cultural racism in contemporary Europe| Securitization of immigration and radical right-wing parties". Thesis, Webster University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1525311.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this research is to contribute to the studies of cultural racism in contemporary Europe by observing the effects of securitization of immigration and assumed confusion between terms `radical' and `radicalization' on the rise of this phenomenon. Within the framework of securitization theory developed by the Copenhagen school and its connection to the integration approaches, I firstly hypothesize that the security and integration policies show divergence in the equality protection of minority immigrant groups. Then, by treating the securitization of immigration as a fluctuating political opportunity structure, I also hypothesize that such divergence created favorable conditions for radical right-wing parties to emphasize their xenophobic and ethnocentrist appeals and target Muslim immigrant communities as a particular out-group. This is grounded in the theoretical arguments about the construction of a master frame by the radical right-wing parties which involves diffusion processes across various European countries. The research applies fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis and observes the levels of immigration, ethnic profiling of immigrant groups in security and integration policies, and the political discourse of radical right-wing parties as conditions for the surge of cultural racism. The conditions are observed in the cases of Austria, Bulgaria, Sweden and Switzerland in the period between 2000 and 2013. The main findings are that ethnic profiling and portraying minority immigrant groups as security threats are the most relevant conditions for the surge of cultural racism. On the other hand, the levels of immigration alone cannot always be claimed as sufficient constitutive condition for the increase in racist practices in Europe. The research also concludes that radical right-wing parties not only constructed Muslim immigrant minorities as particular out-group incompatible with European values but also shifted their political rhetoric to the fit the arguments of individualism, gender equality and human rights. Thus the radical right-wing parties portray themselves as defenders of the national identities and culture by incorporating arguments that have traditionally been at the opposite of their political discourse. The incomplete equality protection framework in security and integration policies created by the mainstream parties and the changing political rhetoric of radical right-wing parties produce favorable conditions for the emergence and rise of the cultural racism in selected cases.
35
Ringström, Anna. "The Messages from the Populist Radical Right : A Comparison of European Right-Wing Populist Parties’ Ideological Core". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79571.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of the paper is to do a quantitative comparison of the manifestos from a number of European parties that are being put in a mutual party family often referred to as “radical right-wing populist”. The main primary source is the Comparative Manifesto Project database from which the data was gathered for analysis. A number of variables which operationalise typical traits of the party family were picked from the codebook of the database and the parties’ values of these variables were compared and presented in diagrams. Through the analysis it was shown that the parties vary to a great extent in what they put the greatest focus on in their manifestos. It could also be concluded that even parties which had similar values in one category still brought it up from different angles. The essay also brings up suggestions for future research within the same area of research.
36
Drabiuk, Roksana. "A STUDY ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF POPULIST RIGHT WING PARTIES IN THE NETHERLANDS". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-89072.
Testo completo
37
Pais, Tiago Igrejas. "Existe alguma relação entre taxa de IMI e a cor política no poder?" Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/10718.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Mestrado em Decisão Económica e EmpresarialExiste alguma relação entre a taxa de IMI e cor política no poder? A presente dissertação insere-se no estudo da influência das diferentes forças partidária sobre a taxa de IMI. Em particular é testado o impacto dos partidos que foram democraticamente eleitos para presidir câmaras municipais com as doutrinas e convicções que os diferenciam, sobre a taxa de IMI e se é possível chegar a alguns consensos estatisticamente significativos sobre a influência dessas doutrinas nas taxas de IMI. Pretende-se também, avaliar a ideia de que partidos de direita têm uma política de impostos menos elevados que os partidos de esquerda. Para tal são testados modelos econométricos que permitem aferir a influência da cor política na taxa de IMI, verificando a possível existência de diferenças na taxa de IMI caso o partido no poder autárquico seja de esquerda ou de direita, mantendo todos as outras variáveis constantes.
Is it any relation between property taxes and political parties in power? This dissertation fits the theme power of political party and is intended to study the relation with property taxes. Particularly its tests the impact of the parties that have been democratically elected to chair municipalities, with doctrines and beliefs that differentiate on the property taxes. It is also intended to analyze the idea that right-wing parties have a less tax policy than left parties. So econometric models will be tested that allow assess the influence of political color in property taxes, by checking the possible existence of differences rate of property taxes if the party in local government is left-wing party or right-wind party, keeping all other variables constant.
38
Neubacher, Bernd. "Die Republikaner im Baden-wurttembergischenLandtag von einer rechtsextremen zu einer rechtsredikalen, etablierten Partei? /". [Stuttgart] : Universität Stuttgart, 2002. http://elib.uni-stuttgart.de/opus/volltexte/2002/1139.
Testo completo
39
Al, Saad Tamy, e Anders Nyman. "New Course, New Discourse, New Racism? : Right-Wing Alternative Media in Sweden". Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-14113.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Like elsewhere in Europe, the tides of nationalist right-wing rhetoric in Sweden have become instrumental in generating a wave of anti-liberal and anti-immigration sentiments in politics and media. In particular, one branch of right-wing alternative media has become a breeding ground for normalizing such rhetoric. Does the anti-immigration stance in such media disguise racist inclinations? In this thesis we examine the discourse of three right-wing alternative media sites in Sweden to explore the possible employment of different types of racism in their articles. By taking the constructivist viewpoint and adopting the post-colonial conceptions of the 'Self' and the 'Other', racist discourse was analyzed and characterized as either biological or cultural. From these two theories, we derived concepts concerning descriptions of contemporary and ideal Swedish society that will be used as further indicators of racist discourses. In this single case study, 94 articles from Fria Tider, Nya Tider, and Samhällsnytt were analyzed on the topics of immigration, integration and crime through a qualitative content analysis. The results show that most of the articles contain cultural racist discourse.
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Tourlamain, Guy Thomas. "Völkisch writers and National Socialism : a study of right-wing political culture in Germany, 1890-1945". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.442898.
Testo completo
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Larsson, Caroline. "Förhållningssättet till högerpopulism i partiledartalen i Almedalen". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-65495.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of the essay was to analyse the speeches of the party leader in Almedalen 2012 and 2016 to see how much right-wing populism that could be identified. The Social Democratic Party, the Moderate Party, the Sweden Democrats and the Christian Democrats were the parties which were investigated. The question of the essay was: Are there more or less tendencies of right-wing populism in the speeches of the Social Democratic Party, the Moderate Party, the Sweden Democrats and the Christian Democrats when the speech of 2012 are compared to the speech of 2016? The analysis was based on four different aspects which characterize right-wing populism. These were anti-establishment, people´s representative, threat & dissociation and nationalism. The Sweden Democrats had tendencies of all the aspects in both speeches, although the tendencies were stronger for the anti-establishment in the speech of 2016. The other parties generally lacked indications of right-wing populism regarding most of the aspects in the speeches of 2012. While it in the speeches of 2016 were more tendencies of right-wing populism, although many aspects still were absent in the speeches of 2016. However, there were more tendencies of nationalism 2016.
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Duregård, Agnes. "Political Climate : How Environmental Attitudes relates to Support for Radical Right-wing Parties in the Nordic Countries". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-375539.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Nordic countries are geographically, culturally and politically close, and have all witnessed an upsurge in support for radical right-wing parties over the past decades. Although the five parties: the Danish People’s Party, the Finns Party, the Icelandic Progressive Party, the Norwegian Progress Party, and the Sweden Democrats, are different when it comes to party history and how accepted they have been by other parties, they are today similar in their anti-immigration rhetoric, their critique of the established elites and to some extent their welfare chauvinism. According to theories on radical right-wing parties and environmental attitudes, caring for nature and the environment would make a person less probable to vote for a radical right-wing party. Using data from the European Social Survey, the relationship between environmental attitudes and radical right-wing support is examined. The initial results support this thesis, but when adding control variables the relationship is no longer significant. However, when looking at the countries separately, it shows that the relationship between environmental values and radical right-wing voting varies across the Nordic countries. Here, Norway stands out as the country with the strongest negative relationship between environmental values and support for radical right-wing parties.
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Tarhan, Cem. "A comparative case study of Lega Nord and Podemos voters : Voter attitudes of Left- and Right-Wing Populism in Southern Europe". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-414397.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
As populism in Europe is on the rise there are two sides of populism contesting to make an impact on their societies. In connection with existing research, this study is focusing on the most prominent left-wing populist party in Spain, Podemos, and the most prominent right-wing populist party in Italy, Lega Nord, and examines differences in their voters’ attitudes regarding a couple of crucial indicators of populism. The study is influenced by a previous study that examined the attitudes of left-wing and right-wing voters. The main distinction between this previous study and the current one is that my study also includes voters from the Spanish left-wing party Podemos, which was not included in the previous research. The result of my study show that Podemos voters are more positive towards the EU and towards immigration in difference to Lega Nord voters, whereas they have comparable attitudes towards material deprivation and elitism.
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Stigermark, Anton. "Alt-Modernism : Challenging the idea of postmodernism as a left-wing movement". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324280.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this thesis, I’m working from the premise that postmodernism hitherto has been associated with the left. The next line of argument is, however, that this relation is contingent and that there is no necessity in postmodernisms association with left-wing ideas and political ambitions. To challenge this assumption, I intend to demonstrate that the Alt-Right, a far-right movement, at least in some respects can be considered as postmodern. If there is indeed cause to think of the Alt-Right as postmodern, then we would have to rethink postmodernisms political inclination. I intend to operationalize this by looking at the Alt-Right’s views on the changeability of politics and the social world, and pop culture, through the lens of a set of postmodern ideas. In particular, postmodern ideas concerning language, discourse and culture, and in doing so get a grip on whether it is correct to view the Alt-Right as postmodern or not. If a connection between the Alt-Right and postmodernism indeed exists, then we would have to rethink the necessity in the left-wing nature of postmodernism.
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Baloch, Bilal Ali. "Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the worldâs largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance governmentâs tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests â such as votes and rents â as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.
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Allen, Joseph B. "Where the Extreme Right Took Root: A Comparison of Midwestern Counties in the 1980s". PDXScholar, 1996. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5053.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis evaluates two theories purporting to explain the rise of right-wing extremism in the Midwest during the farm crisis of the 1980s. The pluralist argument suggests that Midwestern right-wing extremism was rooted in previous episodes of agrarian radicalism. The political tradition perspective, on the other hand, claims that right-wing extremism in the Midwest was rooted in traditional conservatism. To evaluate these theories, an analysis of ten counties was performed. Particular attention was paid to seven variables which theorists argue point agriculturally based communities down political paths of radicalism or conservatism. Regional analyses were also performed on those counties which resided in similar areas of the Midwest. The findings offer stronger support for the political tradition perspective than for the pluralist argument. These finding suggest that those counties in which right-wing extremist activity did not occur were ones which supported past agrarian radical movements while those counties which experienced right-wing extremism were for the most part opponents of past radical agrarian movements. The thesis suggests that future research on rightwing extremism should focus attention on the political traditions of the communities were such movements become established and that a number of alternative variables should be considered.
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Lehfeldt, Fabia Federica. "The Other Side of the Medal : A Case Study of Right-Wing Populist Party Identity in German Newspaper Discourse". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-165818.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Nowadays, liberal democratic societies comprise the breeding ground for thriving right-wing populist parties. They share the “fundamental core of ethno-nationalist xenophobia, (…) and anti-political establishment populism” (Rydgren, 2004 p.475). Coeval research has acknowledged the threat that is entailed in the bespoken phenomenon; yet, its account is incomplete. This study follows Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, in objecting to the individualist and rationalist tenets that inform previous research, to accentuate a neglected lens on the thrive of right-wing populism in Western liberal democracies. Their discourse theoretical frame was herein used as both theory and method, in a discourse analysis of the Alternative für Deutschland’s (AfD) identity in German online newspaper discourse. The empirical material comprised 97 articles from Germany’s most popular national daily newspapers, which reported on the AfD in parliament, an AfD demonstration in Berlin, and the AfD’s youth organisation’s congress throughout April, May and June 2018. Ultimately, the study arrived at the conclusion that the sampled newspaper discourse identified ‘us’, the ‘benevolent democrats’ via the exclusion, and rejection of ‘them’, the ‘wicked right-wing populists’. Since such relation was markedly antagonistic proper, newspaper discourse may be considered to have contributed to the recent thrive of right-wing populism in Germany.
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Tengdelius, Daniel. "Är Sverigedemokraterna ett Högerradikalt populistiskt parti eller Socialkonservativt? : En undersökning av partimaterialet utifrån två idealtyper". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-156523.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The political party Sweden democrats became Sweden’s third largest party in 2014 after entering the Swedish parliament back in 2010 for the first time. During this time discussions about the party background and ideology have increased both from other parties and in the society. The controversy surrounding the party can partly be traced back to its foundation and the period before the party entered the national parliament in 2010. Sweden democrats was founded in 1988 by the remains of two right wing extremist movements, today the party has distanced itself from Nazism and calls itself a social conservative party. According to studies Sweden democrat’s ideology is considered as right-wing radical populism. This difference of identification is a problem, because it creates questions why it exists. Are the Sweden democrats really a social conservative party or is the party rendering a false image, and why. In this essay I will use ideal types of the two ideologies social conservative and Right-wing radical populism to evaluate which ideal type can describe the ideology in the party materials of the Swedish democrats most adequate. Additionally this essay will compare the ideal types to see how different the two ideologies are. The analysis and conclusion shows that the two ideologies differs from each other, but they share a few aspects. The evaluation of Sweden democrats party material does show that the party shares the fundamental value of right-wing radical populism and contains attributes from that theory, including etno-nationalism and etno-pluralism. The essays conclusion is therefore that Sweden democrats appears to be a right-wing radical populist party. That creates a question for future research, why the party identify itself as a social conservative party.
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Rottenbacher, Jan Marc. "Validity of the ideological left/right continuum during 2011 Presidential Elections in Lima-Peru". Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/100304.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study analyzes the relationship between political ideology, voting behavior and emotional responses after Peruvian presidential elections in 2011. Scales of intolerance for ambiguity, need for closure, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and the right-wing political orientation were used to assess right-wing political conservatism. A structural equation model proposes that intolerance of ambiguity and need for closure exert a direct effect on RWA. Also, RWA influences directly the right-wing political orientation, which exerts a direct influence on negative emotional responses and an inverse effect on positive emotional responses after O. Humala’s victory. Final discussion focuses on the contemporary relevance of left/right ideological continuum.Este estudio analiza la relación entre la ideología política, el comportamiento electoral y las reacciones emocionales luego de las elecciones presidenciales de 2011 en una muestra de adultos de la ciudad de Lima. Se utilizaron escalas de intolerancia a la ambigüedad, necesidad de cierre cognitivo, autoritarismo de ala derecha (RWA) y orientación política de derecha. Un modelo de ecuaciones estructurales propone que la intolerancia a la ambigüedad y la necesidad de cierre cognitivo ejercen una influencia directa sobre el RWA, el mismo que influye positivamente sobre la orientación política de derecha, variable que finalmente influye sobre las reacciones emocionales luego de conocerse el triunfo del candidato Ollanta Humala. Se discute al final acerca de la vigencia contemporánea del continuo ideológico izquierda/derecha.
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Cisternino, Stefano. "The Construction and Destruction of “the other”The Influence of Right-wing Populist Rhetoric on Xenophobic Hate Crimes". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-418232.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Today, two phenomena are growing; the constant increase in xenophobic hate crimes and the rampant presence of political and media representatives engaged in right-wing populist rhetoric aimed at defending the people from all threats. The question of how right-wing populist rhetoric influences the occurrence of these violent acts has only been addressed indirectly and partially in the academic world. This thesis tries to fill this gap, by proposing the following argument: right-wing populist rhetoric, through a process of continuous growth and affirmation, gradually creates an enemy who is ethnically “different” from the “native” people, leading to a social reaction and therefore to a consequent increase in xenophobic hate crimes. In order to verify this claim, an analysis of two periods of Italian history is conducted by means of Process Tracing. A primary case (1935-1939), focused on the Fascist Party and Mussolini with respect to two ethnic targets: Ethiopians and Jews. A secondary case (2013-2016), focused on the Lega Nord party and Salvini with respect to immigrants. The empirical results achieved provide good general support and suggest the need for further research, in order for countermeasures to be enacted by policymakers to avoid history repeating itself.