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1
Dauster, Manferd. "Parliaments versus Raising Extremist Member of Parliament". Bratislava Law Review 5, n. 1 (30 giugno 2021): 27–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46282/blr.2021.5.1.213.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
(Right-wing) extremism is on the rise across the continent. Propaganda and other activities affect European societies and parliaments. Extremists do not stop their activities in front of parliaments’ buildings. As far as extremist performance within parliaments is concerned, parliaments may react to them using measures of order, as provided for by their Rule Books but cannot apply them to harmful activities outside the parliament in the ordinary (political) arena. Parliamentarian means of defence appear inadequate and at the end not efficient to defend our representative democracies. By comparing the present German constitutions in perspective of the German constitutional history, the article seeks to find „sharper armoury“ for parliamentary defence. In conclusion, some consideration is given to constitutional amendment providing parliaments with the authority to expel the unruly Members of Parliament.
2
MULLOY, DARREN. "Conversing with the Dead: The Militia Movement and American History". Journal of American Studies 38, n. 3 (dicembre 2004): 439–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875804008734.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
If one forgets the past, he will not be prepared for the future.The Militia of MontanaYES! TODAY JUST AS YESTERDAY.The Michigan MilitiaWhen the militia movement emerged in the United States during the mid 1990s its members were widely seen as simply the latest practitioners of what Richard Hofstadter famously called “the paranoid style in American politics.” There was much comfort to be had in this characterization. It fitted the militia movement into a long-standing model for understanding right-wing extremism in American life, one in which the principal characteristics of such extremism were readily understood: conspiratorial, Manichean, absolutist – if not apocalyptic – and, of course, paranoid. The problem with this approach, though, is that it tends to discourage any examination of mainstream culture's role in the creation or sustaining of those defined as extremists. It downplays the extent to which the pool of ideological resources employed by the extreme right exists not just on the margins of American life, but also in the very fabric of the American ideology. Little attempt is made to explore the extent to which the ideas and beliefs of these “extremists” are related to, and are drawn from, key periods in US history: from the American Revolution, the period of the constitutional settlement or the settling of the American West, for example. Yet such ideas and beliefs are absolutely central to how groups like the militias see themselves and the world around them.
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Khrishkevich, Tatiana. "Right-wing Extremist Organizations of Modern Germany: Attempts to Revise History as a Threat to Social Cohesion". Metamorphoses of history, n. 23 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/mh2022235.
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The article presents an analysis of the activities of right-wing extremist organizations in Germany aimed at revising the results of the Second World War. Historical revisionism has become a central place of propaganda for German legal extremism since the 1970s. Its goal is not to generate new scientific knowledge, but to be aimed solely at an ideologically motivated rethinking of historical facts. They present events, creating the impression of an unbiased study of a historical source in a little-informed community. In accordance with their worldview, right-wing extremists deny the guilt of Germany in unleashing the Second World War, transferring it to the victorious powers. In modern Germany, the number of supporters of neo-Nazi groups has increased, which is a blow to social cohesion. In order to counteract this, significant work is being carried out by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, the police and other State structures. A special role is being played by research activities. In 2020 A research institute of social cohesion was established on the basis of eleven higher educational institutions and research institutions. It is a structure funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research, located in ten different lands. Almost 200 scientists from different research teams are developing practical proposals that will help solve the social problems of our time, using empirical research and large-scale comparisons. Among the topics that are analyzed and become the basis for the development of practical proposals, the themes of conflict, polarization and populism, as well as anti-Semitism and hate crimes occupy a prominent place.
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de Bromhead, Alan, Barry Eichengreen e Kevin H. O'Rourke. "Political Extremism in the 1920s and 1930s: Do German Lessons Generalize?" Journal of Economic History 73, n. 2 (23 maggio 2013): 371–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050713000302.
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We examine the impact of the Great Depression on the share of votes for right-wing extremists in elections in the 1920s and 1930s. We confirm the existence of a link between political extremism and economic hard times as captured by growth or contraction of the economy. What mattered was not simply growth at the time of the election, but cumulative growth performance. The impact was greatest in countries with relatively short histories of democracy, with electoral systems that created low hurdles to parliamentary representation, and which had been on the losing side in World War I.
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Parthe, Kathleen. "The Empire Strikes Back: How Right-Wing Nationalists Tried to Recapture Russian Literature". Nationalities Papers 24, n. 4 (dicembre 1996): 601–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408472.
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This article attempts to reconstruct the khod myshleniia (thought process) of the ultra-nationalist, ultra-conservative camp, not just because it is interesting in and of itself but also because of the way that some of their ideas, concerns, and ways of seeing Russia and the world are shared by a growing number of people in the middle of the political spectrum. The extremists' ideas about russifikatsiia may not spread very far, but russkost' is a powerful and attractive concept.
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Marshall, Jonathan. "U.S. Cold War Policy and the Italian Far-Right: The Nixon Administration, Republican Party Operatives, and the Borghese Coup Plot of 1970". Journal of Cold War Studies 25, n. 1 (2023): 138–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01124.
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Abstract The Nixon administration's attempt to promote a military coup in Chile after the election of a far-left president in September 1970 is a well-documented example of U.S. officials’ willingness do whatever was needed to curtail Soviet influence in the Third World. Drawing on declassified White House documents and records of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, this article examines the parallel but largely unknown story of U.S. dealings with right-wing extremists in one of the founding members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Italy, at around that same time. In December 1970, far-right activists in Italy staged an abortive coup that was intended to prevent further gains by Italy's leftist parties. The article draws on new and widely forgotten sources to examine the background and involvement of two private U.S. operatives for the Republican Party who were closely aligned with senior coup plotters in Italy. Their involvement with Italian neo-fascists should raise concerns about the dangers of private meddling in foreign policy and the potential for private actors to create misperceptions about critical U.S. government policies.
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Dauda, Kazeem Oluwaseun. "Islamophobia and Religious Intolerance: Threats to Global Peace and Harmonious Co-Existence". QIJIS (Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies) 8, n. 2 (31 dicembre 2020): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/qijis.v8i2.6811.
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<p>Recent events show that there are heightened fear, hostilities, prejudices and discriminations associated with religion in virtually every part of the world. It becomes almost impossible to watch news daily without scenes of religious intolerance and violence with dire consequences for societal peace. This paper examines the trends, causes and implications of Islamophobia and religious intolerance for global peace and harmonious co-existence. It relies on content analysis of secondary sources of data. It notes that fear and hatred associated with Islām and persecution of Muslims is the fallout of religious intolerance as reflected in most melee and verbal attacks, anti-Muslim hatred, racism, xenophobia, anti-Sharī'ah policies, high-profile terrorist attacks, and growing trends of far-right or right-wing extremists. It reveals that Islamophobia and religious intolerance have led to proliferation of attacks on Muslims, incessant loss of lives, wanton destruction of property, violation of Muslims’ fundamental rights and freedom, rising fear of insecurity, and distrust between Muslims and non-Muslims. The paper concludes that escalating Islamophobic attacks and religious intolerance globally had constituted a serious threat to world peace and harmonious co-existence. Relevant resolutions in curbing rising trends of Islamophobia and religious intolerance<strong> </strong>are suggested.</p><p> </p>
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Kil'dyushov, Oleg. "Between the Ethos of Science and “Vice Squad”: Max Weber as Polеmicist". Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 22, n. 2 (2023): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2023-2-71-84.
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The article deals with the uniquely specific public profile of Max Weber, who, on the one hand, entered the history of social thought as a staunch supporter of the value-free scientific work, and on the other hand, was a passionate polemicist ready to cause a public scandal even for a minor occasion. At the outset, Weber’s ambivalent understanding of the ethos of modern science as a methodically-controlled search for objective knowledge of the world at the edge of the scientist’s self-denial and free from the influence of extra-scientific motives is pointed out. In so doing, the paradoxical combination in Weber’s anthropology of science of the imperatives of analytical sobriety and passionate loyalty to one’s “daemon” is recorded. It has been argued that his ambivalence was a specific trait of the classicist of German and world sociology, combining his titanic personality with the extremes of a scholarly hermit and a world celebrity with a reputation for unbalanced scandals. Following then are the judgments about the eminent social thinker made by representatives of opposing political currents, both right-wing conservatives and left-wing extremists. On the basis of a number of high-profile scandals that became known to the scientific and general public in early-20th century Germany, the mechanism of Weber’s involvement in conflicts with various opponents at the personal and institutional level is demonstrated. The practical significance for Weber himself of his scientific-theoretical and methodological principles, which became canonical for the self-understanding of the modern scholarly profession, is questioned. Finally, the passionate controversy surrounding Weber’s famous work Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism is analyzed, reconstructed on the example of historian F. Raphael’s critique and the response of Weber’s First Anticritique.
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Hung, Jochen. "“Bad” Politics and “Good” Culture: New Approaches to the History of the Weimar Republic". Central European History 49, n. 3-4 (dicembre 2016): 441–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938916000625.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
More than thirty years ago, Eberhard Kolb commented that the vast wealth of research on the history of the Weimar Republic made it “difficult even for a specialist to give a full account of the relevant literature.” Since then, the flood of studies on Weimar Germany has not waned, and by now it is hard even to keep track of all the review articles meant to cut a swath through this abundance. Yet the prevailing historical image of the era has remained surprisingly stable: most historians have accepted the master narrative of the Weimar Republic as the sharp juxtaposition of “bad” politics and “good” culture, epitomized in the often-used image of “a dance on the edge of a volcano.” Kolb, for example, described “the sharp contrast between the gloomy political and economic conditions … and the unique wealth of artistic and intellectual achievement” as “typical of the Weimar era.” Detlev Peukert, arguably the most innovative scholar of Weimar history, criticized this historical image but, at the same time, declared this dichotomy “an integral feature of the era.” The latest example can be found in the work of Eric D. Weitz, who summarizes the fate of Weimar Germany as “the striving for something new and wonderful encountering absolute evil,” juxtaposing the “sparkling brilliance” of modernist masters like Bertolt Brecht, Thomas Mann, and Bruno Taut with “the plain hatred of democracy” of Weimar's right-wing extremists. This contrasting of politics and culture is a narrative device that only makes sense, however, from our contemporary vantage point of Western liberal democracy and from our understanding of progressive art. This retrospective interpretation is not in itself the problem—after all, historians can never really escape their own historical contexts. It becomes problematic, however, when it is treated not as an interpretation but as historical fact. Weimar Germans certainly would not have shared this narrative wholeheartedly: many would not have subscribed to the depiction of their time as a never-ending parade of political breakdowns and economic disasters. Even more would have rejected the view of the Berlin-based avant-garde as a sign of progressive achievement—if they had ever had the chance to see its representative works in the first place. The sharp distinction between “bad” Weimar politics and “good” Weimar culture not only fails to do justice to the way many of these Germans perceived their time but also keeps us from understanding how closely intertwined these two spheres were in the Weimar Republic. Thus, rather than giving an overview of the latest additions to Weimar historiography, this review essay looks at how recent publications have questioned—or conformed to—this dominant narrative.
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Süß, Walter. "Right‐wing extremism in the GDR". Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 1, n. 2 (gennaio 1993): 95–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09651569308454468.
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Antwi-Boasiako, Kwame Badu, e Caleb Grant Hill. "Terrorism and Right-Wing Extremism: History and Comparative Definitions". Political Preferences, n. 26 (3 luglio 2020): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2020.26.77-94.
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Recent narratives on terrorism have focused on the definitions. Terrorism is not a new phenomenon, but the problem resides in its definition and who is defining it. Conceptualizing terrorism depends on which framework one utilizes. The use of different lenses to define the term has contributed to the lack of global acceptance of what constitutes terrorism, hence the difficulty of gathering data for analysis. It is also a conundrum when powerful nations legitimize their terrorist activities against weaker ones. This, unfortunately, has led to the subjectiveness of every attempt in the literature to objectively provide a globally acceptable definition. Using meta-analysis as the methodological approach for the study a number of definitions were scrutinised. This article provides a brief examination of the intersection between right-wing terrorism and ethnic nationalism, and how accelerationism escalates ideology into violence. The paper compares two acts of violence, one traditionally viewed as terrorism and the other labelled solely as a mass shooting. It concludes with a comparative analysis of the definitions provided, utilizing a case study to examine how labels of a terrorist or a freedom fighter impact on one’s view of a group’s motivation. This is pertinent when analysing ideologically motivated violence.
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Bus, Carla Wilson. "Sources: Encyclopedia of Right-Wing Extremism in Modern American History". Reference & User Services Quarterly 52, n. 2 (1 dicembre 2012): 164–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.52n2.164.
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Leidig, Eviane. "Hindutva as a variant of right-wing extremism". Patterns of Prejudice 54, n. 3 (26 maggio 2020): 215–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2020.1759861.
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Copsey, Nigel. "‘Fascism… but with an open mind.’ Reflections on the Contemporary Far Right in (Western) Europe". Fascism 2, n. 1 (2013): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00201008.
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The political science community would have us believe that since the 1980s something entirely detached from historical or neo-fascism has emerged in (Western) Europe - a populist radicalization of mainstream concerns - a novel form of ‘radical right-wing populism.’ Yet the concept of ‘radical right-wing populism’ is deeply problematic because it suggests that (Western) Europe’s contemporary far right has become essentially different from forms of right-wing extremism that preceded it, and from forms of right-wing extremism that continue to exist alongside it. Such an approach, as this First Lecture on Fascism argues, fails to appreciate the critical role that neo-fascism has played, and still plays, in adapting Europe’s contemporary far right to the norms and realities of multi-ethnic, liberal-democratic society. Political scientists should fixate less on novelty and the quest for neat typologies, and instead engage far more seriously with (neo) fascism studies.
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Laryš, Martin, e Miroslav Mareš. "Right-Wing Extremist Violence in the Russian Federation". Europe-Asia Studies 63, n. 1 (gennaio 2011): 129–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2011.534308.
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Fuchs, Stefan. "Japanese ‘Right-wing Rock’? A Lyrics Content Analysis". Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 6, n. 1 (1 dicembre 2015): 75–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2014-0009.
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Abstract So far largely unnoticed, a right-wing extremist current within the rock music oriented subculture of Japan can be observed. This subcultural phenomenon bears resemblance in appearance to a phenomenon that is commonly referred to as ‘right-wing rock’ (Rechtsrock) in German-speaking countries. On the basis of a substantial compilation of relevant lyrics, the present paper seeks to examine whether this resemblance can also be located in terms of the ideological contents. Focussing on the linguistic inventory of the sample of lyrics, how a particular vocabulary is used to construct a collective identity and to convey a range of rightist topics will be examined. It will be shown that various terms that are frequently used in the analysed lyrics contain references to nationalistic and/or militaristic thought. Some lyrics propagate historical revisionist or negationist views on history and on the whole the analysed lyrics glorify martial concepts of maleness. The analysis thus justifies the conclusion that the musical phenomenon in question can be defined as a Japanese form of right-wing rock.
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Salzborn, Samuel. "Renaissance of the New Right in Germany? A Discussion of New Right Elements in German Right-wing Extremism Today". German Politics and Society 34, n. 2 (1 giugno 2016): 36–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340203.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Right-wing extremism in Germany has recently undergone considerable changes with a new right-wing party, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) successfully entering several local state parliaments as well as the European Parliament, “Pegida” demonstrations representing a new type of public action in terms of social movements, and the emergence of institutions like the Library of Conservatism and magazine projects like Sezession. This article considers whether such developments could be seen as a renaissance of the “New Right”, representing a long-term success in its strategies. Since the 1970s, the strategy of the New Right has been based on promoting a culturally conservative metapolitics in the pursuit of “cultural hegemony”, meaning to influence public opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany and shift it to the right— which at first glance might seem to have succeeded in light of recent events. The developments seen in German far-right extremism, however, have been neither monocausal nor monolithic. Therefore, this article will take a closer look at various aspects of the idea that recent changes in Germany’s rightwing extremism might represent a successful implementation of this New Right strategy.
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Ajanovic, Edma, Stefanie Mayer e Birgit Sauer. "Constructing ‘the people’". Democracy and Discriminatory Strategies in Parliamentary Discourse 17, n. 5 (13 settembre 2018): 636–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.18013.may.
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Abstract This article analyses right-wing populist constructions of ‘the people’ emerging at the intersections of ethnicized ‘othering’ and gendered differences within groups. We argue that these constructions are in stark contrast to the liberal notion of citizenship, which we understand to be the basis for the demos. Right-wing populism constructs its politics of belonging beyond rights, i.e. ‘the people’ is defined as a community through identity with the political leader, rather than as a political entity marked by different interests and endowed with rights, which could be represented politically. We argue that it is important to not only analyse practices of ‘othering’ and exclusion, but also the appeal to the ‘we’-group in order to understand right-wing populist success. Empirically our Critical Frame Analysis focuses on the Austrian context and on the FPÖ, which has been a forerunner in the ‘modernization’ of right-wing extremism and the development of right-wing populism in Europe.
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Zedner, Lucia. "Countering terrorism or criminalizing curiosity? The troubled history of UK responses to right-wing and other extremism". Common Law World Review 50, n. 1 (22 febbraio 2021): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473779521989349.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The growth of right-wing extremism, especially where it segues into hate crime and terrorism, poses new challenges for governments, not least because its perpetrators are typically lone actors, often radicalized online. The United Kingdom has struggled to define, tackle or legitimate against extremism, though it already has an extensive array of terrorism-related offences that target expression, encouragement, publication and possession of terrorist material. In 2019, the United Kingdom went further to make viewing terrorist-related material online on a single occasion a crime carrying a 15-year maximum sentence. This article considers whether UK responses to extremism, particularly those that target non-violent extremism, are necessary, proportionate, effective and compliant with fundamental rights. It explores whether criminalizing the curiosity of those who explore radical political ideas constitutes legitimate criminalization or overextends state power and risks chilling effects on freedom of speech, association, academic freedom, journalistic enquiry and informed public debate—all of which are the lifeblood of a liberal democracy.
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TIKHONOV, VLADIMIR. "The Controversies on Fascism in Colonial Korea in the early 1930s". Modern Asian Studies 46, n. 4 (20 giugno 2011): 975–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000321.
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AbstractThe paper deals with the trends of fascist and fascist-like right-wing social and political thought in colonial Korea in the early 1930s. It shows that in the 1920s, Korea's right wing, its ability to reach out to the masses being severely limited, preferred mostly conciliatory tactics in its relationship with leftist radicals, often making efforts towards inventing ‘hybrid’ ideologies which would integrate the leftist social concerns into the mainstream religious or nationalist constructions (an example of such a hybrid were various Korean versions of Christian socialism). After the Great Depression, however, Korea's nascent bourgeoisie felt more threatened and became more interested in keeping abreast with right-wing extremist trends in the mother country (Japan) and elsewhere. Such representative ideologists of the Korean propertied class as Yun Ch'iho and Yi Kwangsu were praising Mussolini and employing strong Social Darwinist language in their exhortations to the Korean people to ‘regain their vitality and develop [a] spirit of collectivism, obedience and self-sacrifice’. However, until the very end of the 1930s many of Korea's right-wing ideologues remained pronouncedly religious (Yun as Christian, Yi as Buddhist). While highlighting the religious essentials of their worldviews they often abstained from imitating the most extremist traits of European fascist ideologies (for example, anti-Semitism). In many ways, Korea's fascism continued until the end of the 1930s to be an intellectual discourse rather than a mass movement, and retained a strong aura of belonging to more mainstream religious or nationalist traditions.
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Toy, E. V. "William Dudley Pelley: A Life in Right-Wing Extremism and the Occult". Journal of American History 93, n. 2 (1 settembre 2006): 572–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4486338.
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Koehler, Daniel. "Internationalisation of Far-Right Terror?" Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 4, n. 3 (31 gennaio 2022): 116–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v4i3.4158.
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On November 24, Dr. Daniel Koehler presented The Internationalisation of Far-Right Terror? History and Examples of International Far-Right Networks at the 2021 CASIS West Coast Security Conference. The overarching discussion of Dr. Koehler’s presentation centered on ways that right-wing terrorism is developing, as well as the transnational aspects of far-right extremism. The presentation was followed by a question and answer period directed at a panel of presenters allowing an opportunity for audience members and CASIS Vancouver executives to engage with the content of each speaker’s presentation.
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HOŁUB, ADAM. "Political Radicalism as a Threat to the Reborn Republic of Poland". Internal Security 12, n. 1 (22 luglio 2020): 225–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.3199.
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Political radicalism as a threat to the reborn Republic of Poland. The interwar period in Poland was characterised by the occurrence of real threats to the internal security of the state, the source of which was radicalism and political extremism. It was both left-wing and right-wing radicalism. We should mention here communism supported by Bolshevik Russia, Ukrainian nationalism supported by unfavourable countries such as Germany or Czechoslovakia, and Polish right-wing radicals who sought to change the political system of the country but not to annihilate it. All these political trends may have contributed to the destabilization of the Second Republic, but reborn Poland managed to create an appropriate internal security system, which included the Political Police, and on the other hand, the Polish society, as the history of the Second Republic shows, was not seduced by the political extremes.
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Sen, Atreyee. "Inventing "women's history"". Focaal 2009, n. 54 (1 giugno 2009): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2009.540103.
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This article focuses on oral traditions created by slum women affiliated with the Hindu nationalist Shiv Sena movement in Bombay, and explores the ways in which these invented traditions allowed marginalized women to enter a martial, masculinist "Hindu" history. It shows how poor, rough women used the limited resources available in the slums, especially in the context of rising communal hostilities, to gain a "respectable past." Furthermore, the article analyzes how everyday practices and performances of women's strategic "history-telling" worked to politically mobilize poor women cadres and impacted gender dynamics in contested urban spaces. The invention of traditions of female martiality reflects the potential of right-wing political women to assert a controversial position within the dominantly patriarchal structures of the slums in particular, and the extremist movement in general. The article discusses the mytho-histories told by women to negotiate their present gendered social environment; paradoxically, the martial content of these historical stories also allowed women to nurture a perpetual threat of communal discord and renegotiate their position with male cadres within a violent movement.
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Heckner, Elke. "Fascism and its Afterlife in Architecture". Museum and Society 14, n. 3 (9 giugno 2017): 363–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/mas.v14i3.651.
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The recent opening to the public of large-scale National Socialist installations in Germany – like the Denkort Bunker “Valentin” in Bremen-Farge – has prompted questions on how to address the legacy of Nazi advances in science and technology in musealized spaces, and, more generally, how to curate inconvenient military history. To tackle these questions, the issue of affect is crucial. Curation must be able to confront articulations of right-wing extremist “reactionary” affect in and beyond the museum setting. This has been a challenge for Dresden’s newly redesigned Militärhistorisches Museum der Bundeswehr, whose anti-militaristic message is being drowned out by right-wing xenophobic demonstrations in Dresden’s streets. This paper seeks to counter current curatorial strategies that displace and suppress affect. By considering affect’s productive potential without ignoring the record of Nazi manipulations of affect, it proposes the concept of an ‘upstander’ museum and delineates a new methodology for rethinking affect in curatorial settings.
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Caiani, Manuela, e Claudius Wagemann. "The Rise and the Fall of the Extreme Right in Europe: Towards an Explanation?" Modern Italy 12, n. 3 (novembre 2007): 377–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633882.
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In the last two decades, the extreme right has experienced a dramatic rise in electoral support in many West European democracies, achieving more parliamentary and even governmental power. Despite extensive interest in this phenomenon and a myriad of academic publications about it, both in sociology and political science, little consensus has been reached about the reasons for the observed growth of right-wing extremism. Three books; The Extreme Right in Western Europe by Elisabeth Carter, Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe by Piero Ignazi and Radical Right by Pippa Norris, try to overcome this lack of consensus through up-to-date analyses of the current situation of extreme right-wing parties in Western Europe and (in Norris’ case) even beyond. All three authors try to go beyond the existing analyses which mainly concentrate on socio-demographic characteristics of extreme right voters. However, they focus on partly different research questions and, consequently, are based on slightly different research designs.
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Hardy, John. "Thematic analysis of in-group and out-group debates in an online right-wing extremist community". Research & Politics 10, n. 1 (gennaio 2023): 205316802311524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680231152424.
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The resurgence of Right-Wing Extremism (RWE) has become a cause for concern in Western countries during the 21st century. An increase in white nationalist sentiment in recent years has provided impetus to understand the contemporary drivers of far-right ideology. This study examines in-group and out-group debates on Stormfront.org, which is the largest and oldest online community dedicated to white nationalism and extreme right-wing political views. It used a dataset of approximately 1m posts collected from the open Opposing Views forum on Stormfront from the period 2001 to 2020 to create a corpus of over 195m words for thematic analysis. A Natural Language Processing (NLP) model was used to analyze the corpus, and a supervised phrase mining algorithm was used to identify key topics in the debate. The study finds that key issues being debated between in-group and out-group members of the Stormfront online community relate to perceptions of white identity, African American identity, racial issues, conservative political issues, and the history and politics of the United States. These findings highlight the issues of mutual importance to in-group and out-group members and identify opportunities for further research into the ideology of online RWE communities.
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Mix, Tamara L. "The Greening of White Separatism: Use of Environmental Themes to Elaborate and Legitimize Extremist Discourse". Nature and Culture 4, n. 2 (1 giugno 2009): 138–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/nc.2009.040203.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Employing an interpretive content analysis of online forums, the author examines use of environmental themes by the United States white separatist movement in its efforts to seek legitimacy and garner a broad base of support. The contemporary white separatist movement draws upon latent National Socialist environmental discursive frames linked to history, spirituality, and stewardship. The lack of a specific position on the environment in the movement permits the manipulation of environmental themes to appeal to a wide range of audiences. Appeals to right wing environmental, population, and anti-environmental audiences include a discourse of environmental skepticism, concerns about immigration and overpopulation and discussion of rights to nature and land. Appeals to left wing and mainstream audiences involve expressions of environmental concern, preservation, stewardship, and rights of nature. A narrative of networking using environmentalism's broad appeal, perceived concerns regarding immigration and population growth, and similarities in racial characteristics was also evident.
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Babilunga, Nikolai V. "When the Clarion Call Sounds: Right-Wing Extremism and Marginals in the Past and Present". Anthropology & Archeology of Eurasia 52, n. 1 (luglio 2013): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/aae1061-1959520104.
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Goetz, Judith. "‘Patriotism is not just a Man’s Thing’: Right-wing Extremist Gender Policies within the so-called Identitarian Movement". Journal of Modern European History 20, n. 3 (agosto 2022): 389–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/16118944221110714.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Taking an analysis of relevant statements and campaigns of the right-wing extremist group ‘Identitarian Movement’ in German-speaking countries as a starting point, this article will reconstruct their key narratives with regard to gender policy, and identify the discourses and forms of organization that are used to integrate women into the Identitarian context. An overview of the origins and characteristics of the Identitarians is followed by a classification of Identitarian gender policy into three phases: its beginning (2012–2015), its peak (2016–2018) and its demise (2019–2020). As can be seen, during the first years it had been necessary to negotiate fundamental questions of the group's gender concepts, whereas during the peak years the focus shifted to threat scenarios involving ‘our women’. At the same time, female activists started to find their own projects. Since 2019, however, the group has started to fall apart, women's issues have lost their appeal and women activists have been leaving. Notwithstanding this decline, the question still remains of what to make of the gender-political commitment of Identitarian women in the context of feminist debates.
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Weitzman, Mark. "“One Knows the Tree by the Fruit That It Bears:” Mircea Eliade’s Influence on Current Far-Right Ideology". Religions 11, n. 5 (19 maggio 2020): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11050250.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Since the notorious Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville in 2017, the alt-right has surged into prominence as the most visible expression of right-wing extremism. While most analysts have focused on the political aspect of the movement, my article will explore the spiritual and religious roots and connections of the movement. In particular, I will focus on how Mircea Eliade, one of the most prominent figures in the academic study of the history of religion in the late 20th century, is viewed by many current extreme right thinkers. Drawing on the writings of some of the leading theoreticians and inspirations of the alt-right such as Julius Evola, Alain de Benoist, Aleksandr Dugin and Richard Spencer, as well as the prominent extreme right publishing houses, Arktos and Counter-Currents, I will show how Eliade’s extremely controversial and problematic past is seen as an intellectual and even spiritual source for these leading figures.
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Kutyavin, N. A. "The Concept of “Waves” in the Context of the History of Russian Neopaganism: Attempt of Classification". Kunstkamera 19, n. 1 (2023): 205–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/2618-8619-2023-1(19)-205-217.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article proposes a view of the history of Russian neopaganism as a gradual emergence and coexistence of three waves of movement. Each of them has its own characteristics in ideology and political, activist and religious practice. The first wave of neopaganism was represented by such publicists as A. M. Ivanov, V. N. Emelyanov and A. A. Dobrovolsky and laid the foundations of the worldview, as well as formulated the major claims against Christianity and Judaism. These claims, formulated in the form of anti-Semitic and anti-Christian conspiracy narrative, considered by the author as an element of the “scapegoat mechanism” described by the anthropologist R. Girard. Two other fundamental elements of the worldview were ethnic primordialism and esoteric religiosity. The second wave was represented by the leaders of religious groups and popular writers such as I. G. Cherkasov, N. N. Speransky, L. R. Prozorov, A. Yu. Khinevich and focused on the “invention of tradition” (in the terminology of the historian E. Hobsbawm). Within this wave, two trends can be distinguished — traditionalist and modernist. The trends differ from each other in their approach to the invention of tradition. The third wave was associated with youth right-wing extremism and originated among former neo-Nazi skinheads, such as members of the Combat Terrorist Organization D. A. Borovikov and A. M. Voevodin. Ideologically, it had continuity from the first wave, but was more radical in practice. Representatives of this wave tended to be critical of their own nation, which does not follow the young right-wing radicals in their uprising against the Zionist Occupation Government (ZOG).
33
Keil, André. "“We need to rediscover our manliness…”". Journal of Language and Politics 19, n. 1 (15 gennaio 2020): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19091.kei.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract This essay analyses the use of the term “gender madness” and “lost manliness” in the discourse of the right-wing populist Alternative für Deutschland (AFD). It draws on analyses of public statements, policy papers, manifestos and public speeches. It argues that the “gender” theme constitutes a discoursive cluster that is used link otherwise eclectic policies. Furthermore, it is utilised to articulate certain folkish and ethno-nationalist ideas while at the same time helping to avoid open references to extremist language. By presenting itself as the custodian of traditional heterosexuality and family values the AFD creates yet another dimension of the populist dichotomy of “us” versus “them”. This is underpinned by a sophisticated media strategy that seeks create an image of authenticity and immediacy between party and supporters. On the whole, the piece analyses and explains the central importance of “anti-genderism” in the discourse of the populist right in Germany.
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Guterl, Matthew Pratt. ":The Color of Fascism: Lawrence Dennis, Racial Passing, and the Rise of Right‐Wing Extremism in the United States". American Historical Review 113, n. 4 (ottobre 2008): 1197. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.4.1197.
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Becker, Tobias. "Only Rock and Roll? Rock Music and Cultures of Conservatism". German Yearbook of Contemporary History 7, n. 1 (2023): 108–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gych.2023.a907661.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract: Rock and roll traditionally appears to exhibit a rebellious, subversive, and progressive connotation. Such ascriptions, however, ignore not only subgenres such as Rechtsrock (right-wing extremist rock), but also criticism, present from the onset, that accused mainstream rock of merely portraying and supporting the status quo rather than questioning it. Is rock and roll therefore a conservative genre? What do terms such as conservative and progressive really mean when they are applied to pop culture, music, and specifically rock and roll? Which findings are used to support these attributions? The article investigates these questions along an abbreviated history of rock from the 1950s to the 1980s in transnational perspective. The contribution shows that, inasmuch as rock is rebellious at all, its rebelliousness can be directed against a mainstream culture which is perceived as progressive just as much as against one which is perceived as conservative.
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Stoltzfus, Nathan. "The German Mountain Troops and Their Opponents, 1943 to the Present". German Politics and Society 38, n. 4 (1 dicembre 2020): 72–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380404.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The most significant World War II battle between Germans and Italians outside of Italy was the September 1943 battle for the Greek island of Cephalonia, ending in the post-battle execution by German Mountain Troops of thousands of Italian soldiers. The recent clash between two German groups over what happened illustrates ongoing disputes about guilt and responsibility—how governments, historians, and civilians mobilize facts to write history. The Mountain Troops’ Veterans Association, which has influenced official German memory of the war, used the Cephalonia case to reassert the myth of Wehrmacht innocence, contrary to opinion-shaping Wehrmacht exhibits of the 1990s. In 2010, the federal government, backing a German judicial decision, reasserted the Wehrmacht Myth, despite opposition from Rome, Athens, and an international association of activists, as reports on right-wing extremism in the German police, judiciary, and military have become increasingly prevalent.
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Kallin, Britta. "Intertextualities in Elfriede Jelinek’s Rein Gold: Ein Bühnenessay". Seminar: A Journal of Germanic Studies 57, n. 2 (1 maggio 2021): 114–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/seminar.57.2.2.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Elfriede Jelinek’s postdramatic stage essay Rein Gold (2012) interweaves countless texts including Richard Wagner’s operas from the Ring cycle, Karl Marx’s The Capital, and Marx and Friedrich Engels’s The Communist Manifesto as well as contemporary writings and news articles. Scholarship has so far examined the play in comparison to Wagner’s Rheingold opera, which serves as the base for the dialogue between the father Wotan and daughter Brünnhilde. This article examines intertextualities with the story of the National Socialist Underground, an extremist right-wing group that committed hate-crime murders and bank robberies, and with the exploitative history of workers, particularly women, in capitalist systems. Jelinek compares the National Socialist Underground’s attempt to violently rid Germany of non-ethnic Germans with Siegfried’s mythical fight as dragon slayer in the Nibelungenlied that created a hero who has been cast as a German identity figure for an ethnonational narrative and fascist ideas in twenty-first-century Germany.
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Geden, Oliver. "The discursive representation of masculinity in the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ)". Journal of Language and Politics 4, n. 3 (31 dicembre 2005): 397–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.4.3.04ged.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Organizations of the extreme right are clearly dominated by men, much more than parties of the political mainstream. But instead of analyzing the specific attractiveness of right-wing extremism for men, gender sensible research in this field has mainly focused on women. This explorative study will reconstruct discourses of masculinity within the Freedom Party of Austria, which is part of the national government since 2000. The analysis of two of the party’s newspapers and of group discussions conducted with young party activists will show the party’s willingness to seize on the insecurities that men experience in the ongoing transformation of gender relations. We can find a general orientation towards a traditional concept of gender roles, but the ways of developing and distributing this knowledge differ widely, depending on the specific conditions in the different political arenas in which the newspapers and the activists are involved.
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CASIS. "A Brief History of Social Movements in North America". Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 2, n. 1 (17 maggio 2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v2i1.958.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this analysis is to differentiate social movements. In this instance, we will be using the hippie/counterculture movements during the 1960s and 1970s in Canada, and those that are occurring in the second decade of the twenty-first century. In particular, this analysis distinguishes right-wing extremist movements in 2016 from groups like the Hippie Movement and the Black Panther Party Movement. Specific reference will be made to contrast the social movements of the twenty-first century that are non-political in nature but are identity-based, versus movements during the 60s and 70s that were political by design and intent. Due to the non-political nature of twenty-first century Violent Transnational Social Movements, they might be characterized as fifth generation warfare, which we identify as identity-based social movements in violent conflict with other identity based social movements, this violence may be soft or hard. ‘Soft violence damages the fabric of relationships between communities as entrenches or highlights the superiority of one group over another without kinetic impact. Soft violence is harmful activities to others which stops short of physical violence’. (Kelshall, 2019) Hard violence is then recognized as when soft violence tactics result in physical violence. Insurgencies are groups that challenge and/or resist the authority of the state. There are different levels of insurgencies; and on the extreme end, there is the resistance of systemic authority.
40
Feischmidt, Margit. "Memory-Politics and Neonationalism: Trianon as Mythomoteur". Nationalities Papers 48, n. 1 (gennaio 2020): 130–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.72.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractAnalyzing the newly emerged Trianon cult, this article argues that the current wave of memory politics became the engine of new forms of nationalism in Hungary constituted by extremist and moderate right-wing civic and political actors. Following social anthropologists Gingrich and Banks, the term neonationalism will be applied and linked with the concept “mythomoteur” of John Armstrong and Anthony D. Smith, emphasizing the role of preexisting ethno-symbolic resources or mythomoteurs in the resurgence of nationalism. Special attention will be given to elites who play a major role in constructing new discourses of the nation and seek to control collective memories, taking their diverse intentions, agendas, and strategies specifically into consideration. This “view from above” will be complemented with a “view from below” by investigating the meanings that audiences give to and the uses they make of these memories. Thus, the analysis has three dimensions: it starts with the analysis of symbols, topics, and arguments applied by public Trianon discourses; it continues with the analysis of everyday perceptions, memory, and identity concerns; and finally ends with an anthropological interpretation of memory politics regarding a new form of nationalism arising in the context of propelling and mainstreaming populist right-wing politics. The main argument of this article is that although the Hungarian Trianon cult, identified as national mythomoteur, invokes a historical trauma, it rather speaks to current feelings of loss and disenfranchisement, offering symbolic compensation through the transference of historical glory, pride, and self-esteem within a mythological framework. This article is part of a larger effort to understand the cultural logic and social support of new forms of nationalism in Hungary propelled by the populist far right.
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Đorić, Marija, e Ilija Životić. "Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on violent extremism and organized crime in the Republic of Serbia". Srpska politička misao 79, n. 1 (2023): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm79-43080.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The subject of research is the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on violent extremism and organized crime in the Republic of Serbia. The authors used the method of document content analysis and quantitative methods (surveys) for research purposes. The time of the research included the most intense period of the pandemic, and the authors investigated the situation in the Republic of Serbia from March 2020, when the virus was first registered, to mid-2021. The initial hypothesis in the research is that violent extremism and organized crime adapt very quickly to new social changes, which makes them resilient to many social crises. Serbia has a long history of fighting etno-separatist extremism (e.g. the KLA terrorist organization), but the COVID-19 pandemic has intensified the growth of other forms of extremism, such as religious, left-wing, while special attention is focused on right-wing extremism. Namely, the authors determined that in addition to the old generators (what is the post-conflict legacy), we also have two new crucial generators of the extreme right - the COVID-19 pandemic and the migrant crisis. All the fundamental issues on which the extreme right-wingers built their ideology (such as Kosovo and Metohija, the friend-enemy dichotomy) were pushed aside during the pandemic, in order to actualize the problems concerning the "infestation of migrants", conspiracy theories, vaccinations, 5G networks and of panic fear for the survival of the nation. Organized crime also found a way to adapt to the pandemic, and some new areas appeared that criminals quickly prioritized, such as the trade-in of deficient medical equipment, falsification of PCR tests, etc. Drug trafficking was particularly intense, and the Customs Administration seized during the pandemic from 01.03.2020 to 01.08.2021 5630.53 grams of cocaine, which is 60 percent more than in 2019; 2063 grams of heroin, which is a drop to only 5 percent of the total seizure in 2019. In the same period, 1,180 tablets of ecstasy and MDMA were seized, which is five times more than in 2019, as well as 36 weapons. The conclusion is that the COVID-19 pandemic had a significant impact on the change in the functioning of violent extremism and organized crime, thus confirming the initial hypothesis of the author, that these are "tough phenomena" that adapt very quickly and easily to emerging social crises. which is down to just 5 percent of total seizures in 2019. In the same period, 1,180 tablets of ecstasy and MDMA were seized, which is five times more than in 2019, as well as 36 weapons. The conclusion is that the COVID-19 pandemic had a significant impact on the change in the functioning of violent extremism and organized crime, thus confirming the initial hypothesis of the author, that these are "tough phenomena" that adapt very quickly and easily to emerging social crises. which is down to just 5 percent of total seizures in 2019. In the same period, 1,180 tablets of ecstasy and MDMA were seized, which is five times more than in 2019, as well as 36 weapons. The conclusion is that the COVID-19 pandemic had a significant impact on the change in the functioning of violent extremism and organized crime, thus confirming the initial hypothesis of the author, that these are "tough phenomena" that adapt very quickly and easily to emerging social crises.
42
Iordache, Alexandru. "THE LEGIONARY INSURGENCY OF JANUARY 1941 IN BUCHAREST – NEW ARCHIVE DISCLOSURES". Analele Universităţii din Craiova seria Istorie 28, n. 1 (31 luglio 2023): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.52846/aucsi.2023.1.05.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the literature of the interwar period and World War II, the severe divide between diverse political conservative trends, including authoritarian conservatism and right wing extremism, had been obvious for some time. In the historiography on the Legionary Rebellion in Romania, as it is frequently termed, of 21-23 January 1941, this perspective was disregarded, despite its considerably explanatory potential. This work takes a novel approach to this topic, analyzing with historical-archival arguments the great clash between two eminently incompatible organizations: one of the elites with authoritarian traditional leanings, and the other revolutionary, intolerant of the old hierarchies and inspired by European fascism, promoting national purification through violence and the annihilation of others. This research will reconsider some of the key notions and assumptions underpinnings the disputes and emphasize a sequence of critical decision-making activities based on unstudied Romanian Secret Service data1. Also, the work involves a critical analysis of the information regarding the legionary insurgency through the lens of interwar intelligence and their presentation to the readers, whether they are specialists or a history enthusiasts, both from a historical, analytical, and especially applied and exemplary perspective.
43
Linander, Ida, Johanna Lauri e Marcus Lauri. "Swedish LGBTQ Activists’ Responses to Neo-Nazi Threats:". lambda nordica 27, n. 3-4 (13 marzo 2023): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.34041/ln.v27.830.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
LGBTQ communities and movements across Europe are under attack from various conservative and right-wing extremist groups. What are the political implications of such attacks for LGBTQ activists? Through qualitative interviews and psychoanalytical discourse theory, this article analyses LGBTQ activists’ responses to threats from neo-Nazis in Sweden. By focusing on the problems, solutions and desires articulated by LGBTQ activists, the analysis asks: Who is called upon to handle the neo-Nazis, and how? What fantasies are expressed in such articulations? How may the response to neo-Nazis shape the subjectivities and political aspirations of LGBTQ activists? The analysis shows that the activists adhere to a fantasy of positive and conflict-free politics where the state is called upon to care for them through legal measures, which ties the activists to the state and might block other alliances. The activists also express a desire to inscribe themselves into the LGBTQ movement’s history. This fantasy echo might strengthen a political collective and prove pivotal in future struggles. Taken together, our analysis demonstrates some of the effects of the neo-Nazi presence in Sweden and some of the wider political implications for the LGBTQ movement.
44
Belokrenitsky, V. Ya. "Change of social protest in Pakistan: class forms versus religious forms". Minbar. Islamic Studies 11, n. 3 (24 dicembre 2018): 537–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2018-11-3-537-550.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Social protest in the East, in particular inPakistan, is today one of the most vibrant research topics. It has become the focal point due to the acute social discontent that has engulfed many states around the world, first and foremost, the Near and Middle East. To this one can add radical protests and the recourse to terror as means to achieve the goals set. With its 200 million populationPakistanis one of the largest state of the world. It is located at the place where the South Asia meets the Western andCentral Asia. Historically,Pakistanbelongs to South Asia and Hindustan, however, from the point of view of its culture it is closely associated with the world of Islam that ofArabiaand the Turkic and Iranian worlds. From the point of the international politicsPakistanis equally rather important. To its importance contribute the everlasting hostility with neighboringIndia, possession of nuclear weapons as well as a deep and organic connection with the neighbouringAfghanistanand the large percentage of people who think in terms of what it called the extremist Islamism. In the vast number of research articles and monographs published both inRussiaand abroad surprisingly very little attention has been paid to the phenomenon of the social protest and its forms, which is indeed quite significant in the history of the Pakistani state. Chronologically one can identify two major periods. The first period commences in 1947 and ends up in 1970s. This period has been marked by the so-called “class protest”. Its driving forces was the peasants, the working class and the students. The protests were either spontaneous or well organized; they were linked to the left-wing and secularist political groups and parties as well as intellectuals, liberal democrats or left-wing communists. The second period were marked by the harsh state suppression of the opposition on one hand-side and strengthening of the right-wing, religious radicalism. This dichotomy invites a preliminary conclusion that that mass protest inPakistanunderwent significant changes from the “class forms” to the socio-religious ones.
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Muhammad Waqas Sajjad. "Examining the State of Muslim Minority under Modi’s BJP since 2014". Strategic Studies 38, n. 4 (10 gennaio 2019): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.038.04.00130.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Muslims in India comprise 14 per cent of the population and have been recognised empirically as a minority, facing social and economic concerns for over a decade. With the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its slogans of Hindutva, discourse against the Muslims of India has been deteriorated significantly. Prime Minister Modi’s government came to power in 2014, and the four years since have led to persecution and some of the most troubling crimes against the Muslims and other minorities, centred around communal issues. As a result, violence and discrimination have increased as has the rhetoric from the Hindu right-wing organisations that are supported, in one way or the other, by the mainstream BJP politicians. In this paper, the current state of the Muslim minority is examined and analysed using recent sources, including human rights reports from international organisations, as it is argued that Hindutva forces and ideological backing of the BJP have emboldened extremist mindsets and embedded them in society. This means that even ostensibly “secular” political agents of the Congress party have resorted to forms of Hindu domination in an environment where history is being rewritten and minorities are framed as outsiders in India.
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Naxera, Vladimír, e Petr Krčál. "Oslavy výročí Slovenského národního povstání jako platforma pro vytváření obrazů nepřátel Slovenska". Czech Journal of International Relations 55, n. 1 (1 marzo 2020): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1640.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The focus of this study lies in the instrumental use of history as a tool for the legitimization of political claims. Our paper is related to the Slovak National Uprising, which plays a crucial role in the national mythology of Slovakia. This role is a reason why the annual celebrations of this historical event are one of the most important political occasions in the country. Many politicians use the celebrations as an opportunity to highlight many political issues and address a broad audience. Using semi-participant observation, we analysed five anniversary celebrations of the event (2015–2019) and the securitization strategies inherited in the speeches of politicians at the celebrations. We showed that not only topics related to the legacy of the anti-fascist uprising (e.g. contemporary right-wing extremism) are securitized or serve as objects of the creation of moral panic during these events. Some other, unrelated actors/phenomena are securitized or labelled as a threat as well – especially immigration and the politics of the EU. This fact notwithstanding, the legacy of the SNU was always used for the legitimization of securitization/creation of moral panic.
47
McGowan, Philip. "What We Imagine Knowledge to Be". JAAAS: Journal of the Austrian Association for American Studies 1, n. 1 (31 agosto 2020): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47060/jaaas.v1i1.72.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This essay looks back to 1947, the year that the Salzburg seminar was inaugurated, as well as looking at contemporary issues in American studies to chart where we have come from to date and where the field is heading. Its main argument examines the poems "Ésthetique du Mal" by Wallace Stevens from his 1947 collection Transport to Summer and "At the Fishhouses" by Elizabeth Bishop, first published in 1947, and explores common themes of knowledge, pain, loss, and history. As the Western world experiences again a moment of political and cultural uncertainty brought to the center stage of US and European discourse in 2016 by the election of Donald Trump and the UK vote to leave the European Union, Stevens and Bishop offer routes forward through such moments of heightened politicization. American studies, as a field of interconnected disciplines, continually confronts the difficult aspects of twentieth- and twenty-first-century life. As the rise of the Black Lives Matter and #MeToo movements have indicated, the open ruptures within American society will continue to pour forth debates requiring urgent critical attention and discussion. Incidents of racial hatred, of right-wing extremism, and of abusive misogynistic sexism, dormant to varying degrees prior to Trump's election, have come to the surface of a nation increasingly riven by what the reality of his Presidency means for America. Our job, as researchers and teachers, is to engage each and every aspect of this moment in history, however contested or controversial they may be.
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Sprague-Jones, J. "Blood and Culture: Youth, Right-Wing Extremism, and National Belonging in Contemporary Germany By Cynthia Miller-Idriss Duke University Press. 2009. 256 pages. $79.95 cloth, $22.95 paper". Social Forces 89, n. 1 (1 settembre 2010): 336–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2010.0050.
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Umland, Andreas. "Is there a Post-Soviet Fascism? A Brief Deliberation on the Cross-Cultural and Inter-Epochal Study of Right-Wing Extremism in the Post-Cold War Era". East Central Europe 37, n. 2-3 (25 marzo 2010): 345–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534559.
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Shmorgun, O. "Historical Memory in the Process of Formation and Reproduction of Modern National Identity: the French Experience (Part 2)". Problems of World History, n. 16 (16 dicembre 2021): 7–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-16-1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article is devoted to the study of the role of historical tradition and national memory in the formation of modern types of ethno-national identity and mechanisms of consolidation of citizens at the stage of formation of the French state of the modern type. In this regard, various versions of French history were analyzed by representatives of historical and historiographical schools, which still compete with each other for the status of creators of a generally accepted interpretation of important historical events.
It was found that consistently patriotic motivation, which ensures the formation and realization of the innovative potential of the people and social activity of this creative core of the nation, aimed at overcoming any crisis challenges, is formed only on the basis of maximum meaningful synthesis of existing interpretations of French history. In particular, the effectiveness of memory policy is ensured by the fact that symbols, traditions and historical monuments that positively influence the dynamics of national-patriotic motivations and feelings are inevitably (and often, quite consciously) filled with qualitatively new meanings and values.
The complete failure of neoliberal and left-wing radical critiques of Holism’s theory and practice has been proved, the conservative elements of which, in particular the appeal to the heroic past, are not at all identical with medieval archaism and almost neo-Nazi political preferences. On the contrary, the typological similarity of Bonapartism and Hollism is due precisely to their ability to effectively oppose reactionary and revolutionary extremism, which is equally destructive to the nation-state.
In this regard, the exceptional relevance of the use of historical memory to form their own traditionalist and authoritarian charisma (in their relationship) by the creator and first president of the Fifth Republic Charles de Gaulle in the process of his opposition to anti-national provocations of far-right and far-left.