Tesi sul tema "Right to a citizenship"
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1
Kesby, Alison Gwendoline. "The right to have rights : citizenship, humanity and international law". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.611274.
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2
Mak, Hing-yee Vivian. "Abode-right seekers in Hong Kong". Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B24533737.
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Johnson, Charlotte Nicola. "'The right to have rights' : gender politics, citizenship and the state in Uruguay". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246852.
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4
Poptcheva, EvaMaria Alexandrova. "Consular protection abroad: A union citizenship fundamental right?" Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/129627.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Esta tesis doctoral ofrece un análisis detallado de la provisión de protección consular por parte de los estados miembros de la Unión Europea in terceros países para ciudadanos de la Unión cuando el estado miembro de la nacionalidad del ciudadano afectado no dispone de representación diplomática o consular en el tercer estado en cuestión. El trabajo establece criterios para la delimitación entre protección diplomática y consular así como los elementos que configuran la protección consular como institución jurídica con rasgos comunes en todos los 27 estados miembros de la Unión Europea, empleando la metodología de constitucionalismo multinivel. La tesis también define el margen de discrecionalidad de los estados miembros para la regulación de la protección consular e identifica posibles elementos de una harmonización más significativa de las legislaciones nacionales en materia de protección consular. La presente tesis contiene una propuesta para una directiva de la Unión Europea sobre protección consular, tal como un análisis crítico de las propuestas actuales en este ámbito.This PhD thesis offers a comprehensive analysis of the provision of consular protection by EU member states in third countries to Union citizens where in the third country concerned, the Member State of nationality of the Union citizen concerned have no diplomatic or consular representation. The work provides criteria for the distinction between diplomatic and consular protection as well as the elements for the configuration of consular protection as an institution of law with common traits in all 27 Member States, employing the methodology of multilevel constitutionalism. Furthermore, the thesis defines the scope of discretion of the Member States as to further regulation of consular protection and identifies possible further harmonisation of national legislations on consular protection. The thesis also contains a proposal for a Union Directive on consular protection, offering a critical analysis of the current proposals in this field.
5
Harris, Michael John. "The subversion of citizenship : new right conceptions of citizenship, Thatcherism, and the new politics". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1997. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3048/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research concerns the theory of citizenship, the new right's conceptions of citizenship, their influence on the Thatcher regime, and the contemporary left's reformulations of citizenship. Citizenship cannot be restricted to the social democratic orthodoxy, in particular the foundations supplied by T. H. Marshall. The new right developed powerful models of citizenship which offered alternative theoretical routes to 'universal membership', the key ethical notion at the heart of citizenship. However these were deficient in practical terms, leading to greater inequality and reduced genuine individual autonomy. Paradoxically, the new right's conceptions of citizenship were used ultimately to undermine full citizenship for all. These arguments are illustrated in four case studies of policy change under Thatcherism - the Education Reform Act 1988, the Community Charge, 'workfare' programmes, and Conservative rhetoric of active citizenship'. Despite their deficiencies, new right conceptions of citizenship found a better reception in the dominant political culture because their discourses on freedom and the market appeared more closely-aligned with common perceptions. Thatcherism and the new right are characterised as seeking to construct a rigid discursive order centring around the autonomy of the market, here termed the 'market society'. In response, the efforts of parts of the contemporary left to reformulate citizenship more astutely within the confines of the perceptions of the-dominant political culture are examined.
6
Patterson, Lindsey Marie. "The Right to Access: Citizenship and Disability, 1950-1973". The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1342310475.
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Newman, Anne Rebecca. "A case for a right to education for equal citizenship /". May be available electronically:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.
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8
Leung, Moon-keung Thomas, e 梁滿強. "An analysis of the administrative and legal provisions relating to right of abode in Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31963912.
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Mulder, Idelette. "Realizing the right to housing". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/78584.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the South African context, the number of informal
settlements are increasing. A problem arises when
one observes the conditions that informal settlers
are forced to live in, which are diminishing livelihoods
and do not fulfill basic human needs. Informal
settlements are described as parts of a city that
have been neglected and that have been illegally
occupied by the urban poor (Huchzermeyer 2006:2).
South Africa is currently experiencing a major housing
backlog and sometimes the houses that are provided
don’t satisfy human needs. It is important to
provide elements that will improve the livelihoods
of the residents. Thus, the aim is to provide people
with elements that not only provide protection
against natural elements but also make a positive
contribution to the livelihoods of the residents.Mini Dissertation (MArch (Prof))--University of Pretoria, 2020.
Architecture
MArch (Prof)
Unrestricted
10
Mak, Hing-yee Vivian, e 麥慶儀. "Abode-right seekers in Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3197255X.
Testo completo
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Johns, Alecia. "Conceptualising political candidacy as a human right". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:652b8a54-2142-4c19-a2c3-0d176c3fb90b.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the justificatory basis of the right to candidacy, otherwise referred to as the right to stand for election, and assesses the implications of characterising political candidacy as a human right. It examines the extent of the right's legal recognition in international, regional and domestic human rights law with specific focus on the jurisprudence of the United States, Canada and the ECtHR. This dissertation then offers a theoretical justification for the existence of a moral right to candidacy in all liberal democracies. This justificatory account highlights how the following values and interests underlie the right to candidacy: dignity (as social recognition of one's equal moral status), autonomy, self-expression and self-development. It further examines the derivative justifications for the right to candidacy by outlining the extent to which it is necessary for the effective exercise of the right to vote, freedom of association and the maintenance of a common liberal culture. The correlative duties to which the right gives rise are also examined. It is argued that the right entails duties to respect, protect and fulfil. The duty to respect imposes a negative obligation on the State to refrain from imposing unjustifiable disqualifications or eligibility requirements for elective office. The duty to protect entails an obligation to safeguard against infringements of the right by political parties in their candidate selection processes. Thirdly, the duty to fulfil involves a positive obligation to organise and administer free and fair elections with a reasonably level playing field in which candidates may compete. This thesis subsequently explores the institutional implementation of these duties and how the values and interests underlying the right should help inform the scope and content of such duties in the jurisdictions specified above.
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Хачатрян, М. С. "Теоретико-правовой аспект права на гражданство". Thesis, Украинская академия банковского дела Национального банка Украины, 2009. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/60394.
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Wesemann, Anne. "Constitutional rights norms in the European Union legal framework : an analysis of European Union citizenship as a constitutional right". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/80444/.
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Tambakaki, Paulina Kalliopi. "On the future of democratic citizenship : the citizenship-human rights debate". Thesis, University of Westminster, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.433898.
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Ichikawa, Minako. "Citizenship, human rights, and state sovereignty in international relations : towards global citizenship?" Thesis, Keele University, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.411885.
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Nogueira, Mara. "Who has the right to remain in place? : informality, citizenship and belonging in Belo Horizonte, Brazil". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3669/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The thesis looks at three conflicts related to the 2014 World Cup preparation in Belo Horizonte, Brazil. In each of the cases, affected groups – informal workers, informal residents and middle-class citizens – engage with the state to claim rights over space. It examines how the entanglements between social class and legal/institutional developments engendered through “peripheral urbanisation” shape the capacities of those groups to affect formal/informal boundaries and have their demands legitimated. This research draws on the findings from a fieldwork in Belo Horizonte, which lasted eight months in total between 2014 and 2016 and involved archival research, participant observation and semi-structured interviews with relevant actors. Three cases are considered, which include: the Mineirão stadium redevelopment that displaced a group of informal workers while creating a conflict in a middle-class neighbourhood; the demolition of an informal settlement to make way for a transport infrastructure project; the construction of a hotel in a middle-class area against the will of local residents. The thesis presents three key findings. Firstly, the urban space production is affected by citizens’ capacity to engage with the state. While the state-society boundaries are blurry, citizens are unevenly empowered to have their demands validated and avoid displacement, i.e. the loss of place. Secondly, while informal residents have their rights partially recognised thanks to the “insurgent citizenship” struggles of the past, informal workers are not entitled to compensation because of the disassociation of work informality debates from spatial considerations. Finally, middle-class politics matter, as middle-class residents are better equipped to validate their claims and protect their place in the city. The research contributes to recent postcolonial debates on urban space production and informality. I show that both informal working and housing practices are interconnected through the place-making strategies of the urban poor as well as of the urban middle-class, all of which generate important implications for the reproduction of socio-spatial segregation and thinking of the Brazilian urban future.
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Vezzani, Giovanni. "European Muslims and Liberal Citizenship: Reconciliation through Public Reason: The Case of Tariq Ramadan's Citizenship Theory". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. https://dipot.ulb.ac.be/dspace/bitstream/2013/228062/4/Thesis.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study investigates the subject of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary Western European societies from the viewpoint of John Rawls’s political liberalism, in particular in light of the ‘idea of public reason’ [see John Rawls, Political Liberalism, expanded edition (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005) and the 1997 essay “The Idea of Public Reason Revisited,” originally published in University of Chicago Law Review 64 (1997), 765-807 and now included in Political Liberalism, expanded edition, 440-490]. By its very nature, political liberalism does not prescribe a single model for being Muslim in contemporary Europe. Thus, one may wonder if it is too vague as a point of departure for the analysis. On the other hand, however, here I argue that political liberalism specifies a peculiar evaluative framework that allows citizens to answer questions such as “What is politically at stake when citizens of Muslim faith are publicly presented as permanent aliens in contemporary European societies?”, “On what grounds is such exclusion based?”, and “What requirements can European citizens be reasonably expected to meet?” in a distinctively political way and, ideally, to solve the political and social problems from which those questions spring. In this research, I claim that public reason provides a common discursive platform that establishes the ground for a public political identity and for shared standards for social and political criticism. Together, these two elements solve the two dimensions of the problem of ‘stability for the right reasons’ (in Rawls’s terms) in contemporary European societies, because they secure both the political inclusion of Muslims on an equal footing as citizens and civic assurance that they will remain committed to fair terms of social cooperation. A joint solution of these two apparently conflicting demands of stability for the right reasons (i.e. inclusion and mutual assurance) requires an effort in political reconciliation. After having compared public reason citizenship with two prominent normative alternatives, I will conclude that the former is an adequate ideal conception of citizenship for European societies. Finally, I will apply the justificatory evaluative methodological framework (whose requirements I will specify starting from the idea of public reason itself) to a conception of citizenship elaborated by one of the most renowned Muslim public intellectuals in Europe: Tariq Ramadan. (I justify the choice of this author in sections 2.3 and 6.1). Such an evaluation sheds light on one of the main insights of this research, that is, the idea that public reason makes a decompression of the public space possible: it frees the public space from those forces that would prevent citizens from the possibility of exercising effectively their two moral powers (once more in Rawls’s words, the ‘capacity for a sense of justice and for a conception of the good’) as free equals. In this sense, public reason tries to reconcile ideal political consensus and the fact of reasonable pluralism on a public political ground. I believe that this is the deepest meaning of what Rawls calls ‘reconciliation through public reason’: its aspiration is to reabsorb reasonable pluralism politically without annihilating it.This research is structured in three parts: the first is methodological, the second is reconstructive, and the third is evaluative. Each part is composed of two chapters.In chapter one (“General Framework”), I begin from some empirical observations about the role of perceptions and identities in relation to the issue of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary Europe. I claim that from this point of view Islam seems to “make problem” in a very specific sense. This does not mean that Islam is a problem, but that Islam is frequently publicly presented and perceived as a problem. This is the background problem from which my work starts. Thus, I explore some dimensions of such a problem (see 1.1). Subsequently, I provide a more specific formulation of the research problem and questions and of the aims of this study. Then, the main research question (Q) is stated in these terms: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a ‘problem of mutual assurance’ [on which, see in particular Paul Weithman, Why Political Liberalism? On John Rawls’s Political Turn (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010)] concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? In order to answer this question, I also specify three sub-questions that I call respectively Q1, Q2, and Q3 (see 1.2).In chapter two (“Toward a Justificatory Evaluative Political Theory”), I firstly try to frame the problem of public justification within Rawls’s political liberalism (see 2.1). I then consider a specific approach to the question of Muslim citizenship in liberal democracies which can be adopted from a Rawlsian perspective: namely, reasoning from conjecture (see 2.2). Finally, I explain my own approach (which I call justificatory evaluative political theory) by means of comparison with the method of reasoning from conjecture (see 2.3). In presenting the evaluative framework specified from a political liberal standpoint, I point out three political liberal evaluative requirements: the reciprocity requirement (RR), the consistency requirement (CR), and the civility requirement (CiR).Chapter three (“What is Public Reason?”) deals with the history of the notion of public reason from Kant to Rawls and its enunciation within Rawls’s work (see 3.1 and 3.2 respectively). In doing so, I also identify three specifications for the three political liberal evaluative requirements considered in the second chapter. Furthermore, in chapter three I also unpack CR in three different dimensions (PR1, PR2, and PR3).Chapter four (“Public Reason and Religion. Reinterpreting the Duty of Civility”) completes the reconstructive stage by analysing Rawls’s ‘wide view’ of public reason and two major lines of objection to it (see 4.1). After having discussed such criticisms, I then introduce my own interpretation of the ‘proviso,’ which is structured around a two-level (or bifurcate) model of the ‘duty of civility’ (see 4.2).Chapter five (“Reconciliation through Public Reason: Justificatory Evaluative Political Theory between Modelling and Application”) bridges the second and the third part, that is, the reconstructive and the evaluative stage respectively. In the first section of the chapter, I summarise the political liberal evaluative requirements developed in the second part. In doing this, my purpose is to present my justificatory evaluative model of public reason citizenship (see 5.1). In the second section, I firstly argue that a conception of citizenship grounded in public reason is not only possible in existing European societies, but also preferable if compared with alternative conceptions (I consider liberal multiculturalism and Cécile Laborde’s critical republicanism [Cécile Laborde, Critical Republicanism: The Hijab Controversy and Political Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008)]) with reference to the problem under scrutiny in this research. In conclusion, I show that public reason citizenship is able to solve the theoretical problem and the main research question mentioned above: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a problem of mutual assurance concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? In the final part of chapter five, I try to demonstrate that public reason citizenship can both include Muslim citizens and solve the assurance problem because it provides both shared standards for political criticism and a common political identity on the basis of which citizens politically recognise one another as free equals. If my argument succeeds, then public reason citizenship not only could but also should be adopted as the ideal conception of citizenship in European societies (see 5.2).In the sixth chapter (“Tariq Ramadan’s European Muslims and Public Reason”) I apply the evaluative framework based on public reason to the conception of citizenship for Muslims in Europe developed by Tariq Ramadan. (According to a principle introduced in chapter two which I call the “plausibility principle” PP, I argue that Ramadan’s theory of citizenship can be plausibly presented as a “European Muslim” approach to the issue of citizenship, see 6.1). The purpose of such an evaluative work is twofold. Firstly, it aims at examining whether and how the idea of public reason accounts for a version of European citizenship for Muslims coming from Muslims themselves. Secondly, it aims at disclosing whether what such a Muslim conception of citizenship in Europe says about the two dimensions of ‘stability for the right reasons’ of the system of social cooperation (namely, inclusion and ‘mutual assurance’) is consistent with the provisions of public reason citizenship (see 6.2-6.5).Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
N.B. 1) Le lieu de défense de la thèse en cotutelle est ROME (Luiss Guido Carli)2) L'affiliation du co-promoteur de la thèse en cotutelle (Sebastiano Maffettone) est: LUISS Guido Carli
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
18
Brömdal, Annette. "Intersex - A Challenge for Human Rights and Citizenship Rights". Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-890.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose with this dissertation is to study the Intersex phenomenon in South Africa, meaning the interplay between the dual sex and gender norms in society. Hence, the treatment by some medical institutions and the view of some non-medical institutions upon this ‘treatment’, have been studied in relation to the Intersex infant’s human rights and citizenship rights. The thesis has moreover also investigated how young Intersex children are included/excluded and mentioned/not mentioned within South Africa’s legal system and within UN’s Convention on the Rights of the Child.
Furthermore, because Intersex children are viewed as ‘different’ on two accounts – their status as infants and born with an atypical congenital physical sexual differentiation, the thesis’ theoretical framework looks at the phenomenon from three perspectives – ‘the politics of difference’, human rights, and citizenship rights directed towards infants. The theoretical frameworks have been used to ask questions in relation to the empirical data, i.e. look at how the Intersex infants are ‘treated’ in relation to their status as ‘different’; and also in relation to the concept of being recognized, respected and allowed to partake in deciding whether to impose surgery or not. Moreover, what ‘treatment’ serves the best interest of the Intersex child? This has been done through semi structured interviews.
In conclusion, some of the dissertation’s most important features are that since the South African society, like many other societies, strongly live by the belief that there are only two sexes and genders, this implies that Intersex infants do not fit in and become walking pathologies who must be ‘fixed’ to become ‘normal’. Moreover, since most genital corrective surgeries are imposed without being medically or surgically necessary, and are generally imposed before the age of consent (18), the children concerned, are generally not asked for their opinion regarding the surgery. Lastly because early corrective surgery can have devastating life lasting consequences, this ultimately means that the child’s human rights and citizenship rights are of a concern. These conclusions do however not ignore the consequences one has to endure for the price of being ‘different’.
19
Abbay, Futsum. "Disability rights in Africa: towards citizenship approach". Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=114183.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis evaluates the status of the rights of persons with disabilities in the African context drawing from international, regional and national perspectives. It assesses the adequacy and effectiveness of the existing legal frameworks in Africa for achieving the full citizenship rights of persons with disabilities. It uses the concept of citizenship to justify and advocate for the protection and promotion of the rights of persons with disabilities. The thesis begins by reviewing various theoretical and conceptual models of disability rights and the emergence of anti-discrimination rights and the duty to accommodate in various jurisdictions. It then examines significant developments in international human rights law, culminating in the coming into force of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. I underscore the shift that has occurred away from a biomedical/charity model of disability towards a human rights and citizenship-based paradigm. In the African context, however, this shift has not yet occurred. I argue that the existing regional legal framework in Africa does not provide adequate legal protections and guarantees for safeguarding the human rights of persons with disabilities. The African regional human rights instruments often portray persons with disabilities as recipients of care, assistance and rehabilitation services, replicating the perspective of the individual/bio-medical model. The progress towards a human rights approach to disability rights in Africa has been very slow. I suggest that the African Union should adopt a separate and specific convention or protocol on the rights of persons with disabilities in Africa. At the national level, many African states have disability-related laws that continue to reflect attitudes rooted in the individual/bio-medical model. To date, many African states have not enacted laws that meaningfully respect and protect disability human rights. I argue that states should primarily be responsible for ensuring the full citizenship status of persons with disabilities. I maintain that persons with disabilities should be reasonably accommodated to meet their needs in all circumstances in order to attain this objective. Otherwise, eliminating the exclusion, marginalization and discrimination experienced by persons with disabilities will remain an unfulfilled dream.Cette thèse évalue le statut des droits des personnes handicapées dans le contexte Africain, en puisant dans des perspectives internationales, régionales et nationales. Elle étudie également l'adéquation et l'efficacité des cadres légaux existants actuellement en Afrique pour établir les pleins droits civils des personnes handicapées.La thèse commence par passer en revue plusieurs modèles théoriques et conceptuels des droits des personnes handicapées et l'émergence de droits antidiscriminatoires et du devoir d'accommodation dans plusieurs juridictions. Elle examine ensuite les développements significatifs dans le droit international de la personne, culminant avec l'entrée en vigueur de la Convention relative aux droits des personnes handicapées. À cet égard, je souligne le changement qui s'est opéré en passant d'un modèle biomédical/charité vers un paradigme basé sur les droits des personnes handicapées et la citoyenneté. Dans le contexte Africain, ce changement n'a en revanche pas encore eu lieu. Je soutiens que le cadre légal régional présentement en place en Afrique n'offre pas de protection légale ou de garanties pour la protection des droits des personnes handicapées adéquates. Les instruments régionaux Africains des droits de la personne décrivent souvent les personnes handicapées comme des receveurs d'aide, d'assistance et de services de réhabilitation, reproduisant ainsi la perspective du modèle individuel/biomédical. L'évolution vers une approche des droits de la personne pour les personnes handicapées en Afrique est très lente. Je suggère que l'Union Africaine devrait adopter une convention ou un protocole séparé et spécifique aux droits des personnes handicapées en Afrique. De même, au niveau national, de nombreuses nations Africaines légifèrent des lois sur le handicap qui continuent de refléter des attitudes ancrées dans le modèle individuel/biomédical. Présentement, de nombreux pays Africains n'ont pas adopté de lois qui respectent et protègent de façon significative les droits des personnes handicapées. Je soutiens que les états devraient être principalement responsables d'assurer le plein statut de citoyen des personnes handicapées. Je maintiens que les personnes handicapées devraient être raisonnablement accommodées pour pourvoir à leurs besoins en toutes circonstances pour atteindre cet objectif. Sinon, l'élimination de l'exclusion, de la marginalisation et de la discrimination envers les personnes handicapées restera un rêve inachevé.
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Rodina, Lyudmila Alekseeva. "Lived notions of citizenship and the human right to water in Site C, Khayelitsha, Cape Town, South Africa". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/45372.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
South Africa has been undergoing significant changes over the past three decades with the dismantlement of the apartheid state, followed by a series of socio-political and economic changes. The structural transformation of the new democratic South Africa has been accompanied by many progressive developments for which the country has been widely praised - but also critiqued. Major elements of this transformation have been improving service delivery for formerly marginalized populations and redressing structural historical inequalities. The main goal of this work is to investigate how these changes affect on-the-ground realities in areas of Cape Town, South Africa, by focusing on the micro level, namely on communities and individuals in marginalized urban areas. This manuscript-based thesis is founded on Master’s research conducted in 2012, with a follow up in 2013, in Site C, Khayelitsha, a partly informal township in Cape Town, South Africa. It investigates the conditions of water access in Site C, the different meanings people attach to water access as well as associated implications for experiences of the human right to water and citizenship more broadly. Chapter 2 analyzes the ways in which the post-apartheid state is encountered in Site C through access to services, and water in particular. It traces the significance of service delivery to previously marginalized populations, such as informal settlements and black townships, as foundational in defining the relationships these populations have with the post-apartheid state. This chapter concludes that these relationships vary significantly along the lines of formality, whereby the housing formalization process contributes to the marginalization of shack dwellers. Chapter 3 focuses more specifically on the human right to water, for which South Africa has been widely praised in both academic and policy realms. This chapter adopts a “lived notions of rights” conceptualization and draws attention to the material conditions as well as the emotive and discursive meanings of water access for residents of Site C. This thesis contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the everyday lived dimensions of relative marginalization, proceeding alongside the housing formalization process in Cape Town and South Africa as a whole.
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Cherry-McDaniel, Monique Gabrielle. "Call Me By My Right Name: The Politics of African American Women and Girls Negotiating Citizenship and Identity". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1344022629.
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Ahmadzadeh, Nasim. "Sweden’s unveiled asylum process : Beyond the dichotomies of citizenship and non-citizenship". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-201455.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis aims to bring to light the perceptions of mentalities of government through the eyes of unaccompanied asylum-seeking minors in Sweden. It also seeks to offer some insight and reflections from a custodian perspective. Unaccompanied asylum-seeking children that come to Sweden are entitled to the same rights as the children holding citizenships in Sweden. The right to be heard and listened to is enshrined in the Convention of the Rights of the Child and holds great value during the asylum-process. Thus, the enforcement of these rights, among other rights, shows to be challenging in practice when scrutinizing the asylum process. With a pluralistic theoretical approach, leaning on the works of Hannah Arendt and Jacques Derrida, along with the narratives shared by the informants, this study aims to uncover the probabilities of feeling helpless during the asylum process, it also seeks to explore how mechanisms of power relations and control are configured according to the informants. Most laws regarding securing rights for refugees are formed by international organizations and constituted by national politicians. These laws operate to gain control at the hand of legality, thus the restrictiveness has been at the expense of the child’s best interest. As I believe more initiatives should be taken within the field of migration policy, by having unaccompanied asylum-seeking children as the point of departure, this study is an endeavor to help give them a voice.
23
Chan, Ka Ki. "Is citizenship sexual? : the study of the exercise of citizenship of non-heterosexuals in Hong Kong". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1517.
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Hall, Stephen John. "Nationality, migration rights and citizenship of the Union". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359693.
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Ferguson, Clare. "Reproductive rights and citizenship : family planning in Zimbabwe". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1540/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this thesis, the relevance and practical value of discourses about reproductive rights to women living in a rural area of Zimbabwe are examined. Policy documents indicate that the Zimbabwe National Family Planning Council's (ZNFPC's) community based distribution service is based on principles of respect for particular definitions of reproductive rights and, concomitantly, a degree of women's reproductive self determination. In contrast, recent analyses of post Independence government action suggest that, as citizens of Zimbabwe, women are generally defined as dependants of men. This raises questions about the impact of the context of women's citizenship on the interpretation and realisation of reproductive rights through the family planning programme. Field work data focuses on the interpretation of policy and the consequent practices of local level health workers as well as women's interactions with health workers and their implications for reproductive self determination within household relations. It is suggested that health workers' actions result in the differential realisation of reproductive rights for particular social groups. Health worker relations with clients, in turn, reinforce differences between women in terms of the extent to which they are able to exercise reproductive self-determination within household relations. State employed health workers, in effect, act as policemen of private reproductive decision making. The use of an analytical framework of rights and citizenship highlights the relatively neglected issue of the political system in which family planning programmes are embedded. It is argued that health worker accountability to village populations is as important as the content of policy in determining the realisation and practical value of discourses about reproductive rights to rural women.
26
Gore, Cortes Sarah. "Immigration, citizenship rights and national identity in Catalunya". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22258.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation explores links between immigration into Catalunya and Catalan nationalism. This topic is important since sixty percent of present day Catalans are immigrants, or their descendants. In this light the following questions are investigated: How has immigration influenced conceptions of Catalunya as a nation? How has Catalan nationalism managed to include these members of its society in the Catalan project? What is 'the Catalan model of integration'? How is the more recent immigration from outside the European Union viewed? How has the notion of 'integration' been translated into citizenship for these immigrants? And, how do immigrants themselves view this process of 'integration'? Earlier literature on immigration in Spain and Catalunya tended to focus on understanding Spain's new role as a country of immigration. These studies were mostly policy-driven and quantitative. Their main aim was to provide a map of immigration in terms of numbers, places of origin and settlement, gender and sectors of employment. This dissertation aims to provide a more historical and wider analysis of the phenomenon. The historical roots of immigration are examined in order to understand the present situation; a more qualitative approach is taken with reference to immigrants' views and experiences; and finally it links issues of immigration to wider debates surrounding citizenship rights and Catalan nationalism. The main results of the dissertation can be summarised as follows: First, Catalan nationalism has been fairly successful in including immigrants in its project; this has been possible because of its civic nature. Accordingly, a person who 'lives and works in Catalunya' is defined as a Catalan. Likewise, the Catalan language has become a core symbol of Catalan nationalism and a key instrument of integration in to Catalan society. Second, an analysis of the debates surrounding 'historic immigration' highlights the way in which the 'Catalan model of integration' developed.
27
Maswikwa, Belinda. "Limits of citizenship : a comparative analysis of Zimbabwean and South African women's citizenship agency". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97111.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Developmental initiatives in Sub-Saharan Africa emphasise participatory citizenship as the means through which poor women can assert and claim their citizenship rights. Although citizenship and agency are crucial elements in this narrative, little is known about the citizenship process for African women. Furthermore, there is no analytic framework to guide an empirical analysis of agency. This dissertation aims to address these gaps by examining how marginalised Black African women understand themselves as citizens, navigate their structural barriers and develop strategies to negotiate their membership in and relationship with their states. This dissertation uses a deviant case analysis of women living in Zimbabwean and South African townships, who identify as members of the isiNdebele and isiZulu ethnic groups respectively, to Western theories of agency. Data was collected through the use of in-depth interviews and analysed using content and relational analysis. Results indicate that the women use a range of everyday resistance strategies to negotiate their relationship with their states. These strategies are mapped onto an innovative analytic framework that synthesizes feminist, androcentric and subaltern theories of citizenship agency, in order to highlight the non-conventional ways that marginalised African women exercise their agency as citizens. Interestingly, both sets of women emphasise the obligation to vote, work and support oneself without recourse to the state, rather than a reciprocal and participatory relationship. The internalisation of citizenship as an obligation without a corollary emphasis on rights and participation is problematic given that both governments suffer from legitimacy, corruption and governance issues. The main policy implication arising from the study is that there is a need for civic education in schools as well as a feature of women‟s empowerment and community development programs so that marginalised African women are encouraged to expand their participatory skills to collectively challenge, contest and improve the substance of existing citizenship rights.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ontwikkelinginisiatiewe in Afrika beklemtoon deelnemende burgerskap as ʼn manier hoe arm vroue hul regte kan eis. Hoewel burgerskap en die agentskap (agency) belangrik in hierdie verhaal is, weet ons baie min oor hoe swart vroue burgerskap ervaar. Verder is daar geen analitiese raamwerk om 'n empiriese ontleding van hul agentskap te lei nie. Die proefskrif spreek hierdie gapings aan deur ʼn ondersoek oor hoe arm swart vroue in Afrika hulself as burgers verstaan, hoe hul strukturele hindernisse navigeer en strategieë ontwikkel om hul lidmaatskap van en verhouding tot die staat te onderhandel. Hierdie proefskrif gebruik ʼn vergelykende gevallestudie benadering wat vroue wat in Zimbabwe en Suid-Afrika in “townships” woon en wat hulself as isiNdebele en isiZulu identifiseer na te vors. Data is verkry deur die gebruik van in-diepte onderhoude, inhouds- en verwantskapsanalise. Die resultate dui aan dat vroue ʼn reeks strategieë gebruik vir “daaglikse weerstand” om hul verhouding met die staat te onderhandel. Hierdie strategieë word gekarteer op die innoverende analitiese raamwerk, wat ʼn sintese is van feministiese, androsentriese en subalterne teorieë van burgerskap, om sodoende die nie-konvensionele maniere waarop swart vroue hul agentskap uitoefen te beklemtoon. Beide groepe vroue beklemtoon die verpligting om te stem, werk en om jouself te onderhou sonder hulp van die staat, eerder as om ʼn wederkerige en deelnemende verhouding met die staat te beoefen. Die internalisering van burgerskap as ʼn verpligting sonder die wederkerige nadruk op regte en deelname is problematies. Dit kan gekoppel word aan die feit dat albei regerings gebuk gaan onder legitimiteitsprobleme, korrupsie en probleme rondom regeerkunde, wat vrae genereer oor hoe om hierdie regerings verantwoordbaar te hou. Die hoof beleidsimplikasie van hierdie studie is die daarstelling van burgerlike onderwys in skole, sowel as vroue se bemagtiging in ontwikkelingsprogramme. Dit sal bydra daartoe dat gemarginaliseerde swart vroue aangemoedig word om hul vaardighede rondom deelname te ontwikkel en die substansie van hul bestaande burgerskap kollektief uit te daag en te verbeter.
28
Ammaturo, Francesca Romana. "Multisexual citizenship and human rights : questioning the space of citizenship for LGBTI persons beyond liberty and equality". Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2015. http://research.gold.ac.uk/11456/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The emergence of the human rights of individuals defined as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersexual (LGBTI) has caused a questioning of the reliability of a system of protection of human rights resting on heteronormativity and the enforcement of a strict male-female dichotomy. It has also pushed scholars to ask who is the contemporary subject of human rights. This thesis builds on the acknowledgement of this tension in order to investigate, in the context of the Council of Europe, the process by which LGBTI individuals are created as subjects of human rights. It is argued that law and politics play a concerted productive role in constituting the subjects that they wish to protect, thus promoting adherence to rigid identity categories in order to become intelligible before the law. This endeavour will be carried out by analysing both outstanding case law from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) concerning sexual orientation and gender identity, as well as using ethnographic observation carried out at the Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe in 2010. The thesis analyses the process by which the subject of human rights is produced and granted legal intelligibility in Strasbourg. Simultaneously, it also explores viable alternatives to the categorisation of individuals in terms of sexual orientation and/or gender identities in the socio-juridical field. In this regard, citizenship represents the privileged domain of inquiry, where identities are articulated, rights are allocated and exclusionary practices are enacted. The concept of “multisexual citizenship” serves to explore models of citizenship that can transcend national borders, also encompassing multiple forms of identification and socio-political and cultural allegiances. As a result of this process of transformation of citizenship, an inevitable and radical metamorphosis of human rights is also anticipated, beyond the current narrow framework of formal equality and freedom.
29
Gonzalez, Paola Andrea. "Water, Sanitation, and Citizenship: Perceptions of Water Scarcity, Reuse, and Sustainability in Valparaiso de Goias, Brazil". Scholar Commons, 2017. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7403.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Access to reliable water and sanitation are two important goals to improve livelihoods around the world. Providing access to improved and safe water resources that are equitable and appropriate to local needs is important to improve sustainability long-term. In addition, framing access to water and sanitation as basic human rights is often used as a rationale in developing new water, sanitation, and hygiene interventions in developing countries around the world. But not all countries consider access to safe water and sanitation as a human right. In the thesis, the politics of improving and investment in water access and sanitation provision are considered. The socio-cultural impacts of lack of sanitation in the lives of residents of Valparaiso de Goias, Brazil are explored. During a period of nine months, I also assessed perceptions of water scarcity and insecurity, and documented ideas of water reuse and sustainability in the area. I found that access to water and sanitation are not viewed as human rights, but as part of a discourse of citizenship and a social right. These services are viewed as a responsibility of the State to its residents because they are Brazilian and because it ensures improved livelihoods for the country’s residents. I also found that access to wastewater treatment infrastructure varied throughout the city, though treatment of wastewater remains very important to the study site community. In addition, the feasibility of implementing sustainable alternatives to address community needs is unlikely, given the infrastructural, financial, and space constraints. Political will and support have an important role in increasing and improving access to sanitation infrastructure. Perceptions of water scarcity varied between local residents and water service providers and other professionals interviewed. Though water is not perceived as scarce, Valparaiso and the Federal District of Brazil are located in a water stressed area, and are therefore more susceptible to water shortages and decreased water availability. Finally, community-based solutions to address water shortages should be included in the expansion of water reservoirs to collect rainwater, the usage of fines and bonuses to encourage appropriate water consumption.
30
Yesmin, Shova Tahmina. "Liberal Citizenship in a Multicultural Society : Brian Barry's and William Galston's Approaches to Citizenship". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för kultur och kommunikation, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-138441.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis demonstrates a comparative and analytic discussion of citizenship idea based on two distinct liberal doctrines of two contemporary political philosophers: Brian Barry and William Galston. Barry's egalitarian liberalism argues for 'common citizenship' notion in order to promote liberty and equal treatment of all individuals irrespective of any social differences. On the other hand, 'liberal pluralist citizenship' of William Galston's signifies his liberal pluralism to mitigate cultural and religious conflicts of liberal democratic society. The fundamental disagreements among these liberal approaches over the issues of public recognition of group rights and restricted state authority are analysed in this study. Finally, by analysing both the liberal positions under the challenge of multicultural issues the author defends Galston's liberal idea and judges it as more convincing than Barry's liberal approach.
31
Belton, Kristy. "THE GREAT DIVIDE: CITIZENSHIP AND STATELESSNESS". Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2005. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3747.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis investigates the implications of State control of citizenship upon the individual's ability to choose membership in a given State polity. It briefly examines how States gained absolute control over the granting, denying and revoking of citizenship and demonstrates how the acquisition of citizenship and statelessness are both State-determined statuses. The repercussions of statelessness at the individual, regional and global levels are presented to demonstrate the severity of being unable to choose a citizenship. Efforts made by States and the international community to prevent and reduce statelessness are examined in order to illustrate the lack of prioritization given to the subject of statelessness, and possible courses of action for States and the United Nations to undertake in order to better address this topic are introduced. The thesis concludes that citizenship is a human right and that States need to consider individual choice concerning citizenship matters. If such choice is not taken into account with regard to State membership, States will be performing a disservice to citizens, the stateless, and the system of States.M.A.
Department of Political Science
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
32
Borgmann-Prebil, Yuri. "A rights approach to European constitutionalism and European citizenship". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439172.
Testo completo
33
Parola, Giulia. "Environmental democracy : rights and duties for a new citizenship". Paris 5, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA05D008.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La fonction principale de l'État est d'agir au nom de l'intérêt public, du bien-être de la population et du développement économique. L'intérêt public prend avec la crise environnementale une dimension nouvelle qui est celle de la survie du genre humain dans un cadre de développement durable. D'un point de vue juridique émergent une série de questions : de quelle façon le droit, les institutions juridiques et l'organisation politique peuvent-elles empêcher les dommages à l'environnement et la menace d'une destruction des ressources naturelles qui permettent à l'homme de vivre. De quelle manière les États et leurs citoyens peuvent-ils s'organiser pour répondre à la crise environnementale ? Quelle place et quels moyens (juridiques) accorder à la société civile dans ce cadre ? Quelles limites mettre à son action ?La solution devant l'étendue des atteintes à l'environnement d'ores et déjà réalisés pourrait être de construire un nouveau modèle d'État et de modifier le comportement des citoyens. Selon ce modèle, l'État devrait, à chaque fois qu'il assume une décision, considérer et évaluer les possibles répercussions sur l'environnement et, dans le cadre de ce processus d'évaluation et de décision, il lui reviendrait de créer les meilleures conditions de la participation des citoyens. La thèse propose, dans son Chapitre I, de construire une démocratie environnementale d'abord dans une perspective théorique et dans les deux chapitres qui suivent d'étudier dans quelle mesure les structures juridiques actuelles au niveau international et européen ont déjà évolué vers une démocratie environnementale. En particulier, l'objectif du Chapitre I, dans une perspective théorique, a été de cerner le concept de démocratie Environnementale et ses éléments : sa forme, son champ, ses acteurs. Du point de vue de la forme, une démocratie environnementale doit comprendre des éléments dérivant de la démocratie participative et délibérative et en ce qui concerne son champ, il s'agit de construire cette nouvelle démocratie à tous les niveaux: niveau global et niveau local. Ensuite, la thèse a examiné les acteurs de cette démocratie environnementale, individus, associations, et l'analyse s'est concentrée sur les droits et devoirs "environnementaux" qui pourraient contribuer, une fois ceux-ci reconnus, à transformer les comportements des citoyens. A l'aune des résultats du premier chapitre, l'objectif du deuxième chapitre a été d'examiner si et comment, au niveau international il est actuellement tenté de construire une démocratie environnementale au travers des traités internationaux. L'objectif du troisième chapitre, aussi à l'aune des résultats du premier chapitre, a été d'examiner si et comment, au niveau européen il est actuellement tenté de construire une démocratie environnementale au travers la législation communautaireThe idea of an Environmental Democracy comes from the attempt of seeking a theoretical legal solution without twisting the political system and finding a different way to use the democratic concept and tool. In order to achieve this objective. Chapter I "Environmental Democracy: A Theoretical Construction" presents the conceptual building blocks of this thesis' approach, suggesting the possible transformation of the actual political and legal structures into an "Environmental Democracy". Before speaking about the elements - form, space and actors - which compose Environmental Democracy, it is necessary to analyze in Section I of this Chapter, titled "Environmental Democracy", what the notions of "Democracy" and "Environment" in the thesis'prospective encompass. The second point, which is studied in the Section II of Chapter I, called "The Actors of Environmental Democracy: The Environmental and Ecological Citizen". Every individual has to rediscover what environmental rights are, whichcomes from the fact that he exists as a human being and that also without their explicit granting, that those rights nevertheless exist beyond. In the same time, just as with regard to environmental rights, also ecological duties exist beyond any recognition. In other words, from the mere fact that we are alive, we have rights and duties vis-à-vis ourselves and Earth. It is just a status, the life status. Environmental Democracy should be implemented at a global and local level to better answer to global and local environmental problems. In the light of the theoretical construction of Environmental Democracy and its elements, Chapter II, titled "Environmental Democracy in an International Context", examines Environmental Democracy at the global level by referring to international legal instruments and Chapter III, namely "Environmental Democracy in a European Context", examines Environmental Democracy at local level by referring to European Union Law. Both Chapters present therefore a synopsis of the provisions of two branches of law, international law and European Community law, which regulate or concern directly or indirectly the construction of an Environmental Democracy
34
VEZZANI, GIOVANNI. "European Muslims and liberal citizenship: reconciliation through public reason: the case of Tariq Ramadan’s citizenship theory". Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201103.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
What is politically at stake when citizens of Muslim faith are publicly presented as permanent aliens in contemporary European societies? On what grounds is such exclusion or ‘externalisation’ based? What
requirements can European citizens be reasonably expected to meet? This research analyses the subject of
Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary European societies from the perspective of normative political theory, and
more precisely from the viewpoint of John Rawls’s political liberalism, in particular in light of the idea of public reason. Whilst recent contributions in political philosophy analysing the question of citizenship of Muslims in liberal democracies from a Rawlsian standpoint have mainly focussed on the notion of an overlapping consensus, the implications of the concept of public reason on that same issue are largely unexplored. This study tries to fill
such a gap in the literature. In chapter one, I begin by framing what I call the “background problem” of the research,
namely, the claim that “Islam in Europe makes problem” and its different dimensions. I then reframe the question
under scrutiny by presenting in greater theoretical detail the problem investigated and the main research question:
Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western
European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a
problem of mutual assurance concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those
societies can be stable for the right reasons? My central thesis is that the idea of public reason provides a common
discursive platform which establishes the ground for both a public political identity for citizens and shared
standards for social and political criticism. I also argue that political liberalism specifies a peculiar evaluative
framework that allows citizens to answer the above-mentioned questions in a distinctively political way. In the
first part, I thus develop my “justificatory evaluative” methodological approach based on public reason (chapter
two). In the second part (chapters three and four), I reconstruct the idea of public reason and specify the
fundamental requirements of the justificatory evaluative approach. In the third part, I firstly attempt to demonstrate
that, with reference to the problem at hand, public reason citizenship is normatively more appealing than two
alternative ideal conceptions of citizenship, namely ‘critical republicanism’ and liberal multiculturalism (chapter
five); secondly, I apply the evaluative framework to the conception of citizenship elaborated by one of the most
renowned Muslim intellectuals in Europe: Tariq Ramadan. The purpose of such evaluation is twofold. Firstly, it
aims at examining whether and how the idea of public reason accounts for a version of European citizenship for
Muslims coming from Muslims themselves. Secondly, it aims at disclosing whether what such a Muslim
conception of citizenship in Europe says about the two dimensions of ‘stability for the right reasons’ of the system
of social cooperation (namely, inclusion and mutual assurance) is consistent with the provisions of public reason
citizenship.
35
Nazemi, Shahriar. "Revocation of Citizenship in Canada: A Criminological Reading of a Tension Between Rights and Obligations in Conceptions of Citizenship". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38999.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research explores the political debates surrounding changes in the law regulating citizenship revocation in Canada and how they reflect the tensions in the meaning of citizenship for dual national citizens. Borrowing from citizenship studies and critical criminology, the main argument in this thesis is that Bill C-24 seems to be an attempt on part of the Conservative Party to recalibrate the meaning of citizenship from a more liberal understanding (based on civic rights) to one that is more republican (based on civic duty). This research also demonstrates how this recalibration in the conception of citizenship from a more liberal notion to a more republican one parallels the shift
in crime control policies of the state that were geared more toward prioritizing the welfare and equality of all citizens under the law in the 1960s-70s to ones that are presently oriented toward punishment, control and management of “dangerous groups”. The scholarly literature suggests that the modern conception of citizenship tends to draw from the republican and liberal traditions that are complementary but are also in tension, and the recent political discussions surrounding citizenship involves arguing for the best balance between rights and responsibilities of citizens. The analysis of the parliamentary debates surrounding Bill C-24 reveals that, in light of Canada’s current political landscape that is heavily influenced by penal-populist notions of punishing the
offender populations and making “responsibilized” citizens, the pendulum of citizenship is generally being tilted toward the republican model (based on restoration of civic duties of citizens to the state and their fellow citizens) more so than the liberal model (based on preserving the welfare, liberty and equality of all citizens under the law).
36
Moosa-Mitha, Mehmoona. "Citizenship rights of sexually exploited children : self, dignity and power". Thesis, University of Southampton, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403817.
Testo completo
37
WINOGRAD, BIANCA. "WARRIOR WOMEN IN POOR COMMUNITIES: A STRUGGLE TOWARD CITIZENSHIP RIGHTS". PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2006. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=9462@1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Este estudo visa mostrar que a experiência de mulheres pobres e anônimas que se destacam por trabalhos sociais em suas comunidades pode nos revelar várias questões plurais dentro de um conjunto supostamente homogêneo. As mulheres escolhidas neste estudo se destacaram através da resistência individual, ou por não se submeter aos padrões sociais que tentam impedir sua inserção em espaços supostamente privilegiados, e da persistência em fazer de trabalhos sociais um caminho de luta rumo à conquista plena de seus direitos enquanto cidadãs. Talvez, ao final deste estudo, se consiga contribuir com a história social das Mulheres no Brasil. O jogo social de consentimentos e conflitos invisíveis que aparece na luta de poder entre as próprias mulheres raramente é exposto como nessa oportunidade em que mulheres pobres e faveladas têm de contar sua história. Para além da visão clássica da condição feminina que uniformiza mulheres e homens, este estudo pretende mostrar os deslocamento destas posições dicotômicas de gênero que englobam questões de raça / etnia, classe e geração.
This study doesn't seek to portray histories of heroines and of executioners, but show that the women's experience can reveal us several plural subjects of a group supposedly homogeneous. The chosen women in this study, got if it highlights through the individual resistance in not submitting to the effective social patterns that try to impede their inserts supposedly in spaces privileged and of the persistence in doing a fight road of their social works heading for the full conquest of their rights while citizens. Maybe, at the end of this study, I get to contribute with the social history of the Women in Brazil putting in prominence the social game of consents and invisible conflicts that appear in the fight of power also among the own women, because rarely, the poor and slum dwellers women have the opportunity to count their history. For besides the classic vision of the feminine condition that it equalizes women and men, this study intends to show the displacement of these divided positions gender that include race / ethno, class and generation.
38
Roark, Kendall L. "Authenticity, Citizenship and Accommodation: LGBT Rights in a Red State". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/168269.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AnthropologyPh.D.
"Authenticity, Citizenship and Accommodation: LGBT Rights in a Red State" examines the discourse around volunteerism, exceptionalism, and queer citizenship that emerged within the context of a statewide (anti-gay) ballot initiative campaign in the American Southwest. I argue that the ways in which local volunteers and activists define themselves and their attempts to defeat the ballot initiative is tied to the struggle over the authority to represent local LGBT organizational culture and an emergent New West identity. In such a way, local debates over authentic western lifestyles that divide regional communities intertwine with intergenerational debates over gay liberation and rights frameworks, and the polarized discourse on blue and red states which have dominated the U.S. political climate of the past decade. While statewide campaign leaders with a base in Phoenix (the state capital) focused on polling data and messaging in order to stop the passage of the amendment, many Tucson activists and organizational leaders tied to the LGBT community center sought to strategize a long-term grassroots approach to change hearts and minds. Within this debate over campaign strategy and internal decision-making, both groups drew attention to the differences between the metropolitan areas. This regional example speaks to the ways in which established theoretical frameworks anthropologists utilize to understand social movements may prove insufficient for understanding the diversity that exists within the everyday processes of collective action. The internal messaging war that spilled outside of the confines of the campaign steering committee meetings into the pages of the statewide gossip and newspaper editorial sections also speaks to the ways in which official declarations of ideological stance should not be taken as the actual intent of those seeking change. One may shape one's personal story to be on message, choose to defy those constraints, or use the rhetorical strategy of the message without actually committing to the underlying premise. The broader national concerns are localized symbolically in the notion of blue and red counties, but also take on a regional flavor in the satirical call to statehood for the Southern Arizona. Here issues of authenticity emerge not only within the context of the campaign disputes around messaging, and by extension, who has the right to speak for and about the LGBT organizational community, but also in the realm of derisive banter that travels back and forth between the two major metropolitan areas over what it means to live an authentic western lifestyle. Within the southern metropolis, this discourse is framed by the notion that the western desert is a different sort of place, with a different sort of people and way of life that is threatened by snowbirds, retirees, Midwestern lifestyles and corporate interests. Often Phoenix to the north is seen as a representation of all these negative influences. In addition, Center-based activists and volunteers, describe their southern city in idealistic terms as an oasis for LGBT community, artists, activists, migrants, refugees, and all manner of progressive politics. Memory enacted through the telling of one's story at a Coming Out Day testimonial, political rallies and in dialogue with an anthropologist are shaped by these notions of difference. These notions of difference also emerge as a pattern in the narrative construction of space, violence and memory within activist life histories. These life histories in turn reveal a fragment of local LGBT organizational culture, in which the process of professionalization transforms the meaning of community, and the act of representation transforms the role of activist into that of the citizen volunteer. The community center in this sense is a memorialization of community and movement culture, and by idealizing what came before it masks material conditions at the same time that it offers up the potential of a more radical present/future. While the community center, Tucson and Pima County are coded as oases of safety, this image is continually disrupted by counter narratives, including the state-wide campaign to stop the marriage amendment; local support for the Protect Marriage and anti-immigrant amendments; and evidence of on-going violence directed against racial, ethnic and religious minorities and those who transgress hetero and gender normative expectations. These disruptions however appear to be cyclical in that they allow both professionals and concerned community members (citizen volunteers) to rally together in a show of strength and solidarity and in so doing represent the authentic, legitimate community. However, these disruptions may also allow for counter narratives to enter into public discourse, thereby offering up a more radical envisioning of community beyond the limits of LGBT organizational culture.
Temple University--Theses
39
Dee, Michael John. "Young people, public space and citizenship". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2008. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16664/1/Mike_Dee_Thesis.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The use of public space by young people raises issues in Australia and elsewhere in the world. Contests occur between the disparate players seeking a stake in the use and definition of public space. State and local government, young people, the security industry, shop owners, community groups and property developers are some of the major players. In a context of monitoring and control procedures, young people's use of public space is often viewed as a threat to social order (Loader 1996, Crane and Dee 2001, White 1998).
This study considers critical intersections between young people and the control of public space. It employs an analysis of relevant youth, citizenship and public space theories. Particular attention focuses on the concepts of political, civil and social citizenship formulated by the British sociologist T.H. Marshall, whose key text Citizenship and Social Class (1950), is still relevant (see Yeatman 1994, France 1997, Mann 1995, Manning and Ryan 2004).
Grounded Theory methodology as discussed by Glaser and Strauss (1967) is utilised in the surveying of high school students in Brisbane and Logan to discover their perceptions of a range of public space and citizenship issues. The overall aim of this study is to consider if a connection exists between young people, public space and citizenship and if the use of public space by young people may be understood from a broad rights perspective and the concept of social citizenship, as discussed by Marshall (1950).
The self completion survey employed in this study asked 1122 high school students a number of questions about their local community, safety at school, the meaning to them of the word citizenship and their thoughts about CCTV.
The key findings were:
* Some communities are less concerned about young people, than others;
* Most schools are safe, but a number are not. Teachers contribute to student's feelings of safety at school;
* The word citizenship carries important meanings for most young people around belonging, community and taking part in community life;
* CCTV surveillance does not necessarily make young people feel safe in using public space;
* Most young people feel negatively stereotyped by their community;
* Most local areas do not have enough youth facilities
The survey data is discussed further throughout the study along with citizenship and public space issues.
40
Dee, Michael John. "Young people, public space and citizenship". Queensland University of Technology, 2008. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16664/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The use of public space by young people raises issues in Australia and elsewhere in the world. Contests occur between the disparate players seeking a stake in the use and definition of public space. State and local government, young people, the security industry, shop owners, community groups and property developers are some of the major players. In a context of monitoring and control procedures, young people's use of public space is often viewed as a threat to social order (Loader 1996, Crane and Dee 2001, White 1998). This study considers critical intersections between young people and the control of public space. It employs an analysis of relevant youth, citizenship and public space theories. Particular attention focuses on the concepts of political, civil and social citizenship formulated by the British sociologist T.H. Marshall, whose key text Citizenship and Social Class (1950), is still relevant (see Yeatman 1994, France 1997, Mann 1995, Manning and Ryan 2004). Grounded Theory methodology as discussed by Glaser and Strauss (1967) is utilised in the surveying of high school students in Brisbane and Logan to discover their perceptions of a range of public space and citizenship issues. The overall aim of this study is to consider if a connection exists between young people, public space and citizenship and if the use of public space by young people may be understood from a broad rights perspective and the concept of social citizenship, as discussed by Marshall (1950). The self completion survey employed in this study asked 1122 high school students a number of questions about their local community, safety at school, the meaning to them of the word citizenship and their thoughts about CCTV. The key findings were: * Some communities are less concerned about young people, than others; * Most schools are safe, but a number are not. Teachers contribute to student's feelings of safety at school; * The word citizenship carries important meanings for most young people around belonging, community and taking part in community life; * CCTV surveillance does not necessarily make young people feel safe in using public space; * Most young people feel negatively stereotyped by their community; * Most local areas do not have enough youth facilities The survey data is discussed further throughout the study along with citizenship and public space issues.
41
Berglund, Emma. "Rights, Inclusion and Free Movement : Social Rights and Citizenship in the European Union". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-131864.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The free movement of persons in the EU has been fraught with tension since the Eastern enlargements. This culminated in 2016 when the UK demanded the possibility to limit rights and benefits to intra-EU migrants, making for a fresh investigation into the state of the free movement. From a constructivist perspective of rights and citizenship this in-depth case study aims to elucidate how EU actors describe the free movement of persons. It will further look at how they situate limitations and obstacles and analyze what this reflects in terms of underlying logics and rationales of rights and citizenship in the EU free movement regime. The interviews with EU actors reveal how distinctions of politically constructed categories of migrants which define Insiders and Outsiders are used to rationalize who has the right to social rights. Inclusion is defined in terms of market liberalism and individual responsibility, logics which thus also define the Insiders of Europe. This produces an image of the EU citizen and indirectly defines those who diverge from this image as Outsiders, including “lesser” Europeans. The underlying logics within the EU could therefore contribute to negative perceptions of those who cannot meet the requirements of the ideal European.
42
Bruzelius, Cecilia. "The local governance of European social citizenship". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9a4281f6-3e52-4f48-8b9a-cabb2b5a8231.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is a study of EU migrant citizens' substantive social rights. Much research has concerned itself with the expansion of freedom of movement and cross-border social rights in the EU. However, most of this research has analysed only formal rights, overlooking substantive rights. In the multilevel setting that is the EU, social rights are being adjudicated at a supra-national level, but realised at the national and sub-national level. Numerous different regulations, actors and practices thus shape the substantive social rights of EU migrant citizens, making their rights especially prone to distortion in the process of practical implementation. Examining how formal rights translate into substantive ones is important to understand how and where the lines of exclusion and inclusion of European social citizenship are drawn. Specifically, the thesis looks as how formal social rights translate into substantive rights with a focus on the local level. This is where any pressures from internal EU-migration on social provision are felt, where gaps in the social protection of EU migrant citizens make themselves evident, and where many social rights are exercised. The central research question of the thesis is thus: how are EU migrant citizens' social rights governed at the local level? The thesis adopts a qualitative and explorative method. More specifically, it examines barriers that EU migrant citizens face when trying to access social benefits and services. The study also takes a comparative approach, and contrasts localities across two member states that can be seen as critical cases: Germany and Sweden. In two cities in each country (Berlin and Hamburg, Gothenburg and Stockholm), interviews were conducted with local public administrators, welfare providers and advocacy organisations. The interviews were later related to relevant policy documents in a thematic analysis guided by the overarching research question. The main contribution of the thesis lies in identifying certain direct and indirect factors that shape EU migrant citizens' access to social benefits and services - and thus their substantive social rights. Specifically, the thesis argues that (1) certain structures of welfare systems (which become evident through a bottom-up study of supra-national social rights), and (2) the entrepreneurship of local actors, are crucial to understanding how formal rights of EU migrant citizens translate into substantive ones.
43
Godoy, Arion Escorsin de. "A cidade como ambiente das reivindicações cidadãs por moradia e o papel de mediação política e jurídica da defensoria pública". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2015. https://repositorio.ucs.br/handle/11338/958.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A pesquisa exibe uma análise referente à interação entre espaço urbano e cidadania, focando na atuação da Defensoria Pública como instituição mediadora do processo político, social e jurídico de reivindicação do direito à moradia, pretendendo estabelecer uma reflexão de fundo sociológico e jurídico. O problema de pesquisa consiste em identificar o papel da Defensoria Pública, destacadamente no que toca às modalidades/possibilidades de atuação, como instituição estatal, na mediação dos conflitos urbanos de reivindicação da concretização da moradia digna pelos grupos vulneráveis. A hipótese central baseia-se na afirmação de que os processos judiciais que tratam da reivindicação do direito à moradia por pessoas vulneráveis não se revelam exitosos, de forma que deve a Defensoria Pública, enquanto instituição de acesso ao sistema de justiça, buscar alternativas extrajudiciais de pleitear o direito em questão, estando sempre atenta às peculiaridades culturais que compõe a cidadania brasileira e que formam seu público assistido. Considera-se que objeto teórico de pesquisa envolve as noções de cidadania, espaço urbano e moradia, que foram cotejadas com o objeto real representado pela Defensoria Pública, enquanto mediadora dos processos de reivindicação de moradia por meio do Direito. O recorte temporal efetuado se deu com ênfase a partir do ano 2000, momento em que a moradia foi alçada à categoria de direito fundamental. A pesquisa se enquadra na vertente jurídico-sociológica, sendo empregado o raciocínio dedutivo. Para tanto, analisam-se as dinâmicas próprias da cidadania no contexto nacional, almejando vinculá-la à efervescência social e política da cena urbana contemporânea. Ao final, debate-se sobre a inserção da Defensoria Pública nesse instável cenário, sempre cotejando as previsões normativas com a realidade vivenciada a fim de não nos perdermos em um dogmatismo etéreo.Submitted by Ana Guimarães Pereira (agpereir@ucs.br) on 2015-06-25T17:16:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Arion Escorsin de Godoy.pdf: 1288062 bytes, checksum: 0cb1d29900f06e157d576e370039d0ba (MD5)
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The research is an analysis on the interaction between urban space and citizenship, focusing on the performance of the Public Defender as a mediator of the political, social and legal process the claiming of the house, intending to establish a sociological and legal background reflection. The research problem is to identify the role of the Public Defender, notably with regard to modalities / performance possibilities, such as state institution, in mediating the claim of urban conflicts of the implementation of decent housing for vulnerable groups. The central hypothesis is based on the assertion that judicial proceedings dealing with the claim of the right to housing for vulnerable people do not show successful, so should the Public Defender as an institution of access to the justice system, extrajudicial seek alternative claim the right in question, always attentive to the cultural peculiarities that make up the Brazilian citizenship and forming their assisted public. It is considered that theoretical research object involves the notions of citizenship, urban space and housing, which were collated with the real object represented by the Public Defender, as a mediator of housing claim processes through law. The time frame is made with emphasis given from 2000, at which time the house was raised to the category of fundamental right. The research falls within the legal and sociological dimension and is used deductive reasoning. For this, we analyze the dynamics proper citizenship in the national context, aiming link it to social unrest and political contemporary urban scene. In the end, the debate is about the insertion of the Public Defender in this unstable scenario, always comparing the normative predictions with the reality experienced in order not to get lost in an ethereal dogmatism.
44
Onen, Selin. "Citizenship Rights Of Gypsies In Turkey:cases Of Roma And Dom Communities". Phd thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613030/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study aims to compare Roma community in Edirne and Dom
community in Diyarbakir with regard to their integration levels to different majorities (respectively Turks in Edirne and Kurds in Diyarbakir) and belonging to the political body (state), access to citizenship rights (civil, social, political and cultural) and the affect of transnational citizenship on Roma and Dom communities. The main argument of this study asserts that Roma community can have more access to citizenship rights than Dom community. This is related with the fact that Roma community lives with Turks, who are the ethnic majority in Edirne and in Turkey, whereas Dom community lives mostly with Kurds, who are the majority in Diyarbakir but minority in Turkey. Foremost, Roma community
has closer connections with state and transnational space than Dom community. The study has found that ethnicity appears as a common barrier for both communities in benefiting from full citizenship. However, it is noted that they experienced different historical, social and economic transformations. Social exclusion is observed at different levels for the two communities. Hence, the study tries to explain why the equality principle of citizenship is ruptured for both communities. While forced migration in 1990s and the gradual loss of musician craft were key factors for the exclusion of Dom community in the labor market,Roma community with affect of agricultural modernization, has repositioned themselves in terms of ethnicity and class formation in last 40-50 years owing mainly to urbanization and modernization. The study has found that Dom community has very limited citizenship rights compared to Roma community. The differences can be obviously seen with regard to impact of poverty and their integration levels to the majority.
45
Espada, Joao Carlos. "Social citizenship rights : a critique of F.A. Hayek and R. Plant". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239351.
Testo completo
46
Sapali, James. "Analyzing the Debate of Dual Citizenship in Tanzania". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22895.
Testo completo
47
Freitas, Anthony J. "Belongings : homosexuality and U.S. citizenship in the 1990s /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3036942.
Testo completo
48
Brickner, Rachel 1974. "Union women and the social construction of citizenship in Mexico". Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85891.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In Latin America, women's ability to participate in the paid workforce on equal terms as men is constrained by many cultural and political obstacles, and this reinforces women's unequal citizenship status. Even though unions have rarely supported women's rights historically, and are currently losing political power in the neoliberal economic context, I argue that union women have a crucial role to play in the social struggle to expand women's labor rights. Building on theories about the social construction of citizenship, I develop an original theoretical framework suggesting that civil society acts on three levels to expand citizenship rights: the individual level (working with individuals to make them more rights-conscious), within social institutions (working to ensure that policies within social institutions actually reflect the rights of individuals), and at the level of the state, where civil society contributes to the construction of new citizenship discourses.The framework is then applied to the Mexican case. Examining the rise of working class feminism in the context of the debt crisis and transition to economic liberalism in the 1980s, and the subsequent democratic transition in 2000, I show how these contexts led union women to participate in civil associations active at each of these three levels of citizenship construction. More specifically, this participation has been important in raising awareness of women's labor rights among women workers, challenging patriarchal union structures, and bringing the issue of women's labor rights into the debate over reform of Mexico's Federal Labor Law. I ultimately conclude that in the absence of support from a broad women's labor movement, the chances that women's labor rights will be supported by the Mexican government and Mexican unions will be low.
49
Lopes, Saskya Miranda. "Os juizados de defesa do consumidor em Salvador: a institucionalização dos direitos e a percepção dos juízes em relação à cidadania e justiça social". Programa de Pós- Graduação em Ciências Sociais da UFBA, 2007. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/11358.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-15T12:23:33Z
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Dissertacao Saskia Lopesseg.pdf: 681881 bytes, checksum: 0c15c5d98481aa085833ef28e26dd873 (MD5)Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-26T10:58:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Saskia Lopesseg.pdf: 681881 bytes, checksum: 0c15c5d98481aa085833ef28e26dd873 (MD5)
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A presente dissertação estuda a institucionalização do direito do consumidor através da implantação e atuação dos Juizados de Defesa do Consumidor em Salvador, na Bahia. Assume que as demandas consumeristas se situam no campo da justiça social; originam-se nas trocas comerciais diversas, intermediadas pela relação entre Estado e cidadão na esfera pública, que organiza as relações de reciprocidade e cidadania estabelecidas com o contrato social da sociedade moderna. Levando em conta a tradição de cultura política brasileira e a formação democrática da sociedade, o estudo analisa o desempenho dos Juizados e o entendimento dos juízes sobre o papel destes órgãos. A pesquisa avalia a institucionalização do direito do consumidor e a ambivalência do seu caráter como direito individual ou coletivo, assim como a sua contribuição para o fomento da cidadania enquanto uma forma de participação e engajamento nas questões públicas nas sociedades contemporâneas.
Salvador
50
Daka, Getahun Dana. "Grounds for Group-Differentiated Citizenship Rights : The Case of Ethiopian Ethnic Federalism". Thesis, Linköping University, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-19330.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The universal citizenship rights can not protect the interests of national minorities by systematically excluding them from social, economic and political life. It does this by denying national minorities access to their own societal cultures-a choice enabling background conditions. In order to enable meaningful choice, such cultures needs to be developing. The societal cultures of national minorities will, instead of being a living and developing ones, be condemned to an ever-increasing marginalization if the state follows a hands off approach to ethnicity. Thus the state must give a positive support to national minorities to help them develop their cultures in their own homeland. This can be done by drawing the boundary of the state in such a way that the ethnic minority can constitute a local majority to form a nation, and thus can be entitled to group-differentiated citizenship rights. This inevitably creates mutual-indifference among various nations, and seems to threaten the territorial integrity of the state. But as far as the multinational federation is the result of voluntary union of nations, though the social tie among these nations is weaker than the one found in a nation-state, it can nonetheless be enduring.