Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Research Defence Society (Great Britain)"

This paper offers a defense of Robin Barrow’s main arguments in Giving Teaching Back to Teachers, including additional material concerning the inability of the aggregate data and statistical methods employed in research in education (and research on teaching) to speak to individual teachers and students or to particular classrooms. This defense and extension of Barrow’s position is applied in a critique ofa proposal made by Lorraine Foreman-Peck in her 2004 debate with Barrow, entitled What Use is Educational Research?, published in 2005 by the Philosophy of Education Society of Great Britain. A central confusion that attends and limits much empirical research in education and social science concerns conflation of two different senses of the concept general, as “common to all” or “on average.” The havoc this confusion plays ought not be ignored or minimized by educational researchers and their advocates who tend to exaggerate the empirical regularity in social scientific data and therefore the generalizability of social science research in education and elsewhere.

Nepal maintained army strength even during the reigns of Lichchavi kings. Later, its operations began to generate income. The way in which King Prithvi Narayan Shah and his successors diligently mastered the art of warfare and strategy resulted in the success of the Gorkhali army. After the Kot Prava, the Rana family emerged and radically changed policies. This research studies on Nepali Army’s glorious history, transformation, and mainly its public relation. The Postmodern Military Model (PMMM) is the theoretical perspective that has guided this study. For this, a qualitative method that deals with subjectivity is adopted. Secondary data such as journals, books and standard websites are used to analyze the data. Nepali Army is not a threat to the society that it protects as it has been trying to build its trust and credibility among the public. During its Imperial Era, the Great Britain awarded several Grukha soldiers in its military the ‘Victoria Cross’ for their unparalleled bravery and courage in various battles. Nepali Army gets exposure to serve in the outside world for decades. Relation between civil and army has not been bad in Nepal for many centuries despite of having some rubbings in the modern Nepal. However, politicians, notably the sitting PM or Defense Minister, routinely try to invoke the Nepal Army and draw it into the political jurisdiction. Nepali Army has been doing its duties honestly and unfailingly both inside and outside Nepal.

The literature on faculty exchange with Great Britain demonstrates its value for professional development, but an exchange may not be possible or desirable. This article summarizes a semester-long sabbatical leave that involved part-time teaching, library research, visits to several British universities, and attendance at a British Psychological Society conference. Resources and practical considerations are discussed.

Defence diplomacy has increasingly become an important avenue of engagement across countries. It aims at enhancing diplomatic capacity of a country. Kenya, since gaining its independence from Great Britain in 1963 has been engaged in defence diplomacy within the larger Eastern Africa region and beyond. With intensifying security uncertainty in the Horn of Africa, necessitating Kenya to consider increasing her defence diplomacy activities in addition to increasing her military expenditure on equipment and personnel inorder to address emerging security threats. This study is interested in establishing the role defence diplomacy has played in thwarting threats to Kenya’s national security. How, for instance is Kenya courting new partners in military diplomacy and trade. This paper also provides the structure of the proposed study that focuses on Kenya’s defence diplomacy approach within the Eastern Africa region and beyond. In the quest of unbundling the defence diplomacy phenomena, the following research questions were considered: In what ways has Kenya’s defense diplomacy promoted security in the East Africa region? Are there requisite policy and legal frameworks that guides the conduct of defence diplomacy? What future challenges can Kenya anticipate in its defense diplomacy processes?

This paper deals with the beginnings and historical evolution of Pharmacy studies in Great Britain and on the role played by the first women who practiced the profession there, The circumstances of that time, which made it very difficult for a woman to work in that area, the biography of the first English woman licensed in Pharmacy, Fanny Deacon, and the biographies of the women who followed her as graduates in Pharmacy in Great Britain are commented, detailing not only their personal data but also the impact they had on the evolution and development of Pharmacy studies in their country. These women were Alice Vickery, Isabella Skinner Clarke, Margaret Elizabeth Buchanan, Rose Coombes Minshull, and Agnes Thompson Borrowman. The main objective of the paper is to reveal the figures of these first women in Pharmacy in Great Britain to society, To do this, the methodology used has been usual in researches of this type: search of data on these women in bibliographical and computer sources, as well as in historic archives. As the main results, the biographies of these pioneers pharmacist women mentioned above have been elaborated.

The following paper deals with the research of the place and value of Russia electrification plan and its reflection in Great Britain and the USA public opinion. The study of information campaign around Russia electrification plan has its specifics and value: first, it gives a chance to establish new, unknown facts; secondly, to determine the level of knowledge of Another (in this case, American) society about the Soviet power; thirdly, to understand what place information about Russia electrification plan took in the USA and Great Britain in the system of the USSR image creation, the image of the Soviet power revolution. This paper uses materials of the USA and Great Britain press about Russia electrification plan. Besides, the author analyzes the image of the Soviet power in the American and British society. The information campaign around Russia electrification plan could report to the world about the Soviet economy achievements as well as promote preparation (in the information plan) to the following large project - industrialization. Articles, reports, notes on Russia electrification plan helped to change the attitude towards Russia / the USSR in the USA and Great Britain and helped to correct the image of the USSR in the world.

THE SOCIETY for Promoting Christian Knowledge was established in 1698. From its inception, one of its aims was to combat the spread of Catholicism in Britain and elsewhere. At the end of the seventeenth century, the Counter-Reformation seemed to be enjoying great successes: as one of the Society's memorials noted, ‘the progress of Popery … by little and little ruins the Reformed Religion all over Europe’. This occurred, the memorial went on, because the Protestants had little regard for their own defence. The remedy was to form a ‘union of Protestants’, with a council to organize its correspondence among those of the reformed faith in all parts of the continent; and to put a stop the activity of Popish priests, though ‘without Persecution and violence’. A bulwark, it was argued, was unquestionably needed against so formidable and zealous a body as the Congregation de Propaganda Fide. The Crown was to be informed of these designs and the Society was soon given a watching brief on ‘the practices of priests to pervert His Majesty's subjects’.

Abstract This chapter explores the transnational aspects of identity and the long distance belonging of Latvian migrants in Great Britain. In particular, it focuses on the discourses and practices of long distance belonging to Latvia. The article is based on a comparative analysis of The Emigrant Communities of Latvia survey data as well as semi-structured interviews with Latvian migrants in Great Britain. The analytical sections are organised so as to discuss the three main analytical contexts of long distance belonging: ethno-cultural, political and social. In the ethno-cultural context, migrants who identify themselves as ethnic Latvians rediscover and strengthen their links to the Latvian cultural space, its traditions and its ways of collective self-understanding. Conversely, the absence of this cultural capital among Russian-speaking migrants from Latvia advances their faster assimilation into British society. The political context of long distance belonging reveals high levels of distrust of the Latvian government and the migrants’ overall disappointment with Latvia’s political elite, as well as political apathy. Nevertheless, Latvian migrants in the United Kingdom are discovering new motivation and fresh opportunities to influence the political reality in Latvia and that has increased participation in Latvian national elections. The social context of long distance belonging, in turn, enables new forms of allegiance towards Latvia. These are manifested in philanthropic initiatives, in participation in various interest groups and in regular interest in what is happening in Latvia. The social context does not put the migrants’ activities into ethno-cultural or political frameworks, but encourages moral responsibility towards the people of Latvia.

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

For much of the past two hundred years, a basic assumption has been that hillforts had a primarily defensive function. That they served also as settlements or for community gatherings, perhaps even for ritual or ceremonial activities such as seasonal festivals or inaugurations of kings, has been variously inferred, but it was not until relatively recently that the purpose of community defence within the framework of a hierarchical society was so fundamentally challenged. The reasons, however, were often based upon individual site circumstances, from which generalization hardly seems justified. At the Chesters, Drem in East Lothian (Figure 5.2a), for example, it was argued (Bowden and McOmish 1987) that the hillfort's defensive capability was compromised by being overlooked from the south by higher ground, from which missiles might have been projected into the enclosure. Tactically this seems odd, since the fort's multiple lines of enclosure, especially at its northwest- and east-facing entrances, makes it on plan one of the more complex multivallate hillforts in Britain. Whether these had realistic defensive capability or were intended primarily for display and status remains open to debate. Whilst it is certainly true in individual cases that hillforts were not sited topographically with tactical advantage as a paramount consideration, or that a regional class like the hill-slope forts of the south-west were apparently at a disadvantage from higher ground, or that the area enclosed by some hillforts was so great as to make their defence logistically impractical, equally we could cite hillforts where the enclosing earthworks by any standard would have been a very formidable barrier to assault. Every generation reads its archaeology in the conceptual context of its own time, and it is hardly surprising that a generation brought up with two world wars should have interpreted hillforts in terms of ‘invasions’. Wheeler's (1953: 12) description of Bindon Hill, Dorset, as a ‘beach-head’ could hardly have been conceived by anyone other than the brigadier who had fought through North Africa and the Salerno landing in Italy. Nevertheless it is hard to avoid the conclusion that the current challenge to the defensive role of hillforts stems not so much from individually anomalous sites as from a more general objection to the concept of conflict in prehistory, and is one facet of what has been noted earlier as the ‘pacification of the past’ (Keeley 1996: 23).

In this chapter, the author reflects on her long personal association with the Society for the Protection of Science and Learning (SPSL)/Council for Assisting Refugee Academics and many of its South African grantees. The academic refugees who came to the SPSL's notice in the 1960s, specially the South Africans, bent the ‘rules’ and signalled the new ways in which the SPSL was going to have to work in a very changed social and educational environment in Britain, and equally great changes in the nature of the academic refugees. Before the rise of Hitler, German scholars had advanced the frontiers of knowledge in the sciences, the social sciences, and the humanities. And in many of these fields the Jews of Central Europe had played a crucial role. Increasingly from the 1960s, however, many of the refugee academics to the UK were from the so-called ‘third world’, especially Latin America and countries just emerging from colonialism in Africa. Academic refugees from South Africa formed something of a bridge between the old and the new. While most of the South African grantees were white and from institutions modelled on British universities, they were on the whole younger and less highly qualified than the earlier generation of grantees. The very small number of Africans assisted at this time were in fact far more eminent; significantly, however, they were the very first Africans to be assisted by the Society.

Since time immemorial, the legal systems of Great Britain have often been spoken of highly as pinnacles of democracy. However, the split between criminal law and tort law have often caused problems where the police has often focused on the prosecution of people in poverty and where only the wealthy can afford to use the system. This chapter discusses the extent and limitations of existing measures to tackle computer-related crime, particularly with regards to the abusive kind of Internet Trolling, namely “flame trolling.” The chapter recommends further research to establish whether it should be the case that in a society based on dualism that criminal and civil cases should be held at the same time, and that in both instances those being accused of an offence or tort should be allowed to bring a counter-claim. It is discussed that in such a system the cases that would be brought are where there is a clear victim who had no part in the offence against them, such as murder, rape, theft and burglary, which are usually carefully planned and orchestrated acts.

Abstract If you have muscular dystrophy, or you have an affected son or daughter or other affected relative, the first thing to remember is that you are not alone and that there are many others who are similarly affected and share the same worries and concerns. Muscular dystrophy or, more accurately, the muscular dystrophies, as there are many different types, are not uncommon. There are nearly 70 000 individuals affected with a severe form of dystrophy in the various countries of western Europe and at least 40 000 in the USA. It has no predilection for any particular group of individuals but affects all races, all strata of society, and occurs throughout the world. Why then is it not more obvious? The simplest answer is that those with a physical disability often avoid society and, moreover, are often avoided by society. Furthermore, in most forms of dystrophy the resulting disability may not be obvious to the casual observer, and affected individuals often become quite adept at disguising their problems. However, for whatever reason, muscular dystrophy has, for a long time, been a neglected subject. It began to reach public awareness as a result of television programmes specifically organized for this purpose, such as the Muscular Dystrophy Campaign’s Annual Meeting in Britain, the Jerry Lewis TV appeal in the USA, and Télethon in France and Italy. All of these raise a great deal of money each year for research and for the treatment of dystrophy.

I first met Barry Cunliffe when I came to dig at Fishbourne, and I still remember my amazement at seeing what were clearly stylobate blocks of Mediterranean type being unearthed. In that first season I excavated for only three days, but the memory lingered with me and I later returned to supervise on the east and north wings of this extraordinary site. Subsequently, on my arrival in Oxford to embark on a doctoral dissertation upon Roman intaglios and cameos excavated from British sites, I wrote to Barry to ask whether he knew of any gemstones I might not yet have located. In a characteristically terse, but very courteous and helpful, reply he told me there were over thirty at Bath and that if I were to write them up in two or three months he would be delighted to publish my work in a Research Report he was preparing for the Society of Antiquaries (Henig 1969). Thus, I owe to Barry my first lucky break in the Weld of archaeological publication. Subsequently, and not too long afterwards, I was invited by him to publish the gems from Fishbourne (Henig 1971). It seems appropriate to return to those intaglios from Bath and Fishbourne, in order to survey a little of this glyptic evidence, in association with gems and other material from elsewhere, in order to explore a very small but fascinating aspect of a theme which has so often aroused Barry’s attention and mine, that of Romanization or, as we have been urged to call it by Greg Woolf, ‘Becoming Roman’ (Woolf 1998) especially in the first century BC and first century AD. My starting point will be an intaglio from Bath cut with a Greek theme, that of a discobolos who is about to throw his discus (figure 24.1). In front of him is his prize, a palm in a vase. This image has previously been used by me to illustrate an essay about Greek themes in Romano-British art (Henig 2000: 133, fig. 5) for the spa at Bath was clearly a sophisticated cultural centre with connections across the Graeco-Roman world ; and it has long seemed very probable that the patron who sponsored this stupendous work was none other than the Atrebatan client ruler Tiberius Claudius Togidubnus, whose titulature as Great King in Britain must surely have been borrowed from the Hellenistic East (Bogaers 1979; Henig 2000: 126).

In Great Britain of the 1970s and 80s the lack of female representation in the traditional theatre, of suitable characters, good, big roles, and above all the lack of women’s experience as a part of the presented world resulted in the phenomenon of actresses leaving the existing environment and creating theatre groups functioning alongside the rigid structures of the subsidized and commercial theatre. Rejecting the usual principle of male domination in the theatre, entirely female or mixed groups chose a form of group work without delegating roles and functions (group creation), they preferred the principle of equal responsibility sharing. Alternative women’s collectives could defy the established order at the world view, organizational and aesthetic level. Theatres introduced subjects that had not been raised before into the sphere of social discussion. At the same time a variety of working methods transferred from the field of the feminist research methodology penetrated into theatre groups. They were under the impact of the idea of consciousness raising groups. The subject of their interest was women’s personal experience. The experimental analysis, based on the mutual cooperation between the researched and the researcher, underlay many creations realized within the English feminist fringe theatre. The characteristic way of text creation and the performance based on it was a counterpart of the well-known method of collaborative research based on the feminist reflection. This theatre first manifested the need to reveal the scale of oppression which women face in the patriarchal society; later it expressed a protest against the existing reality, and after the period of rebellion it pointed to the ultimate objective of changes in the society, which would be a vision of the woman-centred world, imbued with values of feminine culture. Radicalism of some statements evoked strong criticism among a part of the audience and some British journalists.

Now let us turn our attention toward the practice of education for peace from several perspectives. We will examine some developmentally appropriate approaches to children and youth in understanding issues of war and peace, practical applications of teaching the prevention of deadly conflict and conflict resolution in schools, international relationships in education for peace, and other institutions with strong potential to promote peace education and conflict resolution. Even first-grade children can distinguish between societal conventions, noncontroversial questions, and controversial issues. Also, they expect their teachers to teach these types of knowledge differently. They are able to recognize that others may hold opposing viewpoints different from their own. With increasing age, elementary school children in democratic societies expect teachers to present different viewpoints on questions about which there is little societal consensus. And teachers are expected to present different viewpoints in addition to the one that students favor. Adolescence is the period when students markedly increase their ability to generalize the perspective of society, which is most important when discussing issues related to war, peace, and conflict. It is also a time when young people are most interested in issues related to fairness, justice, and equality. In the 1960s, Joseph Adelson, conducted a series of classic studies involving young people aged 11 to 18 from the United States, Great Britain, and West Germany. Interviews were conducted about concepts of law, community, individual rights, and the public good. It was found that at the age of 14, a shift in quality of thought occurred. They could see the possibility of conflict between individual rights and public good; they could connect specific examples of rights with abstract principles; they could consider long-term consequences of specific actions on individuals and communities. Similar findings were noted in subsequent research, leading to the belief that the period of adolescence is appropriate for developing critical thinking skills.

"Throughout the second half of the seventeen and the eighteenth centuries, tea remained an expensive exotic drink for Britain that “preserved” its overseas nature. It was only in the Victorian era (1837-1903) that tea became the English national drink. The process attracts the attention of academics from various humanities. Despite an impressive amount of research in the UK, in Russia for a long time (in the Soviet years) the English tradition of tea drinking was considered a philistine curiosity unworthy of academic analysis. Accordingly, the English tea party in Russia has become a leader in the number of stereotypes. The issue became important for academics only at the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Currently, we can observe significant growth of interest in this area in Russia and an expansion of research into tea drinking with regard to the history of society, philosophy and culture. Despite this fact, there are still serious lacunas in the research of English tea parties in the Victorian era. One of them is related to the analysis of visualization of this practice in Victorian painting. It is a proven fact that tea parties are one of the most popular topics in English arts of the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. No other art school in the world referred to the topic so frequently: painting formed the visual image of the English tea party, consolidated, propagandized and spread ideas of the national tea tradition. However, this aspect has been reflected neither in British nor Russian studies. Being descriptive and analytical, the present research refers to the principles of historicism, academic reliability and objectivity, helping to determine the principal trends and social and cultural features and models in Britain during the period. The present research is based on the analysis of more than one hundred genre paintings by British artists of the period. The paintings reflect the process of creating a special “truly English” material and visual context of tea drinking, which displaced all “oriental allusions” from this ceremony, to create a specific entourage and etiquette of tea consumption, and set nationally determined patterns of behavior at the tea table. The analysis shows the presence of English traditions of tea drinking visualization. The canvases of British artists, unlike the Russian ones, never reflect social problems: tea parties take place against the background of either well-furnished interiors or beautiful landscapes, being a visual embodiment of Great Britain as a “paradise of the prosperous bourgeoisie”, manifesting the bourgeois virtues. Special attention is paid to the role of the women in this ritual, the theme of the relationship between mothers and children. A unique English painting theme, which has not been manifested in any other art school in the world, is a children’s tea party. Victorian paintings reflect the processes of democratization of society: representatives of the lower classes appear on canvases. Paintings do not only reflect the norms and ideals that existed in the society, but also provide the set patterns for it."

Background: Public behaviour and the new hostile threats • Civil contingencies planning and preparedness for hostile threats requires accurate and up to date knowledge about how the public might behave in relation to such incidents. Inaccurate understandings of public behaviour can lead to dangerous and counterproductive practices and policies. • There is consistent evidence across both hostile threats and other kinds of emergencies and disasters that significant numbers of those affected give each other support, cooperate, and otherwise interact socially within the incident itself. • In emergency incidents, competition among those affected occurs in only limited situations, and loss of behavioural control is rare. • Spontaneous cooperation among the public in emergency incidents, based on either social capital or emergent social identity, is a crucial part of civil contingencies planning. • There has been relatively little research on public behaviour in response to the new hostile threats of the past ten years, however. • The programme of work summarized in this briefing document came about in response to a wave of false alarm flight incidents in the 2010s, linked to the new hostile threats (i.e., marauding terrorist attacks). • By using a combination of archive data for incidents in Great Britain 2010-2019, interviews, video data analysis, and controlled experiments using virtual reality technology, we were able to examine experiences, measure behaviour, and test hypotheses about underlying psychological mechanisms in both false alarms and public interventions against a hostile threat. Re-visiting the relationship between false alarms and crowd disasters • The Bethnal Green tube disaster of 1943, in which 173 people died, has historically been used to suggest that (mis)perceived hostile threats can lead to uncontrolled ‘stampedes’. • Re-analysis of witness statements suggests that public fears of Germany bombs were realistic rather than unreasonable, and that flight behaviour was socially structured rather than uncontrolled. • Evidence for a causal link between the flight of the crowd and the fatal crowd collapse is weak at best. • Altogether, the analysis suggests the importance of examining people’s beliefs about context to understand when they might interpret ambiguous signals as a hostile threat, and that. Tthe concepts of norms and relationships offer better ways to explain such incidents than ‘mass panic’. Why false alarms occur • The wider context of terrorist threat provides a framing for the public’s perception of signals as evidence of hostile threats. In particular, the magnitude of recent psychologically relevant terrorist attacks predicts likelihood of false alarm flight incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in those towns and cities that have seen genuine terrorist incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in the types of location where terrorist attacks happen, such as shopping areass, transport hubs, and other crowded places. • The urgent or flight behaviour of other people (including the emergency services) influences public perceptions that there is a hostile threat, particularly in situations of greater ambiguity, and particularly when these other people are ingroup. • High profile tweets suggesting a hostile threat, including from the police, have been associated with the size and scale of false alarm responses. • In most cases, it is a combination of factors – context, others’ behaviour, communications – that leads people to flee. A false alarm tends not to be sudden or impulsive, and often follows an initial phase of discounting threat – as with many genuine emergencies. 2.4 How the public behave in false alarm flight incidents • Even in those false alarm incidents where there is urgent flight, there are also other behaviours than running, including ignoring the ‘threat’, and walking away. • Injuries occur but recorded injuries are relatively uncommon. • Hiding is a common behaviour. In our evidence, this was facilitated by orders from police and offers from people staff in shops and other premises. • Supportive behaviours are common, including informational and emotional support. • Members of the public often cooperate with the emergency services and comply with their orders but also question instructions when the rationale is unclear. • Pushing, trampling and other competitive behaviour can occur,s but only in restricted situations and briefly. • At the Oxford Street Black Friday 2017 false alarm, rather than an overall sense of unity across the crowd, camaraderie existed only in pockets. This was likely due to the lack of a sense of common fate or reference point across the incident; the fragmented experience would have hindered the development of a shared social identity across the crowd. • Large and high profile false alarm incidents may be associated with significant levels of distress and even humiliation among those members of the public affected, both at the time and in the aftermath, as the rest of society reflects and comments on the incident. Public behaviour in response to visible marauding attackers • Spontaneous, coordinated public responses to marauding bladed attacks have been observed on a number of occasions. • Close examination of marauding bladed attacks suggests that members of the public engage in a wide variety of behaviours, not just flight. • Members of the public responding to marauding bladed attacks adopt a variety of complementary roles. These, that may include defending, communicating, first aid, recruiting others, marshalling, negotiating, risk assessment, and evidence gathering. Recommendations for practitioners and policymakers • Embed the psychology of public behaviour in emergencies in your training and guidance. • Continue to inform the public and promote public awareness where there is an increased threat. • Build long-term relations with the public to achieve trust and influence in emergency preparedness. • Use a unifying language and supportive forms of communication to enhance unity both within the crowd and between the crowd and the authorities. • Authorities and responders should take a reflexive approach to their responses to possible hostile threats, by reflecting upon how their actions might be perceived by the public and impact (positively and negatively) upon public behaviour. • To give emotional support, prioritize informative and actionable risk and crisis communication over emotional reassurances. • Provide first aid kits in transport infrastructures to enable some members of the public more effectively to act as zero responders.