Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Relations extérieures – France – 1990-2020"

Dans cet article, les auteurs tentent de présenter systématiquement l’évolution des relations économiques entre la Serbie et la France. Pour cela, les auteurs partent d’une revue de l’histoire des relations économiques, nécessaire à la compréhension du contexte contemporain. La revue historique comprend une analyse des relations économiques entre la Serbie et la France à travers les étapes suivantes : 1. 1878-1918 ; 2. 1918-1939 ; 3. 1945-1991, et 4. 1991-2000. Les tendances contemporaines sont examinées pour la période allant des changements politiques en Serbie en 2000 jusqu’au 2020. L’histoire des relations économiques indique l’importance du niveau de coopération économique pour le caractère des relations politiques globales entre les États. Presque en règle générale, on peut remarquer qu’un niveau plus élevé de coopération économique a entraîné l’amélioration des relations politiques entre les deux pays, et vice versa, et que les années ’90 représentent la période des relations économiques et politiques les plus faibles de l’histoire de relations entre la Serbie et la France. Avec ce niveau de relations économiques, on est entrée en un nouveau millénaire. L’observation de la période postérieure aux années 2000 indique cependant l’amélioration des relations économiques entre les deux pays, observée à travers les relations de commerce extérieur et le mouvement des investissements directs étrangers (IDE). La base de l’amélioration des relations est la libéralisation des relations commerciales entre la Serbie et l’Union européenne (UE) réalisée par la conclusion de l’Accord de stabilisation et d’association (ASA), ainsi que l’arrivée d’entreprises françaises en Serbie, qui a été lancée au début des années 2000 avec l’ouverture de l’économie serbe. Cette évolution est à la base d’attentes optimistes quant à une coopération économique productive entre les deux pays dans les années à venir.

Cette contribution vise à retracer l’évolution de longue période des compétences scolaires des élèves français de 1970 à 2020. Partant des résultats fournis par les enquêtes internationales sur les acquis des élèves, nous présentons, à partir d’une base de données inédite, l’originalité de la trajectoire nationale vis-à-vis des autres pays de l’OCDE. Notre approche est historique et comparative. En effet, plus que la variation absolue, c’est aux écarts relatifs vis-à-vis de l’OCDE que nous mesurons la performance française. Au cours des 50 dernières années, nous montrons que, pour le cas de la France, les performances en lecture et en mathématiques augmentent avant d’entamer une stagnation voire une diminution (les scores moyens étant significativement faibles). De manière générale, nous observons une croissance quasi-généralisée de la performance scolaire sur les décennies 1970, 1980 et 1990, même si les taux de croissance diffèrent entre pays. Par ailleurs, nous nous interrogeons sur la trajectoire française en termes d’acquis scolaires qui, pas à pas, tend à diverger de celle des autres pays de l’OCDE. Ce faisant, nos résultats enrichissent les conclusions des travaux issus des enquêtes nationales tout en livrant de nouveaux éléments de preuve associés à des éclairages historiques et comparatifs renouvelés.

Bien que souvent non revendiqué par les auteurs que l’on considère comme ses tenants (Molefi Asante 1987, Maulana Karenga 2002, John Henrik Clarke 1994, Marimba Ani 1994, Frances Cress Welsing 1991, Théophile Obenga 2001, qui lui préfèrent les termes afrocentricité, africologie ou kawaida), le terme afrocentrisme est utilisé pour désigner un courant d’idées présent dans les cercles académiques nord-américains, africains et européens, depuis la deuxième moitié du vingtième siècle. Académique, l’afrocentrisme est actuellement l’objet d’un important processus de transnationalisation et entretient des relations précises et continues avec des pratiques sociales, artistiques, religieuses et/ou politiques. Il semble que le mot « afrocentrique » soit apparu pour la première fois en 1962 sous la plume du sociologue afro-américain W.E.B. Du Bois. Invité par Kwame Nkrumah à Accra au Ghana dans le but d’y rédiger une encyclopédie sur les populations noires, Du Bois insistait, dans un document non publié, sur son intention d’éditer un volume « volontairement Afro-Centrique, mais prenant en compte l’impact du monde extérieur sur l’Afrique et l’impact de l’Afrique sur le monde extérieur » (in Moses, 1998 : 2). Du Bois, grand penseur du panafricanisme, voyait donc dans son projet un moyen de donner la parole aux peuples d’Afrique, d’en faire des acteurs de leur propre histoire au moment même où ceux-ci entamaient la construction nationale de leurs États depuis peu indépendants. Lié chez Du Bois à un projet scientifique et politique, la tendance afrocentrique connaîtra ses heures de gloire à partir de la fin des années 1960 lorsqu’elle devint la marque de fabrique d’une école de pensée comptant quelques représentants au sein des cercles académiques américains. En réalité, l’histoire de la pensée afrocentrique aux États-Unis est indissociable de la création de départements d’études dites ethniques dans les universités américaines, départements nés en pleine ère du Black Power, lorsqu’une jeunesse noire radicalisée se battait pour l’intégration de son expérience au sein des cursus universitaires. Ces départements d’études African-American, Black ou Africana se donnaient pour but de relayer la voix des opprimés et d’inclure l’histoire afro-américaine dans le récit scientifique de l’histoire états-unienne. Parmi les manifestes afrocentriques de l’époque, notons la création de l’African Heritage Studies Association en 1969 née d’une réaction aux postures idéologiques de l’African Studies Association. Orchestrée par John Henrik Clarke (1994), l’organisation rassemblait des intellectuels et des militants africains, entendus ici comme originaires du continent et de ses diasporas, se battant pour la mise en place d’une étude politique de l’Afrique, arme de libération, cherchant à intervenir dans la fondation d’un panafricanisme scientifique et afrocentré. A partir des années 1980, l’afrocentrisme académique entra dans une nouvelle phase de son développement avec les publications de Molefi Asante. Dans la lignée de Du Bois, celui-ci tendait à définir l’afrocentrisme, ou plutôt l’afrocentricité, comme une théorie cherchant à remettre l’Afrique au cœur de l’histoire de l’humanité. Toutefois, ses principaux écrits, The Afrocentric Idea (1987), Afrocentricity (1988), Kemet, Afrocentricity and Knowledge (1990), associèrent à l’afrocentrique duboisien tout un appareil conceptuel et idéologique, grandement hérité des écrits de l’historien sénégalais Cheikh Anta Diop (1959). et de militants du nationalisme noir classique tels Edward Blyden et Alexander Crummel. Dès 1990, la pensée d’Asante se déploya autour d’une série de points précis, déjà mis en avant par le politiste Stephen Howe (1998) : 1. L’humanité s’est d’abord développée en Afrique avant de se répandre sur la planète. Les Africains entretiendraient avec les autres humains un rapport de primordialité chronologique et ce particulièrement avec les Européens, jeunes dans l’histoire de l’humanité. 2. La première civilisation mondiale est celle de l’Égypte ou Kemet. L’étude des phénotypes égyptiens tels qu’ils sont visibles sur les vestiges archéologiques apporterait la preuve de la négritude de cette population. 3. Le rayonnement de la civilisation égyptienne s’est étendu sur la totalité du Continent noir. Toutes les populations africaines sont culturellement liées à la civilisation et aux mœurs de l’Égypte antique et la linguistique en constituerait une preuve évidente. 4. La culture égyptienne se serait également diffusée au Nord, jusqu’à constituer la source d’inspiration première des civilisations qui apparurent plus tardivement en Grèce puis partout en Europe. 5. L’ensemble des traditions africaines constitue autant de manifestations d’une culture unique. Depuis son foyer égyptien, la culture africaine, au singulier, s’est diffusée pour s’immerger dans la totalité du continent et dans la diaspora des Amériques. Au début des années 2000, l’afrocentrisme académique s’est trouvé au cœur de vifs débats dans les espaces anglophones et francophones. Aux États-Unis, c’est la publication de l’ouvrage de Mary Lefkowitz Not Out of Africa (1993) qui rendit publiques les nombreuses tensions entre afrocentristes et anti-afrocentristes. En France, la discussion s’est également concentrée autour de la parution d’un ouvrage dirigé par François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar, Jean-Pierre Chrétien et Claude-Hélène Perrot (2000). Le texte, provocateur, se donnait pour but de déconstruire des théories afrocentriques qualifiées de naïves, « fausses » et dont « le succès parmi les Américains noirs peut être attribué au fait que, à l’heure actuelle, la pensée critique n’est pas en grande estime dans la communauté noire aux États-Unis » (2000 : 70-71). Le livre fut accueilli très froidement dans les milieux qu’il visait. En 2001, l’intellectuel congolais Théophile Obenga, rétorqua avec la publication d’un nouvel ouvrage Le sens de la lutte contre l’africanisme eurocentriste. Manifeste d’un combat « contre l’africanisme raciste, ancien ou moderne, colonial ou post-colonial, qui ne voit pas autre chose que la domination des peuples ‘exotiques’, ‘primitifs’, et ‘sous-développés’. » (2001 : 7), le texte d’Obenga multipliait, de son côté, les attaques personnelles et violentes. Aujourd’hui, il semble que l’appréhension des phénomènes afrocentriques ne puisse gagner en profondeur que si elle évite les écueils polémiques. Une telle approche supposerait alors de considérer l’afrocentrisme comme un objet de recherche construit historiquement, sociologiquement et anthropologiquement. Il s’agirait alors à la fois de le replacer dans le contexte historique de sa création et de s’intéresser à ses effets concrets dans les discours et les pratiques sociales populaires en Afrique, dans les Amériques et en Europe. En effet, depuis une vingtaine d’années, le terme et l’idéologie afrocentriques n’apparaissent plus seulement dans des débats des universitaires mais aussi dans une série d’usages sociaux, culturels et artistiques de populations qui les conçoivent comme un outil d'affirmation identitaire. Ces communautés et ces individus s’en saisissent, leur donnent une définition propre qui émane de leur environnement social, culturel et géographique particuliers, les utilisent comme fondement de nouvelles pratiques, de nouvelles élaborations du politique et de revendications identitaires. Ainsi, l’afrocentrisme se retrouve dans les pratiques religieuses d’Afro-Américains des États-Unis à la recherche de leurs racines ancestrales (Capone, 2005 ; Guedj, 2009), dans les textes des rappeurs de Trinidad ou du Gabon (Aterianus-Owanga, 2013) ainsi que dans les œuvres et les propos d’artistes aussi variés que la plasticienne Kara Walker et le saxophoniste Steve Coleman. Afrocentrismes populaires, a priori dissociés des milieux académiques, ces pratiques ne sont pourtant pas étrangères aux théories qui animent les spécialistes. En effet, nombreux sont les religieux qui citent les livres de Cheikh Anta Diop (1959) ou Molefi Asante (1987), les artistes qui revendiquent comme sources d'inspiration les vidéos postées sur youtube des discours de Leonard Jeffries, John Henrik Clarke ou Maulana Karenga. Il semble alors que c’est précisément dans cette analyse des pratiques et discours afrocentriques entre champs académique, politique, religieux et artistique que l’anthropologie peut jouer un rôle décisif. Il s’agirait alors pour les chercheurs de mettre en place des méthodologies permettant non seulement d’analyser les logiques de circulation des représentations de l’Afrique entre différentes catégories sociales mais aussi d’étudier la perméabilité des savoirs académiques et leurs influences en dehors des universités.

Introduction Daffodil Day, usually held in spring, raises funds for cancer awareness and research using this symbol of hope. On that day, people who donate money to this good cause are usually given a yellow daffodil pin to wear. When I lived in Auckland, New Zealand, on the last Friday in August most people walking around the city centre proudly wore a cheerful yellow flower. So many people generously participated in this initiative that one almost felt obliged to join the cause in order to wear the ‘uniform’ – the daffodil pin – as everyone else did on that day. To donate and to wear a daffodil is the social expectation, and operating in social environment people often endeavour to meet the expectation by doing the ‘appropriate things’ defined by societies or communities. After all, who does not like to receive a beam of acceptance and appreciation from a fellow daffodil bearer in Auckland’s Queen Street? States in international society are no different. In some ways, states wear ‘uniforms’ while executing domestic and foreign affairs just as human beings do within their social groups. States develop the understandings of desirable behaviour from the international community with which they interact and identify. They are ‘socialised’ to act in line with the expectations of international community. These expectations are expressed in the form of international norms, a prescriptive set of ideas about the ‘appropriate behaviour for actors with a given identity’ (Finnemore and Sikkink 891). Motivated by this logic of appropriateness, states that comply with certain international norms in world politics justify and undertake actions that are considered appropriate for their identities. This essay starts with examining how international norms can be spread to different countries through the process of ‘state socialisation’ (how the countries are ‘talked into’ wearing the ‘uniform’). Second, the essay investigates the idea of ‘cultural match’: how domestic actors comply with an international norm by interpreting and manipulating it according to their local political and legal practices (how the countries wear the ‘uniform’ differently). Lastly, the essay probes the current international normative community and the liberal values embedded in major international norms (whether states would continue wearing the ‘uniform’). International Norms and State Socialisation: Why Do States Wear the ‘Uniforms’? Norm diffusion is related to the efforts of ‘norm entrepreneurs’ using various platforms to convince a critical mass of states to embrace new norms (Finnemore and Sikkink 895-896). Early studies of norm diffusion tend to emphasise nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) as norm entrepreneurs and advocates, such as Oxfam and its goal of reducing poverty and hunger worldwide (Capie 638). In other empirical research, intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) were shown to serve as ‘norm teachers,’ such as UNESCO educating developing countries the value of science policy organisations (Finnemore 581-586). Additionally, states and other international actors can also play important roles in norm diffusion. Powerful states with more communication resources sometimes enjoy advantages in creating and promoting new norms (Florini 375). For example, the United States and Western European countries have often been considered as the major proponents of free trade. Norm emergence and state socialisation in a normative community often occurs during critical historical periods, such as wars and major economic downturns, when international changes and domestic crises often coincide with each other (Ikenberry and Kupchan 292). For instance, the norm entrepreneurs of ‘responsible power/state’ can be traced back to the great powers (mainly the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union) and their management of international order at the end of WWII (see Bull). With their negotiations and series of international agreements at the Cairo, Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam Conference in the 1940s, these great powers established a post-World War international society based on the key liberal values of international peace and security, free trade, human rights, and democracy. Human beings are not born to know what appropriate behaviour is; we learn social norms from parents, schools, peers, and other community members. International norms are collective expectations and understanding of how state governments should approach their domestic and foreign affairs. States ‘learn’ international norms while socialising with a normative community. From a sociological perspective, socialisation summarises ‘how and to what extent diverse individuals are meshed with the requirement of collective life’ at the societal level (Long and Hadden 39). It mainly consists of the process of training and shaping newcomers by the group members and the social adjustment of novices to the normative framework and the logic of appropriateness (Long and Hadden 39). Similarly, social psychology defines socialisation as the process in which ‘social organisations influence the action and experience of individuals’ (Gold and Douvan 145). Inspired by sociology and psychology, political scientists consider socialisation to be the mechanism through which norm entrepreneurs persuade other actors (usually a norm novice) to adhere to a particular prescriptive standard (Johnston, “Social State” 16). Norm entrepreneurs can change novices’ behaviour by the methods of persuasion and social influence (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 496-506). Socialisation sometimes demands that individual actors should comply with organisational norms by changing their interests or preferences (persuasion). Norm entrepreneurs often attempt to construct an appealing cognitive frame in order to persuade the novices (either individuals or states) to change their normative preferences or adopt new norms. They tend to use language that can ‘name, interpret and dramatise’ the issues related to the emerging norm (Finnemore and Sikkink 987). As a main persuasive device, ‘framing’ can provide a singular interpretation and appropriate behavioural response for a particular situation (Payne 39). Cognitive consistency theory found in psychology has suggested the mechanism of ‘analogy’, which indicates that actors are more likely to accept new ideas that share some similarities to the extant belief or ideas that they have already accepted (see Hybel, ch. 2). Based on this understanding, norm entrepreneurs usually frame issues in a way that can associate and resonate with the shared value of the targeted novices (Payne 43). For example, Finnemore’s research shows that when it promoted the creation of state science bureaucracies in the 1960s, UNESCO associated professional science policy-making with the appropriate role of a modern state, which was well received by the post-war developing countries in Latin America, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia (Finnemore 565-597). Socialisation can also emanate actors’ pro-norm behaviour through a cost-benefit calculation made with social rewards and punishments (social influence). A normative community can use the mechanism of back-patting and opprobrium to distribute social reward and punishment. Back-patting – ‘recognition, praise and normative support’ – is offered for a novice’s or member’s cooperative and pro-norm behaviour (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 503). In contrast, opprobrium associated with status denial and identity rejection can create social and psychological costs (Johnston 504). Both the reward and punishment grow in intensity with the number of co-operators (Johnston 504). A larger community can often create more criticism towards rule-breakers, and thus greatly increase the cost of disobedience. For instance, the lack of full commitment from major powers, such as China, the United States, and some other OECD countries, has arguably made global collective action towards mitigating climate change more difficult, as the cost of non-compliance is relatively low. While being in a normative environment, novice or emerging states that have not yet been socialised into the international community can respond to persuasion and social influence through the processes of identification and mimicking. Social psychology indicates that when one actor accepts persuasion or social influence based on its desire to build or maintain a ‘satisfying self-defining relationship’ to another actor, the mechanism of identification starts to work (Kelman 53). Identification among a social group can generate ‘obligatory’ behaviour, where individual states make decisions by attempting to match their perceptions of ‘who they are’ (national identity) with the expectation of the normative community (Glodgeier and Tetlock 82). After identifying with the normative community, a novice state would then mimic peer states’ pro-norm behaviour in order to be considered as a qualified member of the social group. For example, when the Chinese government was deliberating over its ratification of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety in 2003, a Ministry of Environmental Protection brief noted that China should ratify the Protocol as soon as possible because China had always been a country ‘keeping its word’ in international society, and non-ratification would largely ‘undermine China’s international image and reputation’ (Ministry of Environmental Protection of PRC). Despite the domestic industry’s disagreement with entering into the Protocol, the Chinese government’s self-identification as a ‘responsible state’ that performs its international promises and duties played an important role in China’s adoption of the international norm of biosafety. Domestic Salience of International Norms: How Do States Wear the ‘Uniforms’ Differently? Individual states do not accept international norms passively; instead, state governments often negotiate and interact with domestic actors, such as major industries and interest groups, whose actions and understandings in turn impact on how the norm is understood and implemented. This in turn feeds back to the larger normative community and creates variations of those norms. There are three main factors that can contribute to the domestic salience of an international norm. First, as the norm-takers, domestic actors can decide whether and to what extent an international norm can enter the domestic agenda and how it will be implemented in policy-making. These actors tend to favour an international norm that can justify their political and social programs and promote their interests in domestic policy debates (Cortell and Davis, “How Do International Institutions Matter?” 453). By advocating the existence and adoption of an international norm, domestic actors attempt to enhance the legitimacy and authority of their current policy or institution (Acharya, “How Ideas Spread” 248). Political elites can strengthen state legitimacy by complying with an international norm in their policy-making, and consequently obtain international approval with reputation, trust, and credibility as social benefits in the international community (Finnemore and Sikkink 903). For example, when the UN General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), only four states – Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States – voted against the Declaration. They argued that their constitutional and national policies were sufficiently responsive to the type of Indigenous self-determination envisioned by UNDRIP. Nevertheless, given the opprobrium directed against these states by the international community, and their well-organised Indigenous populations, the four state leaders recognised the value of supporting UNDRIP. Subsequently all four states adopted the Declaration, but in each instance state leaders observed UNDRIP’s ‘aspirational’ rather than legal status; UNDRIP was a statement of values that these states’ policies should seek to incorporate into their domestic Indigenous law. Second, the various cultural, political, and institutional strategies of domestic actors can influence the effectiveness of norm empowerment. Political rhetoric and political institutions are usually created and used to promote a norm domestically. Both state and societal leaders can make the performative speech act of an international norm work and raise its importance in a national context by repeated declarations on the legitimacy and obligations brought by the norm (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 76). Moreover, domestic actors can also develop or modify political institutions to incorporate an international norm into the domestic bureaucratic or legal system (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 76). These institutions provide rules for domestic actors and articulate their rights and obligations, which transforms the international norm’s legitimacy and authority into local practices. For example, the New Zealand Government adopted a non-nuclear policy in the 1980s. This policy arose from the non-nuclear movement that was leading the development of the Raratonga Treaty (South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone) and peace and Green party movements across Europe who sought to de-nuclearise the European continent. The Lange Labour Government’s 1984 adoption of an NZ anti-nuclear policy gained impetus because of these larger norm movements, and these movements in turn recognised the normative importance of a smaller power in international relations. Third, the characteristics of the international norm can also impact on the likelihood that the norm will be accepted by domestic actors. A ‘cultural match’ between international norm and local values can facilitate norm diffusion to domestic level. Sociologists suggest that norm diffusion is more likely to be successful if the norm is congruent with the prior values and practices of the norm-taker (Acharya, “Asian Regional Institutions” 14). Norm diffusion tends to be more efficient when there is a high degree of cultural match such that the global norm resonates with the target country’s domestic values, beliefs or understandings, which in turn can be reflected in national discourse, as well as the legal and bureaucratic system (Checkel 87; Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 73). With such cultural consistency, domestic actors are more likely to accept an international norm and treat it as a given or as ‘matter-of-fact’ (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 74). Cultural match in norm localisation explains why identical or similar international socialisation processes can lead to quite different local developments and variations of international norms. The debate between universal human rights and the ‘Asian values’ of human rights is an example where some Asian states, such as Singapore and China, prioritise citizen’s economic rights over social and political rights and embrace collective rights instead of individual rights. Cultural match can also explain why one country may easily accept a certain international norm, or some aspect of one particular norm, while rejecting others. For example, when Taiwanese and Japanese governments adapted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples into their local political and legal practice, various cultural aspects of Indigenous rights have been more thoroughly implemented compared to indigenous economic and political rights (Gao et al. 60-65). In some extreme cases, the norm entrepreneurs even attempt to change the local culture of norm recipients to create a better cultural match for norm localisation. For example, when it tried to socialise India into its colonial system in the early nineteenth century, Britain successfully shaped the evolution of Indian political culture by adding British values and practices into India’s social, political, and judicial system (Ikenberry and Kupchan 307-309). The International Normative Community: Would States Continue Wearing ‘Uniforms’? International norms evolve. Not every international norm can survive and sustain. For example, while imperialism and colonial expansion, where various European states explored, conquered, settled, and exploited other parts of the world, was a widely accepted idea and practice in the nineteenth century, state sovereignty, equality, and individual rights have replaced imperialism and become the prevailing norms in international society today. The meanings of the same international norm can evolve as well. The Great Powers first established the post-war international norms of ‘state responsibility’ based on the idea of sovereign equality and non-intervention of domestic affairs. However, the 1980s saw the emergence of many international organisations, which built new standards and offered new meanings for a responsible state in international society: a responsible state must actively participate in international organisations and comply with international regimes. In the post-Cold War era, international society has paid more attention to states’ responsibility to offer global common goods and to promote the values of human rights and democracy. This shift of focus has changed the international expectation of state responsibility again to embrace collective goods and global values (Foot, “Chinese Power” 3-11). In addition to the nature and evolution of international norms, the unity and strength of the normative community can also affect states’ compliance with the norms. The growing size of the community group or the number of other cooperatives can amplify the effect of socialisation (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 503-506). In other words, individual states are often more concerned about their national image, reputation and identity regarding norm compliance when a critical mass of states have already subscribed into the international norm. How much could this critical mass be? Finnemore and Sikkink suggest that international norms reach the threshold global acceptance when the norm entrepreneurs have persuaded at least one third of all states to adopt the new norm (901). The veto record of the United Nation Security Council (UNSC) shows this impact. China, for example, has cast a UNSC veto vote 17 times as of 2022, but it has rarely excised its veto power alone (Security Council Report). For instance, though being sceptical of the notion of ‘Responsibility to Protect’, which prioritises human right over state sovereignty, China did not veto Resolution 1973 (2011) regarding the Libyan civil war. The Resolution allowed the international society to take ‘all necessary measure to protect civilians’ from a failed state government, and it received wide support among UNSC members (no negative votes from the other 14 members). Moreover, states are not entirely equal in terms of their ‘normative weight’. When Great Powers act as norm entrepreneurs, they can usually utilise their wealth and influence to better socialise other norm novice states. In the history of promoting biological diversity norms which are embedded in the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), the OECD countries, especially France, UK, Germany, and Japan, have been regarded as normative leaders. French and Japanese political leaders employed normative language (such as ‘need’ and ‘must’) in various international forums to promote the norms and to highlight their normative commitment (see e.g. Chirac; Kan). Additionally, both governments provided financial assistance for developing countries to adopt the biodiversity norms. In the 2011 annual review of CBD, Japan reaffirmed its US$12 million contribution to assisting developing countries (Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity 9). France joined Japan’s commitment by announcing a financial contribution of €1 million along, with some additional funding from Norway and Switzerland (Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity 9). Today, biological diversity has been one of the most widely accepted international environmental norms, which 196 states/nations have ratified (United Nations). While Great Powers can make more substantial contributions to norm diffusion compared to many smaller powers with limited state capacity, Great Powers’ non-compliance with the normative ‘uniform’ can also significantly undermine the international norms’ validity and the normative community’s unity and reputation. The current normative community of climate change is hardly a unified one, as it is characterised by a low degree of consensus. Major industrial countries, such as the United States, Canada, and Australia, have not yet reached an agreement concerning their individual responsibilities for reducing greenhouse emissions. This lack of agreement, which includes the amount of cuts, the feasibility and usefulness of such cuts, and the relative sharing of cuts across various states, is complicated by the fact that large developing countries, such as China, Brazil, and India, also hold different opinions towards climate change regimes (see Vidal et al.). Experts heavily criticised the major global powers, such as the European Union and the United States, for their lack of ambition in phasing out fossil fuels during the 2022 climate summit in Egypt (COP27; Ehsan et al.). In international trade, both China and the United States are among the leading powers because of their large trade volume, capacity, and transnational network; however, both countries have recently undermined the world trade system and norms. China took punitive measures against Australian export products after Australia’s Covid-19 inquiry request at the World Health Organisation. The United States, particularly under the Trump Administration, invoked the WTO national security exception in Article XXI of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to justify its tariffs on steel and aluminium. Lastly, norm diffusion and socialisation can be a ‘two-way path,’ especially when the norm novice state is a powerful and influential state in the international system. In this case, the novices are not merely assimilated into the group, but can also successfully exert some influence on other group members and affect intra-group relations (Moreland 1174). As such, the novices can be both targets of socialisation and active agents who can shape the content and outcome of socialisation processes (Pu 344). The influence from the novices can create normative contestation and thus influence the norm evolution (Thies 547). In other words, novice states can influence international society and shape the international norm during the socialisation process. For example, the ‘ASEAN Way’ is a set of norms that regulate member states’ relationships within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It establishes a diplomatic and security culture characterised by informality, consultation, and dialogue, and consensus-building in decision-making processes (Caballero-Anthony). From its interaction with ASEAN, China has been socialised into the ‘ASEAN Way’ (Ba 157-159). Nevertheless, China’s relations with the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) also suggest that there exists a ‘feedback’ process between China and ARF which resulted in institutional changes in ARF to accommodate China’s response (Johnston, “The Myth of the ASEAN Way?” 291). For another example, while the Western powers generally promote the norm of ‘shared responsibility’ in global environment regimes, the emerging economies, such as the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), have responded to the normative engagement and proposed a ‘Common but Differentiated Responsibilities’ regime where the developing countries shoulder less international obligations. Similarly, the Western-led norm of ‘Responsibility to Protect’, which justifies international humanitarian intervention, has received much resistance from the countries that only adhere to the conventional international rules regarding state sovereignty rights and non-intervention to domestic affairs. Conclusion International norms are shared expectations about what constitutes appropriate state behaviour. They are the ‘uniforms’ for individual states to wear when operating at the international level. States comply with international norms in order to affirm their preferred national identities as well as to gain social acceptance and reputation in the normative community. When the normative community is united and sizable, states tend to receive more social pressure to consistently wear these normative uniforms – be they the Geneva Conventions or nuclear non-proliferation. Nevertheless, in the post-pandemic world where liberal values, such as individual rights and rule of law, face significant challenges and democracies are in decline, the future success of the global normative community may be at risk. Great Powers are especially responsible for the survival and sustainability of international norms. The United States under President Trump adopted a nationalist ‘America First’ security agenda: alienating traditional allies, befriending authoritarian regimes previously shunned, and rejecting multilateralism as the foundation of the post-war global order. While the West has been criticised of failing to live up to its declared values, and has suffered its own loss of confidence in the liberal model, the rising powers have offered their alternative version of the world system. Instead of merely adapting to the Western-led global norms, China has created new institutions, such as the Belt and Road Initiatives, to promote its own preferred values, and has reshaped the global order where it deems the norms undesirable (Foot, “Chinese Power in a Changing World Order” 7). Great Power participation has reshaped the landscape of global normative community, and sadly not always in positive ways. Umberto Eco lamented the disappearance of the beauty of the past in his novel The Name of the Rose: ‘stat rosa pristina nomine, nomina nuda tenemus’ ('yesterday’s rose endures in its name, we hold empty names'; Eco 538). If the international community does not want to witness an era where global norms and universal values are reduced to nominalist symbols, it must renew and reinvigorate its commitment to global values, such as human rights and democracy. It must consider wearing these uniforms again, properly. References Acharya, Amitav. “How Ideas Spread: Whose Norms Matter? Norm Localisation and Institutional Change in Asian Regionalism.” International Organisations 58.2 (2004): 239-275. Acharya, Amitav. “Asian Regional Institutions and the Possibilities for Socializing the Behavior of States.” Asian Development Bank Working Paper Series on Regional Economic Integration 82 (June 2011). Ba, Alice D. “Who’s Socializing Who? Complex Engagement in Sino-ASEAN Relations.” The Pacific Review 19.2 (2006): 157-179. Hedley Bull. The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics. New York: Palgrave, 2002. Caballero-Anthony, Mely. “The ASEAN Way and The Changing Security Environment: Navigating Challenges to Informality and Centrality.” International Politics, June 2022. Capie, David. “Localization as Resistance: The Contested Diffusion of Small Arms Norms in Southeast Asia.” Security Dialogue 36.6 (2008): 637–658. Checkel, Jeffrey T. “Norms, Institutions, and National Identity in Contemporary Europe.” International Studies Quarterly 43.1 (1999): 83-114. Chirac, Jacques. Statement by the President of the French Republic to the International Conference on ‘Biodiversity: Science and Governance’, UNESCO, 24-28 Jan. 2005. <https://cbd.int/kb/record/statement/9026?RecordType=statement>. Cortell, Andrew P., and James W. Davis, Jr. “How Do International Institutions Matter? The Domestic Impact of Intentional Rules and Norms.” International Studies Quarterly 40.4 (1996): 451-478. Cortell, Andrew P., and James W. Davis, Jr. “Understanding the Domestic Impact of International Norms: A Research Agenda.” International Studies Review 2.1 (2000): 65-87. Eco, Umberto. The Name of the Rose. London: Penguin, 2014. Finnemore, Martha, and Kathryn Sikkink. “International Norm Dynamics and Political Change.” International Organization 52.4 (1998): 887-917. Finnemore, Martha. “International Organizations as Teachers of Norms: The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization and Science Policy.” International Organization 47.4 (1993): 565-597. Florini, Ann. “The Evolution of International Norms.” International Studies Quarterly 40.3 (1996): 363-389. Foot, Rosemary. “Chinese Power and the Idea of a Responsible State.” The China Journal 45 (2001): 1-19. ———. “Chinese Power and the Idea of a Responsible State in a Changing World Order.” The Centre of Gravity Series, Australian National University, Feb. 2018. Gao, Xiang, et. al. “The Legal Recognition of Indigenous Interests in Japan and Taiwan.” Asia Pacific Law Review 24.1: 60-82. Glodgeier, James M., and Philip E. Tetlock. “Psychology and International Relations Theory.” Annual Review of Political Science 4 (2001): 67-92. Gold, Martin, and Elizabeth Douvan. A New Outline of Social Psychology. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 1997. Hybel, Alex R. 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Statement by the Prime Minister of Japan at the opening of the High Level Segment of the Tenth Meeting of the Conference of Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, 27 Oct. 2010. <https://www.mofa.go.jp/announce/pm/kan/address101027.html>. Kelman, Herbert C. “Compliance, Identification and Internalisation: Three Processes of Attitude Change.” Journal of Conflict Resolution 2.1 (1958): 51-60. Long, Theodore E., and Jeffrey K. Hadden. “A Preconception of Socialization.” Sociological Theory 3.1 (1985): 39-49. Masood, Ehsan, et al. “COP27 Climate Talks: What Succeeded, What Failed and What’s Next.” Nature 29 Nov. 2022. <https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-022-03807-0>. Ministry of Environmental Protection of the People’s Republic of China. Shewu duoyangxing lvyue jianbao 生物多样性履约简报 [Brief of Implementing Convention on Biological Diversity] 4 (2003). Moreland, Richard L. “Social Categorization and the Assimilation of ‘New’ Group Members.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 48.5 (1985): 1173-1190. Payne, Rodger A. “Persuasion, Frames and Norm Construction.” European Journal of International Relations 7.1 (2001): 37-61. Pu, Xiaoyu. “Socialisation as a Two-way Process: Emerging Powers and the Diffusion of International Norms.” The Chinese Journal of International Politics 5.4 (2012): 341-367. Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity. The Convention on Biological Diversity: Year in Review 2011. 2011 <https://www.cbd.int/doc/reports/cbd-report-2011-en.pdf>. Secrity Council Report. "The Veto." 16 Dec. 2020. <https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/un-security-council-working-methods/the-veto.php>. Thies, Cameron G. “Sense and Sensibility in the Study of State Socialisation: A Reply to Kai Alderson.” Review of International Studies 29.4 (2003): 543-550. 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Optimised project delivery methods forsocial housing energy renovations European Social Housing Organisations (SHOs) are currently facing challenging times. The ageing of their housing stock and the economic crisis, which has affected both their finances and the finances of their tenants, are testing their capacity to stick to their aim of providing decent and affordable housing. Housing renovation projects offer the possibility of upgrading the health and comfort levels of their old housing stock to current standards and improve energy efficiency, and this solution also addresses the fuel poverty problems suffered by some tenants. Unfortunately, the limited financial capacity of SHOs is hampering the scale of housing renovation projects and the energy savings achieved. At the same time, the renovation of the existing housing stock is seen as one of the most promising alternative routes to achieving the ambitious CO2 emissions reduction targets set by European authorities – namely, to reduce EU CO2 emissions to 20% below their 1990 levels by 2020. The synergy between European targets and the aims of SHOs has been addressed by the energy policies of the member states, which focus on the potential energy savings achievable by renovating social housing. In fact, the European initiatives have prioritised energy savings in social housing renovations to such an extent that these are referred to as ‘energy renovations’. Energy renovation is therefore a renovation project with higher energy savings target than a regular renovation project. In total, European SHOs own 21.5 million dwellings representing around 9.4% of the total housing stock. Each SHO owns a large number of dwellings, which means there are fewer people to convince of the need to make energy savings through building renovations, maximising the potentially high impact of decisions. Moreover, SHOs are responsible for maintaining and upgrading their properties in order to continue renting them. As such, SHOs are used to dealing with renovations on a professional basis. The limited financial capacity of SHOs to realise energy renovations magnifies the importance of improving process performance in order to get the best possible outcomes. In the last 30 years numerous authors have addressed the need to improve the performance of traditional construction processes via alternative project delivery methods. However, very little is known about the specifics of renovations processes for social housing, the feasibility of applying innovative construction management methods and the consequences for the process, for the role of all the actors involved and for the results of the projects. The aim of this study is to provide an insight into the project delivery methods available for SHOs when they are undertaking energy renovation projects and to evaluate how these methods could facilitate the achievement of a higher process performance. The main research question is: How can Social Housing Organisations improve the performance of energy renovation processes using more integrated project delivery methods? The idea of a PhD thesis about social housing renovation processes originated from the participation of TU Delft as research partner in the Intelligent Energy Europe project SHELTER1 which was carried out between 2010 and 2013. The aim of the SHELTER project was to promote and facilitate the use of new models of cooperation, inspired by integrated design, for the energy renovation of social housing. The SHELTER project was a joint effort between six social housing organisations (Arte Genova, Italy; Black Country Housing Group, United Kingdom; Bulgarian Housing Association, Bulgaria; Dynacité, France; Logirep, France and Société Wallonne du Logement, Belgium), three European professional federations based in Brussels (Architects Council of Europe, Cecodhas Housing Europe and European Builders Confederation) and one research partner (Delft University of Technology). Research methods This thesis is composed of five studies. The first study is based on a literature review. The second study is based on five case studies from four countries (Belgium, Italy, France and United Kingdom), a questionnaire completed by 36 SHOs from eight countries and 14 interviews with experts from ten countries. The third is based on two French case studies and the fourth and fifth are based on 8 and 13 Dutch case studies respectively. Construction projects in housing involve a high number of professionals and take place over a long period of time. External factors, such as the economic and political situation or changes in construction or procurement regulations, can have a considerable influence on the construction process. Moreover, the specific characteristics of the construction sector of every country can also shape the process. In consequence, there are many interrelated variables that can have an influence on the dynamics of the process and on the outputs achieved. Research that seeks to understand the causes of changes in this process need to dig deeper into the internal and external characteristics of the process, which makes case study research the most appropriate research method for this type of study. The cases in each of the studies have been selected because innovative project management methods aiming for better collaboration between the participating actors were applied and because it was possible to gather high-quality data concerning these projects. The data were gathered mainly through interviews but other methods were also used: a questionnaire, observations and an analysis of tender documents. A protocol based on the recommendations of case study research literature was applied to assure the scientific validity of the data collected through the interviews. The case studies were complemented with a wide-ranging literature review covering scientific publications on project management in construction, mainly from the UK, the US, Australia, the Netherlands, Hong Kong and Finland. Reports from Intelligent Energy Europe projects were also reviewed, as well as legal texts relating to the tender options open to European social housing organisations. Construction management methods How to improve the performance of construction processes has long been and is still one of the key issues of the construction industry sector, social housing included. The performance of construction processes has been addressed from a range of perspectives in the construction management literature and diverse project management methods have been proposed. These methods are interrelated and in constant evolution. Moreover, different terminology is used to describe similar methods, which makes it difficult to obtain a clear picture. To simplify, three main perspectives or methods to improve the process integration and actors collaboration can be identified: the multi-project: supply chain integration; the single-project: integrated project delivery methods; and collaboration: partnering. Supply chain integration looks at the performance of the construction process from a multi-project perspective, relating the construction process to an industrial process. The project delivery method takes a single-project perspective into account because it is based on the premise that the complexity and singularity of any construction project will make it unique. Finally, partnering is focused on the characteristics of collaboration between the actors involved in the construction process. The singularity of renovation projects and the limitations of public procurement make the single project perspective the most feasible strategy for improving the process performance of social housing renovation projects. As such, the analysis of the project delivery methods is the most suitable method for improving the performance of renovation processes. The literature review shows that the more integrated project delivery methods are particularly indicated for construction projects with a high commitment to sustainability in general and for energy performance in particular. The literature review also reveals that the key factor in the process efficiency of all project delivery methods is collaboration between the actors involved in the project. Partnering methods can have a substantial positive influence on process performance. The study of the legal limitations imposed by the currently applicable public procurement Directive 2004/18/EC shows that even though a limited amount of tender options are available, is it possible to tender projects that apply integrated project delivery methods using the competitive dialogue procedure. Moreover, the recently approved but not yet enacted public procurement Directive 2014/24/ EU facilitates even further the use of competitive dialogue tenders for social housing energy renovations. Project delivery methods in European social housing energy renovations This study is based on five case studies, 36 questionnaires and 14 expert interviews, and identified four main project delivery methods for the energy renovation of social housing, namely: Step-by-Step (SBS) Design-Bid-Build (DBB) Design-Build (DB) Design-Build-Maintain (DBM). SBS can be considered a major renovation when the replacement of a series of building components eventually produces the same final result as a renovation project. In order to optimise the service lives of building components, an SHO might choose to split a major renovation project into a series of minor renovations. Cost-efficiency is achieved by procuring a large number of replacements only when a particular component has reached the end of its service life. This project delivery method will not usually include a design phase because these interventions usually involve replacing building products and systems. DBB, DB and DBM take place all at once and involve design companies, construction companies and maintenance companies. The difference between the three methods is the time frame for the involvement of the different actors and the contractual relationship with the SHO. In DBB, the various contracted parties are involved in the project one after the other, while in DB design companies and construction companies are involved during the same time period, and in DBM all three parties are involved during the same time period. Under DB, the SHO tenders the design and construction work in a single contract and under DBM it tenders the design, construction and maintenance work in a single contract. The contracted entity may be a single company, with or without subcontractors, or a consortium. SBS and DBB are the most commonly used project delivery methods for social housing renovation projects, although DB and DBM are also used for a small number of projects. The vast majority of SHOs use more than one project delivery method simultaneously, mainly a combination of SBS and DBB. For new-build projects, DBB has traditionally been considered the most commonly used project delivery method; however, our survey revealed that it is in fact the second most commonly used project delivery method after SBS. The DBM approach has the maximum potential for delivering energy savings, because it facilitates collaboration between the different actors and promotes their commitment to achieving project goals. Furthermore, DBM offers greater price certainty and less risk of design failure compared to other project delivery methods. However, the project delivery method cannot guarantee the achievement of targeted energy savings by itself. Numerous factors need to be taken into account when considering a change in the project delivery method. The property asset management of the dwelling stock that is renovated using SBS, which focuses on building elements and systems, is completely different from the property asset management of the dwelling stock renovated by DBB, DB or DBM, which focuses on entire properties. It is therefore unlikely that SHOs that are already applying SBS will switch to another project delivery method. Switching between DBB to DBM, or to DB, is feasible since they are similar in terms of property asset management. A change of project delivery method could be motivated by the use of energy performance guarantees offered by energy performance contracting, which is possible in cases where DBM is used. However, this choice is not suitable for all SHOs. For example, if an SHO has an in-house design team and changes to DBM (or DB), its design team will not be involved in the project as the contractor will have its own design staff. If an SHO has a corporate responsibility towards SMEs and changes to DBM (or DB), it will be more difficult to keep SMEs directly involved since they will need to organise themselves into consortia. And finally, if an SHO already has a contract with a maintenance company to manage their entire housing stock, changing to DBM will create a conflict in their maintenance management, since for every property where DBM has been used, a different maintenance company will take charge of maintenance. Energy efficiency in French social housing renovations via Design-Build-Maintain The study is based on the analysis of two social housing renovation projects, implemented by two French SHOs: the renovation of 14 dwellings in a three-storey apartment block in Nurieux-Volognat (in south-eastern France) by the Dynacité SHO; and the renovation of 231 dwellings in four apartment blocks (ranging from 6 to 10 storeys) in Vitry-sur-Seine (in the southern suburbs of Paris) by the Logirep SHO. The data on the case studies were obtained from: the tender documents (call for offers, specifications and preliminary designs); observation during the negotiation phase in the case of Dynacité; interviews, carried out after the construction work was finished, with the social housing renovations manager, the social housing project manager, the construction company, the architect’s office and the maintenance company involved in both cases; and the evaluation reports produced by project managers at the SHOs. The results demonstrate that it is possible to engage design companies, construction companies and maintenance companies to achieve energy savings that exceed those stipulated by the SHO and to obtain a guarantee of results. This approach also makes it possible to shorten the duration of a project, while limiting the costs involved to approximately the equivalent of those incurred in DBB renovation projects. The collaborative set-up of the DBM process also results in improved relations between the actors involved. However, an analysis of these relationships indicated that there is still room for improvement, particularly with regard to the maintenance company. In order to guarantee the benefits of implementing a DBM process, it is necessary for the SHO to put in place the following: realistic but ambitious minimum requirements; clear and measurable award criteria that stress the importance of achieving high energy savings; and a guarantee mechanism that is fair and robust. Moreover, the SHO needs to ensure that the scale of the contract is large enough to guarantee that any compensation paid to non-selected candidates does not adversely affect the total cost of the project and that the SHO’s maintenance strategy must be flexible enough to handle maintenance contracts that are project-related as well as maintenance stock-related contracts. Competitive tenders for integrated contracts for social housing renovation projects The study, which is based on an analysis of eight renovation projects undertaken by SHOs in the Netherlands, shows that Dutch SHOs apply a range of mechanisms in order to influence the ambition, collaboration and long-term view of the consortia that participate in competitive tenders for integrated renovation projects. Their aim is to improve the quality of the construction process and thereby enhance the quality of the output. The scale of the ambition is raised, in first place, through the competitive character of the selection procedure. Several candidates are invited to the tender but only the best will be selected. Secondly, the minimum performance level is defined above common standards by setting high but achievable minimum requirements. Thirdly, the candidates are encouraged to perform at their best by being rated by award criteria that evaluate their performance. The findings show that SHOs are not all singing from the same song sheet when it comes to determining the level of ambition they require from their candidates in relation to the key issue of energy saving. Collaboration is encouraged mainly by setting a very tight deadline for the design proposals, a period of just 11 weeks on average. The consortium members are thus required to work closely together in order to get the proposals out on time and make a convincing pitch in a presentation. The findings show that the procedures with higher numbers of meetings between the SHO and the consortium during the design proposal period appeared to increase collaboration with the SHO. Other mechanisms, such as setting conditions for the nature of the candidates or proposing team coaches, were implemented to a lesser extent and not regarded as appropriate by all SHOs. A longer-term view is promoted by including an optional long-term maintenance contract for the renovated dwellings. The results of this strategy were not as good as expected, however, because the majority of the candidates did not integrate maintenance into their proposal, preferring to make an additional and separate maintenance offer. The SHOs did not include maintenance as an integral part of the renovation project because they were afraid of the possible implications of a long-term maintenance contract on a project basis for their general building stock maintenance strategy and their in-house maintenance teams. The role of the architect using integrated contracts for social housing renovation projects The focus of previous studies is on analysing the implementation of integrated project delivery methods from the demand side, the social housing organisation. However, it has been also identified that the use of integrated project delivery methods have consequences for the supply side actors. Especially for the architect because his central role in the design process could be affected. This study, which is based on the analysis of the role of the architect in thirteen renovation projects that used integrated contracts, concludes that the main role of the architect, as having principal responsibility for the design choices made, does not change when integrated contracts are used. However, the decision-making power of the architect does decrease. With the use of integrated contracts, the main contractor and some specialised contractors can also influence the design choices – an influence that they would not otherwise have. In cases where the main contractor plays an active leading role in the consortium, the reduction of the decision-making power of the architect may become even more evident, and in the opinion of some architects, turn the role of architect into a role more akin to that of technical and aesthetic advisor. The changes in how design decisions are taken do not have a negative impact on the quality of the relationship between the architect and the SHO, and has a positive influence on the quality of the relationship between the architect and the construction companies involved in the project. Some changes were reported relating to the workload for each project compared to Design-Bid-Build projects. In some cases, architects were no longer involved in project management tasks, while in other cases architects were assigned additional responsibilities, such as communicating with tenants. It is not possible, therefore, to establish a direct relationship between the use of integrated contracts and the size of the architect’s workload. Where there is an evident change is in the distribution of the workload and payment for the work done for the integrated contracts that have been tendered through a competitive procedure (seven of the thirteen projects analysed). In projects tendered using a competitive procedure, the work of the architect is condensed into a shorter timeframe (42% shorter than with a non-competitive procedure) and there is a higher risk that the working hours will not be paid in full if the consortium is not awarded the contract. Conclusions In order to improve the performance of energy renovation processes undertaken by social housing organisations, the Design-Build-Maintain project delivery method offers the best opportunity to facilitate the active involvement of all actors, obtain the best possible project performance and to guarantee the quality of the end results. However, given the characteristics of each SHO and the characteristics of the renovation projects, DBM is not always the project delivery method chosen. If DBM is not used, other simpler management mechanisms, such as the early involvement of contractors or the use of in-house maintenance companies as advisors, should be considered to contribute to better process performance. In order to apply the DBM project delivery method successfully, it is necessary for the SHO to focus its efforts on designing a tender procedure that maximises the potential of the entire project delivery method. Choosing a competitive tender procedure that allows the dialogue with candidates. Defining performance-based specifications with realistic but ambitious minimum requirements and a set of clear and measurable award criteria that stress the importance of achieving energy savings. Defining a performance guarantee mechanism that is fair and robust. Setting up tender process conditions that facilitate communication between the candidates and the SHO and that promote team working among the candidate team (consortium). The members of the candidate team, the consortium, also need to adapt to the new game rules. Specifically the architect needs to gain more managerial skills in order to keep his leading design decision position and become more of a team integrator. Future research should consider the changes in the roles of the other consortium members and the best consortium structures to ensure a good product quality and the fair treatment of all the parties involved.

Optimised project delivery methods forsocial housing energy renovations European Social Housing Organisations (SHOs) are currently facing challenging times. The ageing of their housing stock and the economic crisis, which has affected both their finances and the finances of their tenants, are testing their capacity to stick to their aim of providing decent and affordable housing. Housing renovation projects offer the possibility of upgrading the health and comfort levels of their old housing stock to current standards and improve energy efficiency, and this solution also addresses the fuel poverty problems suffered by some tenants. Unfortunately, the limited financial capacity of SHOs is hampering the scale of housing renovation projects and the energy savings achieved. At the same time, the renovation of the existing housing stock is seen as one of the most promising alternative routes to achieving the ambitious CO2 emissions reduction targets set by European authorities – namely, to reduce EU CO2 emissions to 20% below their 1990 levels by 2020. The synergy between European targets and the aims of SHOs has been addressed by the energy policies of the member states, which focus on the potential energy savings achievable by renovating social housing. In fact, the European initiatives have prioritised energy savings in social housing renovations to such an extent that these are referred to as ‘energy renovations’. Energy renovation is therefore a renovation project with higher energy savings target than a regular renovation project. In total, European SHOs own 21.5 million dwellings representing around 9.4% of the total housing stock. Each SHO owns a large number of dwellings, which means there are fewer people to convince of the need to make energy savings through building renovations, maximising the potentially high impact of decisions. Moreover, SHOs are responsible for maintaining and upgrading their properties in order to continue renting them. As such, SHOs are used to dealing with renovations on a professional basis. The limited financial capacity of SHOs to realise energy renovations magnifies the importance of improving process performance in order to get the best possible outcomes. In the last 30 years numerous authors have addressed the need to improve the performance of traditional construction processes via alternative project delivery methods. However, very little is known about the specifics of renovations processes for social housing, the feasibility of applying innovative construction management methods and the consequences for the process, for the role of all the actors involved and for the results of the projects. The aim of this study is to provide an insight into the project delivery methods available for SHOs when they are undertaking energy renovation projects and to evaluate how these methods could facilitate the achievement of a higher process performance. The main research question is: How can Social Housing Organisations improve the performance of energy renovation processes using more integrated project delivery methods? The idea of a PhD thesis about social housing renovation processes originated from the participation of TU Delft as research partner in the Intelligent Energy Europe project SHELTER1 which was carried out between 2010 and 2013. The aim of the SHELTER project was to promote and facilitate the use of new models of cooperation, inspired by integrated design, for the energy renovation of social housing. The SHELTER project was a joint effort between six social housing organisations (Arte Genova, Italy; Black Country Housing Group, United Kingdom; Bulgarian Housing Association, Bulgaria; Dynacité, France; Logirep, France and Société Wallonne du Logement, Belgium), three European professional federations based in Brussels (Architects Council of Europe, Cecodhas Housing Europe and European Builders Confederation) and one research partner (Delft University of Technology). Research methods This thesis is composed of five studies. The first study is based on a literature review. The second study is based on five case studies from four countries (Belgium, Italy, France and United Kingdom), a questionnaire completed by 36 SHOs from eight countries and 14 interviews with experts from ten countries. The third is based on two French case studies and the fourth and fifth are based on 8 and 13 Dutch case studies respectively. Construction projects in housing involve a high number of professionals and take place over a long period of time. External factors, such as the economic and political situation or changes in construction or procurement regulations, can have a considerable influence on the construction process. Moreover, the specific characteristics of the construction sector of every country can also shape the process. In consequence, there are many interrelated variables that can have an influence on the dynamics of the process and on the outputs achieved. Research that seeks to understand the causes of changes in this process need to dig deeper into the internal and external characteristics of the process, which makes case study research the most appropriate research method for this type of study. The cases in each of the studies have been selected because innovative project management methods aiming for better collaboration between the participating actors were applied and because it was possible to gather high-quality data concerning these projects. The data were gathered mainly through interviews but other methods were also used: a questionnaire, observations and an analysis of tender documents. A protocol based on the recommendations of case study research literature was applied to assure the scientific validity of the data collected through the interviews. The case studies were complemented with a wide-ranging literature review covering scientific publications on project management in construction, mainly from the UK, the US, Australia, the Netherlands, Hong Kong and Finland. Reports from Intelligent Energy Europe projects were also reviewed, as well as legal texts relating to the tender options open to European social housing organisations. Construction management methods How to improve the performance of construction processes has long been and is still one of the key issues of the construction industry sector, social housing included. The performance of construction processes has been addressed from a range of perspectives in the construction management literature and diverse project management methods have been proposed. These methods are interrelated and in constant evolution. Moreover, different terminology is used to describe similar methods, which makes it difficult to obtain a clear picture. To simplify, three main perspectives or methods to improve the process integration and actors collaboration can be identified: the multi-project: supply chain integration; the single-project: integrated project delivery methods; and collaboration: partnering. Supply chain integration looks at the performance of the construction process from a multi-project perspective, relating the construction process to an industrial process. The project delivery method takes a single-project perspective into account because it is based on the premise that the complexity and singularity of any construction project will make it unique. Finally, partnering is focused on the characteristics of collaboration between the actors involved in the construction process. The singularity of renovation projects and the limitations of public procurement make the single project perspective the most feasible strategy for improving the process performance of social housing renovation projects. As such, the analysis of the project delivery methods is the most suitable method for improving the performance of renovation processes. The literature review shows that the more integrated project delivery methods are particularly indicated for construction projects with a high commitment to sustainability in general and for energy performance in particular. The literature review also reveals that the key factor in the process efficiency of all project delivery methods is collaboration between the actors involved in the project. Partnering methods can have a substantial positive influence on process performance. The study of the legal limitations imposed by the currently applicable public procurement Directive 2004/18/EC shows that even though a limited amount of tender options are available, is it possible to tender projects that apply integrated project delivery methods using the competitive dialogue procedure. Moreover, the recently approved but not yet enacted public procurement Directive 2014/24/ EU facilitates even further the use of competitive dialogue tenders for social housing energy renovations. Project delivery methods in European social housing energy renovations This study is based on five case studies, 36 questionnaires and 14 expert interviews, and identified four main project delivery methods for the energy renovation of social housing, namely: Step-by-Step (SBS) Design-Bid-Build (DBB) Design-Build (DB) Design-Build-Maintain (DBM). SBS can be considered a major renovation when the replacement of a series of building components eventually produces the same final result as a renovation project. In order to optimise the service lives of building components, an SHO might choose to split a major renovation project into a series of minor renovations. Cost-efficiency is achieved by procuring a large number of replacements only when a particular component has reached the end of its service life. This project delivery method will not usually include a design phase because these interventions usually involve replacing building products and systems. DBB, DB and DBM take place all at once and involve design companies, construction companies and maintenance companies. The difference between the three methods is the time frame for the involvement of the different actors and the contractual relationship with the SHO. In DBB, the various contracted parties are involved in the project one after the other, while in DB design companies and construction companies are involved during the same time period, and in DBM all three parties are involved during the same time period. Under DB, the SHO tenders the design and construction work in a single contract and under DBM it tenders the design, construction and maintenance work in a single contract. The contracted entity may be a single company, with or without subcontractors, or a consortium. SBS and DBB are the most commonly used project delivery methods for social housing renovation projects, although DB and DBM are also used for a small number of projects. The vast majority of SHOs use more than one project delivery method simultaneously, mainly a combination of SBS and DBB. For new-build projects, DBB has traditionally been considered the most commonly used project delivery method; however, our survey revealed that it is in fact the second most commonly used project delivery method after SBS. The DBM approach has the maximum potential for delivering energy savings, because it facilitates collaboration between the different actors and promotes their commitment to achieving project goals. Furthermore, DBM offers greater price certainty and less risk of design failure compared to other project delivery methods. However, the project delivery method cannot guarantee the achievement of targeted energy savings by itself. Numerous factors need to be taken into account when considering a change in the project delivery method. The property asset management of the dwelling stock that is renovated using SBS, which focuses on building elements and systems, is completely different from the property asset management of the dwelling stock renovated by DBB, DB or DBM, which focuses on entire properties. It is therefore unlikely that SHOs that are already applying SBS will switch to another project delivery method. Switching between DBB to DBM, or to DB, is feasible since they are similar in terms of property asset management. A change of project delivery method could be motivated by the use of energy performance guarantees offered by energy performance contracting, which is possible in cases where DBM is used. However, this choice is not suitable for all SHOs. For example, if an SHO has an in-house design team and changes to DBM (or DB), its design team will not be involved in the project as the contractor will have its own design staff. If an SHO has a corporate responsibility towards SMEs and changes to DBM (or DB), it will be more difficult to keep SMEs directly involved since they will need to organise themselves into consortia. And finally, if an SHO already has a contract with a maintenance company to manage their entire housing stock, changing to DBM will create a conflict in their maintenance management, since for every property where DBM has been used, a different maintenance company will take charge of maintenance. Energy efficiency in French social housing renovations via Design-Build-Maintain The study is based on the analysis of two social housing renovation projects, implemented by two French SHOs: the renovation of 14 dwellings in a three-storey apartment block in Nurieux-Volognat (in south-eastern France) by the Dynacité SHO; and the renovation of 231 dwellings in four apartment blocks (ranging from 6 to 10 storeys) in Vitry-sur-Seine (in the southern suburbs of Paris) by the Logirep SHO. The data on the case studies were obtained from: the tender documents (call for offers, specifications and preliminary designs); observation during the negotiation phase in the case of Dynacité; interviews, carried out after the construction work was finished, with the social housing renovations manager, the social housing project manager, the construction company, the architect’s office and the maintenance company involved in both cases; and the evaluation reports produced by project managers at the SHOs. The results demonstrate that it is possible to engage design companies, construction companies and maintenance companies to achieve energy savings that exceed those stipulated by the SHO and to obtain a guarantee of results. This approach also makes it possible to shorten the duration of a project, while limiting the costs involved to approximately the equivalent of those incurred in DBB renovation projects. The collaborative set-up of the DBM process also results in improved relations between the actors involved. However, an analysis of these relationships indicated that there is still room for improvement, particularly with regard to the maintenance company. In order to guarantee the benefits of implementing a DBM process, it is necessary for the SHO to put in place the following: realistic but ambitious minimum requirements; clear and measurable award criteria that stress the importance of achieving high energy savings; and a guarantee mechanism that is fair and robust. Moreover, the SHO needs to ensure that the scale of the contract is large enough to guarantee that any compensation paid to non-selected candidates does not adversely affect the total cost of the project and that the SHO’s maintenance strategy must be flexible enough to handle maintenance contracts that are project-related as well as maintenance stock-related contracts. Competitive tenders for integrated contracts for social housing renovation projects The study, which is based on an analysis of eight renovation projects undertaken by SHOs in the Netherlands, shows that Dutch SHOs apply a range of mechanisms in order to influence the ambition, collaboration and long-term view of the consortia that participate in competitive tenders for integrated renovation projects. Their aim is to improve the quality of the construction process and thereby enhance the quality of the output. The scale of the ambition is raised, in first place, through the competitive character of the selection procedure. Several candidates are invited to the tender but only the best will be selected. Secondly, the minimum performance level is defined above common standards by setting high but achievable minimum requirements. Thirdly, the candidates are encouraged to perform at their best by being rated by award criteria that evaluate their performance. The findings show that SHOs are not all singing from the same song sheet when it comes to determining the level of ambition they require from their candidates in relation to the key issue of energy saving. Collaboration is encouraged mainly by setting a very tight deadline for the design proposals, a period of just 11 weeks on average. The consortium members are thus required to work closely together in order to get the proposals out on time and make a convincing pitch in a presentation. The findings show that the procedures with higher numbers of meetings between the SHO and the consortium during the design proposal period appeared to increase collaboration with the SHO. Other mechanisms, such as setting conditions for the nature of the candidates or proposing team coaches, were implemented to a lesser extent and not regarded as appropriate by all SHOs. A longer-term view is promoted by including an optional long-term maintenance contract for the renovated dwellings. The results of this strategy were not as good as expected, however, because the majority of the candidates did not integrate maintenance into their proposal, preferring to make an additional and separate maintenance offer. The SHOs did not include maintenance as an integral part of the renovation project because they were afraid of the possible implications of a long-term maintenance contract on a project basis for their general building stock maintenance strategy and their in-house maintenance teams. The role of the architect using integrated contracts for social housing renovation projects The focus of previous studies is on analysing the implementation of integrated project delivery methods from the demand side, the social housing organisation. However, it has been also identified that the use of integrated project delivery methods have consequences for the supply side actors. Especially for the architect because his central role in the design process could be affected. This study, which is based on the analysis of the role of the architect in thirteen renovation projects that used integrated contracts, concludes that the main role of the architect, as having principal responsibility for the design choices made, does not change when integrated contracts are used. However, the decision-making power of the architect does decrease. With the use of integrated contracts, the main contractor and some specialised contractors can also influence the design choices – an influence that they would not otherwise have. In cases where the main contractor plays an active leading role in the consortium, the reduction of the decision-making power of the architect may become even more evident, and in the opinion of some architects, turn the role of architect into a role more akin to that of technical and aesthetic advisor. The changes in how design decisions are taken do not have a negative impact on the quality of the relationship between the architect and the SHO, and has a positive influence on the quality of the relationship between the architect and the construction companies involved in the project. Some changes were reported relating to the workload for each project compared to Design-Bid-Build projects. In some cases, architects were no longer involved in project management tasks, while in other cases architects were assigned additional responsibilities, such as communicating with tenants. It is not possible, therefore, to establish a direct relationship between the use of integrated contracts and the size of the architect’s workload. Where there is an evident change is in the distribution of the workload and payment for the work done for the integrated contracts that have been tendered through a competitive procedure (seven of the thirteen projects analysed). In projects tendered using a competitive procedure, the work of the architect is condensed into a shorter timeframe (42% shorter than with a non-competitive procedure) and there is a higher risk that the working hours will not be paid in full if the consortium is not awarded the contract. Conclusions In order to improve the performance of energy renovation processes undertaken by social housing organisations, the Design-Build-Maintain project delivery method offers the best opportunity to facilitate the active involvement of all actors, obtain the best possible project performance and to guarantee the quality of the end results. However, given the characteristics of each SHO and the characteristics of the renovation projects, DBM is not always the project delivery method chosen. If DBM is not used, other simpler management mechanisms, such as the early involvement of contractors or the use of in-house maintenance companies as advisors, should be considered to contribute to better process performance. In order to apply the DBM project delivery method successfully, it is necessary for the SHO to focus its efforts on designing a tender procedure that maximises the potential of the entire project delivery method. Choosing a competitive tender procedure that allows the dialogue with candidates. Defining performance-based specifications with realistic but ambitious minimum requirements and a set of clear and measurable award criteria that stress the importance of achieving energy savings. Defining a performance guarantee mechanism that is fair and robust. Setting up tender process conditions that facilitate communication between the candidates and the SHO and that promote team working among the candidate team (consortium). The members of the candidate team, the consortium, also need to adapt to the new game rules. Specifically the architect needs to gain more managerial skills in order to keep his leading design decision position and become more of a team integrator. Future research should consider the changes in the roles of the other consortium members and the best consortium structures to ensure a good product quality and the fair treatment of all the parties involved.

Optimised project delivery methods forsocial housing energy renovations European Social Housing Organisations (SHOs) are currently facing challenging times. The ageing of their housing stock and the economic crisis, which has affected both their finances and the finances of their tenants, are testing their capacity to stick to their aim of providing decent and affordable housing. Housing renovation projects offer the possibility of upgrading the health and comfort levels of their old housing stock to current standards and improve energy efficiency, and this solution also addresses the fuel poverty problems suffered by some tenants. Unfortunately, the limited financial capacity of SHOs is hampering the scale of housing renovation projects and the energy savings achieved. At the same time, the renovation of the existing housing stock is seen as one of the most promising alternative routes to achieving the ambitious CO2 emissions reduction targets set by European authorities – namely, to reduce EU CO2 emissions to 20% below their 1990 levels by 2020. The synergy between European targets and the aims of SHOs has been addressed by the energy policies of the member states, which focus on the potential energy savings achievable by renovating social housing. In fact, the European initiatives have prioritised energy savings in social housing renovations to such an extent that these are referred to as ‘energy renovations’. Energy renovation is therefore a renovation project with higher energy savings target than a regular renovation project. In total, European SHOs own 21.5 million dwellings representing around 9.4% of the total housing stock. Each SHO owns a large number of dwellings, which means there are fewer people to convince of the need to make energy savings through building renovations, maximising the potentially high impact of decisions. Moreover, SHOs are responsible for maintaining and upgrading their properties in order to continue renting them. As such, SHOs are used to dealing with renovations on a professional basis. The limited financial capacity of SHOs to realise energy renovations magnifies the importance of improving process performance in order to get the best possible outcomes. In the last 30 years numerous authors have addressed the need to improve the performance of traditional construction processes via alternative project delivery methods. However, very little is known about the specifics of renovations processes for social housing, the feasibility of applying innovative construction management methods and the consequences for the process, for the role of all the actors involved and for the results of the projects. The aim of this study is to provide an insight into the project delivery methods available for SHOs when they are undertaking energy renovation projects and to evaluate how these methods could facilitate the achievement of a higher process performance. The main research question is: How can Social Housing Organisations improve the performance of energy renovation processes using more integrated project delivery methods? The idea of a PhD thesis about social housing renovation processes originated from the participation of TU Delft as research partner in the Intelligent Energy Europe project SHELTER1 which was carried out between 2010 and 2013. The aim of the SHELTER project was to promote and facilitate the use of new models of cooperation, inspired by integrated design, for the energy renovation of social housing. The SHELTER project was a joint effort between six social housing organisations (Arte Genova, Italy; Black Country Housing Group, United Kingdom; Bulgarian Housing Association, Bulgaria; Dynacité, France; Logirep, France and Société Wallonne du Logement, Belgium), three European professional federations based in Brussels (Architects Council of Europe, Cecodhas Housing Europe and European Builders Confederation) and one research partner (Delft University of Technology). Research methods This thesis is composed of five studies. The first study is based on a literature review. The second study is based on five case studies from four countries (Belgium, Italy, France and United Kingdom), a questionnaire completed by 36 SHOs from eight countries and 14 interviews with experts from ten countries. The third is based on two French case studies and the fourth and fifth are based on 8 and 13 Dutch case studies respectively. Construction projects in housing involve a high number of professionals and take place over a long period of time. External factors, such as the economic and political situation or changes in construction or procurement regulations, can have a considerable influence on the construction process. Moreover, the specific characteristics of the construction sector of every country can also shape the process. In consequence, there are many interrelated variables that can have an influence on the dynamics of the process and on the outputs achieved. Research that seeks to understand the causes of changes in this process need to dig deeper into the internal and external characteristics of the process, which makes case study research the most appropriate research method for this type of study. The cases in each of the studies have been selected because innovative project management methods aiming for better collaboration between the participating actors were applied and because it was possible to gather high-quality data concerning these projects. The data were gathered mainly through interviews but other methods were also used: a questionnaire, observations and an analysis of tender documents. A protocol based on the recommendations of case study research literature was applied to assure the scientific validity of the data collected through the interviews. The case studies were complemented with a wide-ranging literature review covering scientific publications on project management in construction, mainly from the UK, the US, Australia, the Netherlands, Hong Kong and Finland. Reports from Intelligent Energy Europe projects were also reviewed, as well as legal texts relating to the tender options open to European social housing organisations. Construction management methods How to improve the performance of construction processes has long been and is still one of the key issues of the construction industry sector, social housing included. The performance of construction processes has been addressed from a range of perspectives in the construction management literature and diverse project management methods have been proposed. These methods are interrelated and in constant evolution. Moreover, different terminology is used to describe similar methods, which makes it difficult to obtain a clear picture. To simplify, three main perspectives or methods to improve the process integration and actors collaboration can be identified: • the multi-project: supply chain integration; • the single-project: integrated project delivery methods; • and collaboration: partnering. Supply chain integration looks at the performance of the construction process from a multi-project perspective, relating the construction process to an industrial process. The project delivery method takes a single-project perspective into account because it is based on the premise that the complexity and singularity of any construction project will make it unique. Finally, partnering is focused on the characteristics of collaboration between the actors involved in the construction process. The singularity of renovation projects and the limitations of public procurement make the single project perspective the most feasible strategy for improving the process performance of social housing renovation projects. As such, the analysis of the project delivery methods is the most suitable method for improving the performance of renovation processes. The literature review shows that the more integrated project delivery methods are particularly indicated for construction projects with a high commitment to sustainability in general and for energy performance in particular. The literature review also reveals that the key factor in the process efficiency of all project delivery methods is collaboration between the actors involved in the project. Partnering methods can have a substantial positive influence on process performance. The study of the legal limitations imposed by the currently applicable public procurement Directive 2004/18/EC shows that even though a limited amount of tender options are available, is it possible to tender projects that apply integrated project delivery methods using the competitive dialogue procedure. Moreover, the recently approved but not yet enacted public procurement Directive 2014/24/ EU facilitates even further the use of competitive dialogue tenders for social housing energy renovations. Project delivery methods in European social housing energy renovations This study is based on five case studies, 36 questionnaires and 14 expert interviews, and identified four main project delivery methods for the energy renovation of social housing, namely: • Step-by-Step (SBS) • Design-Bid-Build (DBB) • Design-Build (DB) • Design-Build-Maintain (DBM). SBS can be considered a major renovation when the replacement of a series of building components eventually produces the same final result as a renovation project. In order to optimise the service lives of building components, an SHO might choose to split a major renovation project into a series of minor renovations. Cost-efficiency is achieved by procuring a large number of replacements only when a particular component has reached the end of its service life. This project delivery method will not usually include a design phase because these interventions usually involve replacing building products and systems. DBB, DB and DBM take place all at once and involve design companies, construction companies and maintenance companies. The difference between the three methods is the time frame for the involvement of the different actors and the contractual relationship with the SHO. In DBB, the various contracted parties are involved in the project one after the other, while in DB design companies and construction companies are involved during the same time period, and in DBM all three parties are involved during the same time period. Under DB, the SHO tenders the design and construction work in a single contract and under DBM it tenders the design, construction and maintenance work in a single contract. The contracted entity may be a single company, with or without subcontractors, or a consortium. SBS and DBB are the most commonly used project delivery methods for social housing renovation projects, although DB and DBM are also used for a small number of projects. The vast majority of SHOs use more than one project delivery method simultaneously, mainly a combination of SBS and DBB. For new-build projects, DBB has traditionally been considered the most commonly used project delivery method; however, our survey revealed that it is in fact the second most commonly used project delivery method after SBS. The DBM approach has the maximum potential for delivering energy savings, because it facilitates collaboration between the different actors and promotes their commitment to achieving project goals. Furthermore, DBM offers greater price certainty and less risk of design failure compared to other project delivery methods. However, the project delivery method cannot guarantee the achievement of targeted energy savings by itself. Numerous factors need to be taken into account when considering a change in the project delivery method. The property asset management of the dwelling stock that is renovated using SBS, which focuses on building elements and systems, is completely different from the property asset management of the dwelling stock renovated by DBB, DB or DBM, which focuses on entire properties. It is therefore unlikely that SHOs that are already applying SBS will switch to another project delivery method. Switching between DBB to DBM, or to DB, is feasible since they are similar in terms of property asset management. A change of project delivery method could be motivated by the use of energy performance guarantees offered by energy performance contracting, which is possible in cases where DBM is used. However, this choice is not suitable for all SHOs. For example, if an SHO has an in-house design team and changes to DBM (or DB), its design team will not be involved in the project as the contractor will have its own design staff. If an SHO has a corporate responsibility towards SMEs and changes to DBM (or DB), it will be more difficult to keep SMEs directly involved since they will need to organise themselves into consortia. And finally, if an SHO already has a contract with a maintenance company to manage their entire housing stock, changing to DBM will create a conflict in their maintenance management, since for every property where DBM has been used, a different maintenance company will take charge of maintenance. Energy efficiency in French social housing renovations via Design-Build-Maintain The study is based on the analysis of two social housing renovation projects, implemented by two French SHOs: • the renovation of 14 dwellings in a three-storey apartment block in Nurieux-Volognat (in south-eastern France) by the Dynacité SHO; and • the renovation of 231 dwellings in four apartment blocks (ranging from 6 to 10 storeys) in Vitry-sur-Seine (in the southern suburbs of Paris) by the Logirep SHO. The data on the case studies were obtained from: the tender documents (call for offers, specifications and preliminary designs); observation during the negotiation phase in the case of Dynacité; interviews, carried out after the construction work was finished, with the social housing renovations manager, the social housing project manager, the construction company, the architect’s office and the maintenance company involved in both cases; and the evaluation reports produced by project managers at the SHOs. The results demonstrate that it is possible to engage design companies, construction companies and maintenance companies to achieve energy savings that exceed those stipulated by the SHO and to obtain a guarantee of results. This approach also makes it possible to shorten the duration of a project, while limiting the costs involved to approximately the equivalent of those incurred in DBB renovation projects. The collaborative set-up of the DBM process also results in improved relations between the actors involved. However, an analysis of these relationships indicated that there is still room for improvement, particularly with regard to the maintenance company. In order to guarantee the benefits of implementing a DBM process, it is necessary for the SHO to put in place the following: realistic but ambitious minimum requirements; clear and measurable award criteria that stress the importance of achieving high energy savings; and a guarantee mechanism that is fair and robust. Moreover, the SHO needs to ensure that the scale of the contract is large enough to guarantee that any compensation paid to non-selected candidates does not adversely affect the total cost of the project and that the SHO’s maintenance strategy must be flexible enough to handle maintenance contracts that are project-related as well as maintenance stock-related contracts. Competitive tenders for integrated contracts for social housing renovation projects The study, which is based on an analysis of eight renovation projects undertaken by SHOs in the Netherlands, shows that Dutch SHOs apply a range of mechanisms in order to influence the ambition, collaboration and long-term view of the consortia that participate in competitive tenders for integrated renovation projects. Their aim is to improve the quality of the construction process and thereby enhance the quality of the output. The scale of the ambition is raised, in first place, through the competitive character of the selection procedure. Several candidates are invited to the tender but only the best will be selected. Secondly, the minimum performance level is defined above common standards by setting high but achievable minimum requirements. Thirdly, the candidates are encouraged to perform at their best by being rated by award criteria that evaluate their performance. The findings show that SHOs are not all singing from the same song sheet when it comes to determining the level of ambition they require from their candidates in relation to the key issue of energy saving. Collaboration is encouraged mainly by setting a very tight deadline for the design proposals, a period of just 11 weeks on average. The consortium members are thus required to work closely together in order to get the proposals out on time and make a convincing pitch in a presentation. The findings show that the procedures with higher numbers of meetings between the SHO and the consortium during the design proposal period appeared to increase collaboration with the SHO. Other mechanisms, such as setting conditions for the nature of the candidates or proposing team coaches, were implemented to a lesser extent and not regarded as appropriate by all SHOs. A longer-term view is promoted by including an optional long-term maintenance contract for the renovated dwellings. The results of this strategy were not as good as expected, however, because the majority of the candidates did not integrate maintenance into their proposal, preferring to make an additional and separate maintenance offer. The SHOs did not include maintenance as an integral part of the renovation project because they were afraid of the possible implications of a long-term maintenance contract on a project basis for their general building stock maintenance strategy and their in-house maintenance teams. The role of the architect using integrated contracts for social housing renovation projects The focus of previous studies is on analysing the implementation of integrated project delivery methods from the demand side, the social housing organisation. However, it has been also identified that the use of integrated project delivery methods have consequences for the supply side actors. Especially for the architect because his central role in the design process could be affected. This study, which is based on the analysis of the role of the architect in thirteen renovation projects that used integrated contracts, concludes that the main role of the architect, as having principal responsibility for the design choices made, does not change when integrated contracts are used. However, the decision-making power of the architect does decrease. With the use of integrated contracts, the main contractor and some specialised contractors can also influence the design choices – an influence that they would not otherwise have. In cases where the main contractor plays an active leading role in the consortium, the reduction of the decision-making power of the architect may become even more evident, and in the opinion of some architects, turn the role of architect into a role more akin to that of technical and aesthetic advisor. The changes in how design decisions are taken do not have a negative impact on the quality of the relationship between the architect and the SHO, and has a positive influence on the quality of the relationship between the architect and the construction companies involved in the project. Some changes were reported relating to the workload for each project compared to Design-Bid-Build projects. In some cases, architects were no longer involved in project management tasks, while in other cases architects were assigned additional responsibilities, such as communicating with tenants. It is not possible, therefore, to establish a direct relationship between the use of integrated contracts and the size of the architect’s workload. Where there is an evident change is in the distribution of the workload and payment for the work done for the integrated contracts that have been tendered through a competitive procedure (seven of the thirteen projects analysed). In projects tendered using a competitive procedure, the work of the architect is condensed into a shorter timeframe (42% shorter than with a non-competitive procedure) and there is a higher risk that the working hours will not be paid in full if the consortium is not awarded the contract. Conclusions In order to improve the performance of energy renovation processes undertaken by social housing organisations, the Design-Build-Maintain project delivery method offers the best opportunity to facilitate the active involvement of all actors, obtain the best possible project performance and to guarantee the quality of the end results. However, given the characteristics of each SHO and the characteristics of the renovation projects, DBM is not always the project delivery method chosen. If DBM is not used, other simpler management mechanisms, such as the early involvement of contractors or the use of in-house maintenance companies as advisors, should be considered to contribute to better process performance. In order to apply the DBM project delivery method successfully, it is necessary for the SHO to focus its efforts on designing a tender procedure that maximises the potential of the entire project delivery method. • Choosing a competitive tender procedure that allows the dialogue with candidates. • Defining performance-based specifications with realistic but ambitious minimum requirements and a set of clear and measurable award criteria that stress the importance of achieving energy savings. • Defining a performance guarantee mechanism that is fair and robust. • Setting up tender process conditions that facilitate communication between the candidates and the SHO and that promote team working among the candidate team (consortium). The members of the candidate team, the consortium, also need to adapt to the new game rules. Specifically the architect needs to gain more managerial skills in order to keep his leading design decision position and become more of a team integrator. Future research should consider the changes in the roles of the other consortium members and the best consortium structures to ensure a good product quality and the fair treatment of all the parties involved.

Définir et analyser les risques correctement sont les points les plus importants dans les affaires internationales ou dans l'investissement entre la France et la Chine. J'ai élaboré une théorie de la gestion totale des risques, et j'explique la méthode de la gestion totale des risques : établir un modèle de la gestion totale des risques. J'utilise cette théorie de la gestion totale des risques pour analyser tous les risques entre la France et la Chine. La gestion totale des risques est la seule manière pour les compagnies et les associations françaises et chinoises d'évaluer et de prévenir tous les risques de commerce international. Aussi je présente plusieurs pistes pour essayer de résoudre le“comment trouver une manière de consensus pour travailler ensemble''
Defining and analyzing the risks correctly is the most important point for the international business and investments between the France and the China. In my thesis I create a new theory of the total management of risks, and I explain the method of this total management of risks: set up a model of total management of risks. I use this theory to analyze all risks between the France and the China. And the total management of risks is the only way for the French and Chinese companies and organizations to define and preview all the risks in the international business. Also I present many ways to try to solve “how to find out a consensus way to work together''

Depuis la mise en œuvre du « modèle d’armée 2015 », en 1996, le Président de la République, Jacques Chirac, et les gouvernements français ont fait de l’ « Europe de la défense » le fil conducteur de la politique nationale de défense. Dans les représentations géopolitiques dominantes, une future défense européenne doit être le levier d’un pôle de puissance européen – l’ « Europe-puissance » - dans un « monde multipolaire ». Plus discrètement affirmé, l’enjeu est de poser la France en « nation-cadre » de la défense européenne et de réaffirmer son rôle moteur au sein d’un « noyau dur » à base franco-allemande. Cette « grande stratégie » française se combine avec les politiques et les représentations, non sans concurrences et antagonismes, des partenaires et alliés de l’OTAN. Les administrations américaines ont manifesté leurs réserves à l’égard de ce projet. Il interfère aussi avec la volonté de Vladimir Poutine de restaurer la puissance russe dans sa zone d’influence historique et de peser sur la redéfinition des équilibres européens. En Méditerranée et dans ses prolongements moyen-orientaux, la projection de puissance américaine et l’activisme de l’OTAN réduisent la marge de manœuvre de l'Union européenne. Les réserves des opinions publiques européennes, la transformation de l’Union en une lâche confédération paneuropéenne et le « non » français au traité constitutionnel hypothèquent le projet de défense européenne
Since the implementation of the « army model 2015 », in 1996, President Jacques Chirac and the French government have made from the « Defense Europe » the director line of the national defense politics. In the main geopolitical representations, a future European defense must be the instrument of a European force pole –The power Europe- in a “multiple world”. More secretively affirmed, the stake is to put France in the « leader-nation » of the European defense and to reaffirm its motor role inside a German-French core. This French « great strategy » is combined with the politics and the representations, not without competitions and antagonisms, NATO’s allies and partners. The American administrations have manifested their reserves on the project. This interferes with the will of Vladimir Putin of re-establishing the Russian power in its historical area of influence and to weigh on the redefinition of the European equilibriums. In the Mediterranean and its middle-east extensions, the American force projection and NATO’s activism reduce the margin of manœuvre of the European Union. The reserves of the European public opinion, the transformation of the Union in a fearful pan-European confederation and the French ‘no’ for the constitutional treaty hypothecate the project of the European defense

La these presente les relations de la france avec les deux chine (chine populaire et chine nationaliste) entre 1964 et 1992. C'est un point de vue taianais sur les relations franco-chinoises, a travers la documentation francaise disponible. C'est un sujet qui interesse beaucoup les chinois dans le contexte d'aujourd'hui. D'ou l'interet de presenter dans la these un eclairage asiatique et non occidental. Aussi, est synthetisee la logique de la decision francaise du general de gaulle en 1964. Cette decision a beaucoup pese sur l'avenir et le destin des deux chine, mais aussi de toute l'asie, notamment pour les conflits indochinois. Ce choix de "grande politique" gaulliste a oblige la france a ne "pencher que d'un seul cote", c'est-a-dire du cote de la republique populaire de chine populaire de chine entre 1964 et 1992. Ce n'est que recemment que les relations entre la france et "l'autre chine", se sont peu a peu ameliorees
The dissertation presents the relations between france and the two chinas (prc and roc), from 1964 to 1992. The author adopts a point of view from taiwan. He analyzes the franco-chinese relations with the documents available in french language to-day. The dissertation tries to discover the logics of the decision made by general de gaulle in 1964. This decision has great influence not only upon the destiny and the future of the two chinas, but also upon the whole asia, espacially the conflicts on the indochinese peninsula. It is a subject in which the chinese are highly interested. Until 1964, franco-chinese relations are more oriented towards peking not towards peking and taiwan. France has normalised her relations with taiwan (roc) very recently, and step by step

La thèse se propose d'analyser le partage du fardeau au sein de l'Alliance atlantique. Il s'agit d'examiner le cas particulier de la relation entre les Etats-Unis et la France pendant la guerre en ex-Yougoslavie entre 1991 et 1995. Il appert que la France par l'effet de contrainte d'alliance, a réussi à entraîner les Etats-Unis à ses côtés dans la gestion de la crise. Ce succès français fut à double tranchant puisqu'une fois impliqués, les Etats-Unis ont eu tendance à occuper tout l'espace diplomatique laissant ainsi de côté la France qui avait pourtant été le principal contributeur à l'effort de la communauté internationale pour mettre un terme au conflit
The dissertation examines the burden-sharing arrangement inside the Transatlantic Alliance. Its focus is on the Franch-American relationship during the four years of the war in the former Yugoslavia. If France had some success in bringing its American ally at its sides, thanks to the constraint of alliance effect, it was a half-tone success. Once involved the United-States took the lead leaving aside its allies, including France which was the main contributor of the international community's effort to end the conflict

A travers différents types d'archives (archives ministérielles, archives privées de sociétés industrielles et d'associations culturelles), cette thèse retrace l'évolution des relations franco-soviétiques de 1964 à 1974, sur le plan politique, économique et culturel. Voulu par les deux états pour des mobiles géopolitiques (la France gaullienne veut jouer un rôle d'intermédiaire entre l'est et l'ouest, l’URSS a besoin du soutien français dans son projet de C. S. C. E. ), le dialogue franco-soviétique a tout d'abord suscite la création d'une infrastructure complexe tant dans le domaine économique (mise en place d'organismes étatiques comme la grande et la petite commissions et d'organismes mixtes comme la chambre de commerce franco-soviétique) que dans le domaine politique avec l'instauration d'un cadre de concertation. Il a par ailleurs conduit à des résultats très concrets : mise en œuvre de grands projets de coopération industrielle, développement de la collaboration scientifique et technique, essor des relations culturelles. Cependant, malgré ces réalisations alors sans égales dans les relations est-ouest, dès le début des années 70, le rapprochement bilatéral, "victime" de la détente américano-soviétique et de l'ostpolitik du chancelier Brandt, est désormais relégué a l'arrière-plan; par ailleurs, il s'est heurte pendant toute la décennie a l'indifférence, voire a l'hostilité d'une opinion française de plus en plus critique à l'égard de l'Urss et peu soucieuse de participer à un rapprochement qui, en la quasi-absence de relais prives, est essentiellement reste l'affaire de deux admi. .
Through different types of archives (public and private), this dissertation relates the evolution from 1964 to 1974 of Franco-Soviet political, economical and cultural relationships. Initially wanted by the two states for geopolitical reasons, (gaullist France wanted to play an intermediate role between western and eastern countries, soviet union needed French help to succeed in its project of C. S. C. E. ), the Franco-Soviet dialogue first created a complex structure in the political field (with regular summits) as well as in the economic field (with the creation of the two "commissions" and of the chamber of commerce); in addition, the dialogue led to different concrete results: industrial cooperation, scientific and technical collaboration, growth of cultural relations. However, despite these unequalled results in western-eastern relations, the Franco-soviet dialogue became less important in the beginning of the 70's and was the "victim" of Soviet-American detente and of the "Ostpolitik" promoted by Willy Brandt. Moreover, during ten years, the Franco-soviet dialogue was hindered by general indifference and sometimes by hostility of the French public opinion. Indeed, the French opinion was then more and more critical of the Ussr and less and less anxious to take part in this dialogue; mainly, the dialogue stayed the matter of the two state machines. .

Les années 1990 marquent la fin de l'esprit nationaliste qui dominait la politique des gouvernements post-révolutionnaires et mettent en évidence l'intérêt de diversifier la politique extérieure mexicaine. L'arrivée au pouvoir de Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994) avec son programme de modernisation économique et de libéralisation commerciale, changera le statut du Mexique et en fera un pays clé au sein du système international. En effet. à partir de l'Accord de libre-échange nord-américain (ALENA) signé en 1992 entre les États-Unis, le Canada et le Mexique, celui-ci sera vu dans le monde sous un éclairage différent. La France, anticipant la force et le potentiel du marché nord-américain, avait déjà proposé au Mexique la même année la signature d'un accord-cadre de coopération économique, politique et culturelle qui a ouvert la voie à une nouvelle relation entre l'Europe et l'Amérique latine. Le fruit dernier de cette initiative française, est sans aucun doute l'Accord de partenariat économique de coordination politique et de coopération que l'Union européenne et le Mexique ont signé en 1997, mettant en lumière l'intérêt de l'Europe à contrebalancer l'écrasante influence des États-Unis dans l'espace latino-américain.

Les Français ont compris très tôt l’importance de l’image de la France à l’étranger et établi ce que l’on appelle aujourd’hui un modèle français de diplomatie culturelle qu’ils s’attachent à défendre et promouvoir à travers le soft power. La présence, depuis plus d’un siècle, d’un dispositif culturel et diplomatique français financé par l’Etat en Russie, témoigne de la portée stratégique que représente le rayonnement de la France dans ce pays. Mais est-ce que les retombées économiques et politiques sont à la hauteur des moyens investis par la France dans le déploiement de son dispositif culturel et diplomatique en Russie ? Quels sont les effets de l’action française ? Nos travaux de recherche ont consisté à étudier l’évolution de l’action française en Russie, ainsi qu’à examiner, évaluer et mettre en lumière le rôle et les enjeux de la présence française dans ce pays aujourd’hui. Cela a nécessité une compréhension contemporaine, mais aussi historique, des rapports bilatéraux franco-russes et du regard que chacun porte sur l’Autre. Cette thèse présente donc une analyse du dispositif mis en place par la France en Russie et plus particulièrement à Saint-Pétersbourg, ainsi que les enjeux diplomatiques, économiques et stratégiques de l’activisme culturel développé par la France en Russie au tournant du XXIe siècle. Enfin, elle a pour but d’éclairer sur le positionnement de la France aujourd’hui dans la relation Est-Ouest et sur l’état de la relation bilatérale franco-russe
The French have long understood the importance of France’s image abroad and established what’s called today the French model of cultural diplomacy, which they defend and promote through soft power. For over a century, the French Government has financed the action of multiple players in its cultural and diplomatic outreach in Russia. This speaks to the strategic importance of having France shine in Russia. But do the economic and political repercussions match the resources deployed by France in its cultural and diplomatic activities in Russia ? What are the results of France’s actions ? Our research has studied the evolution of France’s actions in Russia, examined and highlighted the role and parameters of French presence in today’s Russia. This has required a contemporary and historical understanding of the Franco-Russian bilateral relationship and how each regards the Other. This thesis analyzes the resources used by France in Russia, more particularly St. Petersburg, as well as the strategic, economic and diplomatic parameters of France’s cultural activities that it pursued in Russia at the beginning of the 21st century. Finally, it aims to clarify France’s position in the rapport between East and West and the state of the Franco-Russian bilateral relationship

L'objectif de la présente thèse consiste à dégager les regards qu'une partie représentative de la presse écrite britannique a porté sur les relations franco-allemandes pendant la période de la partition de l'Allemagne. Empruntant ses outils d'analyse à des disciplines aussi variées que l'analyse du discours, la sémiologie des images visuelles, l'historiographie, la politologie, la médiologie et la psychologie sociale, la présente étude, qui analyse la genèse et le fonctionnement de la représentation sociale, envisage successivement les auto-images britanniques, les diverses hétéro-images de la France et de l'Allemagne divisée avant d'aborder des relations bi-, tri-, puis multilatérales dans lesquelles s'insère le binôme franco-allemand. Nos observations témoignent, de la forte imbrication des trois civilisations. Si la Grande-Bretagne détient au début de la période de référence le double rôle d'alliée de la France et de puissance occupante, responsable d'un fragment clé du pays vaincu, elle est rapidement amenée selon la presse à s'interposer entre les deux parties afin de concilier des impératifs fort divergents. Dépouillée de son empire, elle intègre alors au milieu des années 1970 une construction européenne qui dépasse désormais largement le binôme franco-allemand; vers la fin des années 1990, elle craint d'être distancée conjointement par français et allemands dans une Europe à deux vitesses. L'imagerie déployée s'inscrit dans un double mouvement d'introspection et de réajustement. Loin d'être extérieurs aux faits observés, les regards portés, au demeurant très variables, traduisent toujours en partie, de façon explicite ou implicite, l'implication de la civilisation observante. Dans le cas des relations francoallemandes, cette implication s'articule, en règle générale, à travers un schéma triangulaire. Notre étude conclut que la question cruciale du rapport entre le discours médiatique et son objet référentiel ne peut être tranchée qu'au cas par cas.

De 1946 à la fin des années 1990, la présence de la France dans le Pacifique Sud a suscité des débats tant dans ses territoires, dans la région que dans les instances internationales. C'est à ces trois échelles que nous avons choisi d'étudier la politique française dans le Pacifique Sud ce qui permet en outre, d'apprécier l'action de la France au regard de celles engagés par les autres États de la région. Après-guerre, la France met fin au statut colonial de ces îles et commence à participer avec prudence sur une scène régionale fortement marquée par les États-Unis. Par la recherche d'une politique rénovée avec ses territoires, elle fait alors figure de métropole progressiste. Toutefois, l'installation du Centre d'Expérimentation du Pacifique et les ambitions de puissance de la Veme République mettent un terme à ces efforts de décentralisation. Dès lors, la France resserre ses liens statutaires avec ses îles ce qui constitue avec ses essais nucléaires, un sujet de litige avec la région. Ces deux manifestations de sa présence suscitent alors de nombreuses controverses et isolent la France et ses territoires sur la scène régionale. Les décisions que la France engage dans ses territoires, orientent donc largement sa politique étrangère dans la région. Dans ce contexte tendu, la politique de la France est essentiellement défensive. Il faut attendre que ces contentieux soient levés au cours des années 1990 pour que la France élabore une politique active et c'est donc au terme d'un demi-siècle de tâtonnements et de polémique qu'elle commence à s'imposer comme une puissance légitime du Pacifique Sud
From 1946 to the end of the nineties, the presence of France in South Pacific has caused many debates either in its territories, in the region or in the international organizations. Our study of French policy is based on these three scales, which is particularly relevant to compare it with he policy lead by the other countries in the area. After the Second World War, France puts an end to the colonial statute of these islands and starts to take part carefully on a regional scene strongly marked by the United States. Because of its new policy toward its territories, France turns out to be a rather progressive nation in the area. However, the setting of the Centre d'Expérimentation du Pacifique and the will of power from the 5th Republic destroyed the effort previously performed. Then, France reinforces its statutory links with its islands, which constitutes also with the nuclear tests a cause of dispute in the area. These two demonstrations of its presence cause many controversies and insulate the France and its territories on the regional scene. Hence, the decision taken by France in its territories also have an impact on its foreign policy in the whole area. Due to strained relations, the policy of France is mainly defensive. One must wait until the mid-nineties so that these conflicts are solved and to see France works out an active policy. It is thus after half a century of tries and polemics that France finally begins to legitimate its presence in the South Pacific