Tesi sul tema "Relations extérieures – Autriche – 1955-"
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Tiberghien, Anne. "La politique culturelle extérieure de l'Autriche en Europe centrale et orientale : 1955-1995". Paris 8, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA081710.
Bonnefoi, Nadine. "Le Temps : les conflits austro-serbes et leurs retentissements : 1903-1918". Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010592.
Problems and in the austro-serb opposition by looking at their consequences on independent but often inspired by the official politicy of the different governments, it has for a long time been on the side of the integrity of the great empires and the distinction of the union blocks rather than on the side of Balkan claims for independence which were more threatening for the general the world conflict brought le temps to admit, then to claim, the end of the looking at the wole period, its analysis of the national Serb and south- contributed to the apathy of the public opinion wich could not understand the real national problems and gave its implicit support to its leaders
Lacaze, Yvon. "Les français face au problème tchécoslovaque : de l'Anschluss à la Conférence de Munich, mars-septembre 1938". Paris 1, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010546.
We cannot understand the Munich agreements without exmaning the French public opinion, through the study of political parties and other lobbies, but also through the knowledge which the French people have of the czechoslovak ally (ill-known outside of a limited elite) or of the german adversary (Franco-German relations of "love-hate"). The right, for the most part, professes pacifism out of antirepublican ideology, conviction of a necessary "conversation" with the reich, reference to "repli imperial" and chiefly out of anticommunism. At left, the radical-socialist party, in consequence of its drift to right, assumes the responsability of munich ; the sfio is divided ; only the pcf remains monolithic, but the "leftist pacifism" works havoc. Munich divides not only political parties, but also spiritual families, "deep France". Lastly, the posture of opinion cannot be understood without taking into account a moral debate, a juridical debate, a debate of opportunity. A bad acquaintance of foreign people ; an anxious perception of the French "power" ; the deep pacifism of opinion ; the blindness of the right on the nature of the foremost danger (the nazism) or of the left (which privileges an internal imaginary danger) allow us to explain Munich
Gallouët, Laure. "Une politique de la neutralité ? Les stratégies de sécurité et de défense de la Seconde République d'Autriche de 1955 à nos jours". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulouse 2, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020TOU20063.
After ten years of allied occupation (1945-1955), Austria’s international status changed. On October 26, 1955, its Parliament passed the constitutional law on the neutrality of Austria. This sovereign decision of the Austrian State has nonetheless to be considered in the context of the beginning of the Cold War, the Moscow Memorandum and the Austrian State Treaty. Even if Swiss neutrality was seen as a model, the Austrian concept of permanent neutrality demonstrated its uniqueness. As early as 1955, Austria’s accession to membership in the United Nations indicated that its neutrality was based above all on its military character, and that this status did not prevent the Austrian state from taking part in international organizations. This doctoral thesis presents the various challenges faced by the Austrian Second Republic and how neutrality has influenced its strategic decision-making. The approach here is diachronic, since security and defense policy, as well as legal and political interpretation of neutrality, have evolved over time in order to adapt to changes in the international environment
Buirette, Olivier. "La formation et les premiers travaux de la Commission interalliée des réparations de guerre 1919-1923, appliquée aux alliés de l'Allemagne : Autriche, Hongrie, Bulgarie". Paris 3, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA030070.
The immediate aftermath of the First World War was the scene of both territorial and financial settlements, and the latter provides the framework for this present study of the history of war reparations from 1914-1918 conflict. Within this context, we have chosen to look at one of the bodies created by the Peace Treaties: the Commission for War Reparations. The chronology we have selected runs from 1919, and the setting-up of this international commission, to 1923, which marks a clear rupture in the actual application of reparations with the occupation of the Ruhr. During the first four years of the Commission's work, it was to make a considerable contribution to the financial reconstruction of Germany's former allies, Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria. From 1923 onwards, this led to the addition of moratories on the reparations of these states. This thesis aims to explain how this solution was reached
Hude-Gauer, Caroline. "L'entrée de l'Autriche dans l'Union Européenne". Versailles-St Quentin en Yvelines, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1996VERS003S.
The aim of this thesis is the study of the Austrian integration to the European Union. It includes an introduction on the historical role of Austria in Europe. Its first part describes the evolution of the ties between Austria and the European Community. The second part focuses on neutrality and analyses whether or not it is compatible with a membership to the European Union. The third part is related to negotiations on the accession of Austria to the European Union and their results. For obvious political, economical and cultural reasons, the Austrian application has been dealt within the shortest time. New applications from other countries of Europe may well have been added to the waiting list but it will probably take more time for these countries to join the EU than for EFYA countries for economic reasons because they have recently opted for democracy and the free market and are not yet prepared to join the European Union
Lauzun, Hélène de. "La question autrichienne en France dans les années trente (1930-1938)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040019.
At the end of World War I, France is a major actor of the transformation of old Austria-Hungary and becomes one of the main protectors of Austria through several international commitments; yet no treaty ever connects the two countries. The French policy on Austria is generally admitted to be : neither Habsburg, nor Anschluss. In 1930 Otto von Habsburg, the son of the last emperor, attains the age of majority ; so the issue of restauration appears again to be a major problem in Europe. At the same time, many plans and projects are discussed to reorganize Central Europe, as a possible alternative to the come back of the Habsburg family. With Hitler's appointment as Chancellor in Germany in 1933, France has to make up clear decisions, since Hitler's goal is to achieve the unification of Austria with Germany. The French government has to decide whether to support or not the Austrian government, getting authoritative in order to fight against nazi propaganda and terrorism. Many people in France are quite in favour of the cause of the independence of Austria. Yet the French government doesn't make any decisive choices to defend it, in particular because of ideological reasons. The French policy is also confined to an all-economic conception of international relations in Central Europe, and under-estimates the problems of national identity existing between Austria and Germany. The lack of a reflection on the specificities of an Austrian nation to be built tends to be of a great advantage for Germany, which praises for the idea of a common « germanism » for both countries. The Anschluss is made without any real French reaction, as a consequence of more than ten years of political contradictions ; thus it prepares the symbolical defeat of Munich
Qu, Xing. "Relations franco-chinoises de 1949 à 1955". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992IEPP0016.
Since their origin, the Franco-Chinese relations su fred of two handicaps: too much ideological conflits and not enough economic links. This, coupled with the bipolarization of the international relations and the Indochinese war, shaped the relations between France and the newborn people's China. From 1949 to 1955, the Franco-Chinese relations have run through three periods marked respectively by the hesitation of France to recognize the new Chinese governemnt (jan. 1949-jan. 1950), by the mutual scepticism over the exchanges in the absence of diplomatic relations (jan. 1950-april 1954), and by the limited improvement of bilateral relations (April 1954-Dec. 1955). The state of Franco-Chinese relations was explained by the interactions of the factors of this period and the wills of the actors. While the interactions between the political, economic, geographical, strategical and ideological factors resulted in an unfavourable climat to any improvement of Franco-Chinese relations, the actors of both sides were victims of some prejudices one against another. A mutual comprehension is indispensable to repair the historical handicaps and to develop the relations between two great nations as different as they are
Chalisarapong, Chanintr. "La Thai͏̈lande et la question indochinoise (1945-1955)". Paris 7, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA070028.
Thailand, face with the complexity of the first indochinese war, had to modify many points of her foreign policy toward indochina. The thai policy in indochina during the period of 1945 to 1955 was unlikely a successful one by the fact that the years pass, france and the nationalists forces were weakened by the revolutionary upsurge led by the indochinese communist party. The fate of the first indochinese war was finally decided by the battle of dien bien phu. After 1954, the thai government had taken the decision to cooperate militarily with the united states for containing the communist enemy in southeast asie. Consequently, the french's military retirement was replaced by the american intervention in indochina
Beausoleil, David. "Les relations croato-slovènes (1867-1918)". Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010650.
Lauzun, Hélène de. "La question autrichienne en France dans les années trente (1930-1938)". Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040019.
At the end of World War I, France is a major actor of the transformation of old Austria-Hungary and becomes one of the main protectors of Austria through several international commitments; yet no treaty ever connects the two countries. The French policy on Austria is generally admitted to be : neither Habsburg, nor Anschluss. In 1930 Otto von Habsburg, the son of the last emperor, attains the age of majority ; so the issue of restauration appears again to be a major problem in Europe. At the same time, many plans and projects are discussed to reorganize Central Europe, as a possible alternative to the come back of the Habsburg family. With Hitler's appointment as Chancellor in Germany in 1933, France has to make up clear decisions, since Hitler's goal is to achieve the unification of Austria with Germany. The French government has to decide whether to support or not the Austrian government, getting authoritative in order to fight against nazi propaganda and terrorism. Many people in France are quite in favour of the cause of the independence of Austria. Yet the French government doesn't make any decisive choices to defend it, in particular because of ideological reasons. The French policy is also confined to an all-economic conception of international relations in Central Europe, and under-estimates the problems of national identity existing between Austria and Germany. The lack of a reflection on the specificities of an Austrian nation to be built tends to be of a great advantage for Germany, which praises for the idea of a common « germanism » for both countries. The Anschluss is made without any real French reaction, as a consequence of more than ten years of political contradictions ; thus it prepares the symbolical defeat of Munich
Massoume, Zadeh-Kiaï Mir Ahmad. "Les rapports entre l'Iran et le monde arabe du Moyen-Orient de 1955 à nos jours". Montpellier 1, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985MON10041.
Osmont, Matthieu. "Les ambassadeurs de France à Bonn (1955-1999)". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0015.
"The Franco-German relationship is doing so well that one might ask himself what is the point of having ambassadors in Bonn and Paris". This sentence, pronounced in June, 1960 by the ambassador François Seydoux, actually summarizes the challenge of this thesis. Since France and Germany are getting closer and closer from the 1950s to the 1990s, the place of the permanent representatives in the relationship between the two countries has to be examined. Do the ambassadors still have a role to play when the heads of state and of government, the Ministers, but also the French and German senior officials meet frequently and are the front of the stage ? The close examination of the action of the French ambassadors in Bonn contradicts the thesis of a "decline of the embassies". Accompanying the institutionalization of the Franco-German partnership, the twelve French diplomats who worked in Bonn between 1955 and 1999 do not cease to perform their traditional functions of information, negotiation and representation. However, they perform in ways always new. This thesis also casts a new light on the recent evolutions of an important administration, the French Ministry of Foreign affairs. Despite the weight of certain traditions and the permanence of a certain idea of Germany, the diplomatic corps is far from being immovable and the vision of the international relations or the conception of their mission are not the same from one diplomat to another
Makambo, Mafelly. "La rivalité sino-soviétique en Afrique : 1955-1988". Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010266.
Desmarais, François. "L'évolution des politiques de défense de la République fédérale d'Allemagne, 1955-2006". Thesis, Université Laval, 2009. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2009/26398/26398.pdf.
Rouche-Maelstaf, Geneviève. "Les responsables français, le statut international de l'Allemagne et le problème de l'unité allemande, 1945-1955". Paris 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040199.
This thesis' purpose is to study the attitude of French leaders toward the problem of German unity from 1945 to 1955. These dates correspond to the ten years during which Paris sought a solution for Germany, before its western part was firmly integrated to the west. Our study derives from the sources of the ministry of foreign affairs. They allow to disclose the subtle attitude of French leaders towards the delicate German issue. One may therefore observe that the whole thought about the problem of German unity is directly linked to the issue of the relations with the Soviet Union. At the end of the war the following problems arise: is German partition not likely to favor soviet seizure of all Europe? The restoration of centralized German state, however, does also represent a threat to France. . . After 1949 the most urgent thing is to root the new West German state to the west. The reunification prospect seems dangerous on several accounts. On the one hand it is feared that it would be achieved to the exclusive advantage of the soviet bloc, thus aggravating the cold war. On the other hand it is feared that it would disrupt the balance of power within Europe in favor of a neutralized reunited Germany. The "reserved rights" which Paris holds over Germany (in connection with the soviets) since the Potsdam agreement represent an essential guarantee (which is not devoid of ambiguity) to the French diplomacy i. E that reunification will not be made without France’s agreement
Lefèvre, Sylvie. "Les relations economiques franco-allemandes de 1945 a 1955. "de l'occupation a la cooperation"". Paris 4, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA040156.
After the second world war, the french government wants to put the german industrial potential under the allied direct control, for this lattest to contribute to the european economic reorganization for the french economy benefit. The ruhr internationalization and the customs union between saar and france schemes take place in the french plans. Thus, the national economy would take advantage of the french occupation in germany. In such case, the issue is when and how the rapprochement between both french and german economies takes place? between 1945 and 1947, the french government try to impose the economic disarmament of germany in its area and to the whole country through the allied negociations. After a relative failure of such a policy, some french leaders, among them robert schuman, draw up a new german policy from 1948. In the same time, normal relations can be developped anew between the two countries, thanks to the marshall aid and the monetary reform in the three occupied areas. Therefore the recovery of business relations is stimulated. However the first steps to the french-german cooperation are made only in the beginning of the 50's, thanks to the schuman-plan. Then the trading exchanges take off. Finally in the end of th e year 1955, when the "thorny" matter of saar is resolved, the bilateral economic french-german relations become actual. In fact, in the course of the decade 1945-1955, an interdependence appears, which takes place in the secular tendency that push both economies one to the other
Bonardi, Laurent. "Franquisme et antifranquisme dans l'Argentine péroniste (1946-1955)". Aix-Marseille 1, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006AIX10106.
Charlier, Thierry. "Les relations entre la République de Venise et les Habsbourg : la guerre des Uscoques (1615-1618)". Paris 4, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA040068.
Sterkendries, Jean M. R. R. G. "La Belgique et la sécurité de l'Europe occidentale 1944-1955". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211367.
DesRoches, Christian. "The burdens of a world power : the Eisenhower administration and decolonisation in Sub-Saharan Africa, 1955-1960". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ57857.pdf.
Dulphy, Anne. "Entre idéologie et réalisme : la politique de la France à l'égard de l'Espagne franquiste entre 1945 et 1955". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997IEPP0035.
Nardon, Laurence. "L'observation spatiale comme instrument de pouvoir dans les relations internationales : les États-Unis et leurs satellites d'observation, 1955-1985". Paris 1, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA010319.
Adjati, Toussaint. "La papauté face à l'independance de l'Afrique : cas du Benin et du Senegal 1955-1965". Paris, EHESS, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EHES0046.
The papacy did not remain on the sidelines of the African decolonization. Indeed, considering that people overseas are mature enough for independence, she has found, despite the fact that it is not politics, the courage to contribute to the advent of independence African it also supported by numerous direct and indirect actions of years virtually all economic and social policy areas and cultural. But today, 50 years later, look how she deals with this African independence
N'Zelomona, Berthin. "Le Congo et le non-alignement (1963-1983)". Paris 1, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992PA010637.
This thesis studies the doctrines and the policy of non-alignment of the Congo's regimes from 1963 to 1983. It was indeed in 1963 that the second republic adopted a "radical" non-alignment whose principal aim was to enforce on open and antibloc foreign policy. This was designed not only to provide the economy with massive and diversified aid but also to strengthen the cohesion of the non-aligned countries so as to bring about the democratisation of the international relations. However, the 1968's marxist coup d'etat brought Congo under the soviet political wing. Henceforth, Congo defended the "natural alliance" between non-aligned and socialist countries and became the axis of the sovieto-cuban expansionism in africa (the seizure of angola). Though, the soviet imperialism proved to be as ruinous as the western one. The third marxist party conference of 1979 decided therefore to change this policy. The liberalisation of the economy was a temporary success. While the alignment on moscou was maintained contradicting the true non-alignment officially undertaken by Congo at the sixth Havana's conference of 1979
Gakutani, Ryo. "Claudel poète-ambassadeur : les regards de Paul Claudel sur le Japon (1921-1927)". Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL158.
In this paper, Paul Claudel’s (1868–1955) views on Japan are examined. During his embassy stay in Japan from 1921 to 1927, he matured as a diplomat as well as a writer. In the first part of this paper, Claudel's diplomatic files are analyzed. As a diplomat, he set sail to observe the contemporary world from a strategic perspective in order to broadly contribute to the French–Japanese rapprochement. For the establishment of a permanent system of representation of French interests in the Far East, the ambassador demanded the simultaneous political, economic, and intellectual modernization from Japan and did not admit any isolation. This was in contrast with his respectful attitude toward Japan's archaic civilization. In relation to his interests in Japanese culture, Claudel revaluated the long tradition maintained in this Asian country. The religious aspects of Japan particularly affected Claudel. These aspects were deeply linked to the feelings of the Japanese people, and were represented in art and literature. In the second part of the paper, based on his diary, correspondence, and texts on Japanese culture, it is revealed how the religious and cultural traditions of Japan are interpreted by Claudel and how that inspired his literary creations
Richard, Dorota. "Les conceptions de défense en Pologne après 1989". Paris, INALCO, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007INAL0017.
The year 1989 ends a period of forty four years during which the sovereignty of Poland was limited by the Soviet domination. The polish state was at last able to freely determine its politics of security in function of its own interest. After 1989, the security of the state became the most important matter. Priorities of the politics of security were to ensure the independency and sovereignty of the state by joining the western military, political and economical institutions and establishing good relations with all neighboring states. Problems from the past had to be solved: the recognition of the Western frontier, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and the withdrawal of the Soviet troops from the Polish territory. During the years 1992/1993 the final choice concerning the politics of security fell on NATO. The choice was supported by a large consensus in the political class and the Polish society. NATO had won the confrontation between the two blocs and had to open itself to countries - formers members of the Warsaw Pact. The idea of enlargement progressed through the impetus given by the United States, mainly during the second mandate of President Clinton. At the Madrid Summit of NATO (7-8 July 1991), three countries, Hungary, Poland and the Czech republic were invited to negotiate their memberships. Poland became a member of NATO on March 12th, 1999. Its membership revealingly improved its geopolitical and political situation. The guarantees given by the 5th article of the North Atlantic Treaty decrease the probability of an aggression, by increasing the effect of dissuasion
Ninh, Xuân Thao. "L'État du Viêt-Nam dans ses rapports avec la France (1949-1955) : une autre voie pour l'indépendance du Viêt-Nam". Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BOR30037.
“The State of Vietnam” (État du Viêt-Nam) remains a controversial subject among the “shadows” of the modern Vietnam history. After the failure of the 1946-negotiations, Hồ Chí Minh government committed to the military solution against the French, for the independence of Vietnam. On the other camp, Bảo Đại, nationalists and pro-French collaborators were moving towards a peaceful strategy of gaining Independence. With the agreements of March 8, 1949, “the State of Vietnam” was born, led by Chief of State Bảo Đại. This was a political structure associated with France and belong to the French Union. Between March 1949 and October 1955, six Council President (Bảo Đại, Nguyễn Phan Long, Trần Văn Hữu, Nguyễn Văn Tâm, Bửu Lộc, Ngô Đình Diệm) led ten Cabinets to maintain a non-communist nationalist state in the midst of the first Indochina War and the Cold War. The existence of the State of Vietnam facilitated the emergence of Vietnamese nationalism which gave birth to the Republic of Vietnam in October 1955 headed by Ngô Đình Diệm. Its legacy had long-lasting impacts on the fate of the modern Vietnam
Beauvois, Yves. "Carrière et engagement politique de l'ambassadeur Léon Noël, 1888-1987". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997IEPP0032.
This biography analyses the links between the professional progress of a high ranking civil servant and the degree of his political involvement. What was the part played by partisan involvement in the various modes of promotion and in professional practice? To answer that question, the great length of time during which Noël remained in office (1914-1966), and the variety of posts he occupied (junior official at the Conseil d'Etat, adviser to members of government, general delegate to the high commissioner in Rhineland, prefect, head of the Sûreté nationale, ambassador, general delegate in the occupied territories, member of parliament, president of the Conseil constitutionnel) provided a particularly varied investigation ground. Our analysis reveals that he tried to avoid any kind of ideological allegiance, while establishing close connections with politicians. Before WWII, such a balance, maintained in the name of state neutrality, enabled 3rd Rep. High ranking civil servants to secure a certain degree of autonomy. Conversely, during the 5th Rep. , while noel presided the highest jurisdiction of the country, which was supposedly independant, his close relationship with de Gaulle no longer allowed him to avoid the pressure of the now stable executive power. Besides, the study of the ambassador's career has enabled us to clarify the motivations of his ambitions. It has also permitted to enlarge the scope of historical knowledge in several fields, some of which had hardly been explored before : the final stages of the separation between the Church and the State, the end of French occupation in Rhineland, the interplay of relations between France, Poland and Czechoslovakia before WWII, the exile of the Polish government in France, the birth of the general delegation of Vichy in the north zone, the workings of the R. P. F. , and the beginnings of the Conseil constitutionnel (from 1959 to 1965), an institution which had been known so far chiefly through its jurisprudence
Sitzenstuhl, Charles. "Jacques Chirac, Nicolas Sarkozy et l'adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne : pour une approche psychologique de la décision". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0026.
The thesis analyzes the policy of France towards Turkey’s accession to the European Union between 1995 and 2012 by concentrating on the influence of Presidents Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy’s personalities on this policy. This political psychology research is inspired by Albert Bandura’s social cognitive theory of personality. After developments calling for a better consideration of the individual decision-makers in political science, the thesis shows that French policy towards Turkish accession distinguishes itself through a centralized decision-making process around the President of the Republic. The support of France for Turkish accession between 1995 and 2007, against the public opinion, is explained by the personality of Jacques Chirac: his belief system, his determination, and his independence of mind. The election of Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007 is a rupture in the French position towards Turkey. Because of a domestic politics calculation corresponding to his belief system, the new President decides not to support Turkish accession anymore, even though France does not veto the pursuit of negotiations between the European Union and Turkey. In spite of this initial compromise, Paris-Ankara relations are severely damaged between 2007 and 2012, a situation that can be explained by the personality of Nicolas Sarkozy. The latter has a policy of rejection of Turkey on several topics (the Union for the Mediterranean, the Season of Turkey in France, the intervention in Libya). What is more, his uninhibited temperament irritates the Turkish authorities
Negishi, Tetsuro. "Paul Claudel au Japon : rencontre diplomatique et poétique". Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040026.
This paper addresses the literary and diplomatic works of Paul Claudel (1868-1955), a great French poet and competent diplomat, during his stay in Japan from 1921 to 1927. The first approach is to study his economic, political and cultural efforts as French Ambassador in Tokyo and the relationship between France and Japan, by consulting the ministerial directives that inform us on the task taken up by Claudel. The focus in this part is on the major activities he directed: the Governor General of Indochina’s official visit and the foundation of two French institutions in Japan. This research clarifies the characteristics of his efforts that are not only faithful to his duties but also reflect his personal political vision in the new international system after World War I. The other approach aims at his encounter with Japan. The research is conducted from three perspectives : the first is an analysis on his works concerning the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923, which show us not only the different style between his literary works and the diplomatic documents, but also his approach to Japanese literature. The second is an analysis of his literary innovation that originates from his personal thesis. And the final part is on the important material sources for his poetic works: books or papers with Chinese characters, pictures or calligraphy on them. In short, we define Claudel’s process of creation which stems from his diplomatic and poetic vision based on his personal philosophy of “co-naissance”
Hébert, Alexandra. "Le New York Times et les débuts de la guerre froide". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0008/MQ31734.pdf.
Lahad, Ziad. "Le Liban sur l'échiquier du Moyen-Orient 1940-1958". Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030015.
This research, traces the rivalries, between the year 1940 and 1958, amid the Western powers within Lebanon, which is the result of the gradual weakening of their former colonial powers, France and Great Britain. Through this study, we will expose the new order imposed on the Middle East, and we will analyze how the United States sought to supplant the former colonial forces.Furthermore, during the years 1947 to 1958, the Middle East witnessed a major political upheaval with the end of the mandate, the establishment of the State of Israel, the rise of Arab nationalism and the rise of a new superpower in that region: the Soviet Union. Moreover, we will specifically detail the causes and consequences of the Suez Canal crisis and we will try to assess its extent on the accelerated collapse of the former colonial forces, superseded by their two new challengers. In the light of these events, Lebanon will appear overwhelmed by the challenges, and torn by the internal opposition between pro-Nasserite Muslims and pro-Western Christians. It will be shown in detail how, to counter the Soviet influence in the Middle East after the Suez crisis, Eisenhower reshuffled his policy in the area, taking advantage of the decreasing influence of France and Great Britain.Eventually, we come to the conclusion, that the decade spanning from 1947 to 1958 is decisive to the history of the US-European rivalry in the Middle East, where the weakening of all other Western powers is definitive, and where the rules of the game, in the extremely complex region, became determined for the following decade
Prudhomme, Florence. "Naviguer en temps de révolution : le Chevalier de L'Espine (1759-1826), de l'Indépendance américaine au service de l'Autriche. Un destin au prisme de l'archéologie et de l'histoire". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL078.
At the very beginning of the 21st century, a team of archaeologists dived on the wreck of a small 18th century warship in the north of the current Dominican Republic. Its hull is of American manufacture, its guns are Scottish and the buttons of uniforms are French. After having followed some false leads, the research in the National Archives makes it possible to solve this enigma: it concerns the French corvette Dragon of Chevalier de L’Espine, destroyed in January 1783 after a short action against British vessels ensuring the northern blockade of Santo Domingo. This identification serves as a catalyst for a historical research of which Chevalier Joseph de L'Espine du Puy (1759-1826) constitutes the central character. The investigation reveals the fate of the Navy officer L'Espine upstream and downstream of his gallant action in January 1783. Young Knight of Malta and officer of the Navy of Louis XVI, L'Espine participated in the American Revolution, did a mandatory service in the Navy of Malta, and took part in French naval intelligence secret missions. The French Revolution ruined his hopes and forced him into exile. In Austria, he won the confidence of the high Austrian authorities by unambiguously engaging with the armies of France from 1795. L'Espine quickly became one of the brains of an Austrian Navy questioned at each treaty signed between France and Austria. Promoted to Feldmarschall-Leutnant in 1813, L'Espine decided not to return to France at the Restauration. Appointed Governor of Milan in November 1825, he died there on December 31, 1826
Nadeau, François M. "Casques bleus et unifolié : le maintien de la paix et l'identité canadienne, 1956-1973". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq25688.pdf.
Prudhomme, Florence. "Naviguer en temps de révolution : le Chevalier de L'Espine (1759-1826), de l'Indépendance américaine au service de l'Autriche. Un destin au prisme de l'archéologie et de l'histoire". Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL078.
At the very beginning of the 21st century, a team of archaeologists dived on the wreck of a small 18th century warship in the north of the current Dominican Republic. Its hull is of American manufacture, its guns are Scottish and the buttons of uniforms are French. After having followed some false leads, the research in the National Archives makes it possible to solve this enigma: it concerns the French corvette Dragon of Chevalier de L’Espine, destroyed in January 1783 after a short action against British vessels ensuring the northern blockade of Santo Domingo. This identification serves as a catalyst for a historical research of which Chevalier Joseph de L'Espine du Puy (1759-1826) constitutes the central character. The investigation reveals the fate of the Navy officer L'Espine upstream and downstream of his gallant action in January 1783. Young Knight of Malta and officer of the Navy of Louis XVI, L'Espine participated in the American Revolution, did a mandatory service in the Navy of Malta, and took part in French naval intelligence secret missions. The French Revolution ruined his hopes and forced him into exile. In Austria, he won the confidence of the high Austrian authorities by unambiguously engaging with the armies of France from 1795. L'Espine quickly became one of the brains of an Austrian Navy questioned at each treaty signed between France and Austria. Promoted to Feldmarschall-Leutnant in 1813, L'Espine decided not to return to France at the Restauration. Appointed Governor of Milan in November 1825, he died there on December 31, 1826