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1
Siemering, William. "Radio, Democracy and Development: Evolving Models of Community Radio". Journal of Radio Studies 7, n. 2 (novembre 2000): 373–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15506843jrs0702_10.
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Mendiževec, Aleš. "For Radio student". Maska 35, n. 200 (1 giugno 2020): 28–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/maska_00006_1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
On the occasion of Radio Študent’s 50th anniversary, the article focuses on its place in modern society – the conditions and manner of enunciation in the situation in which it has found itself and from which it is coming from. It does that by comparing Balibar’s analysis of the current state of democracy and conceptualization of the principle of democracy with its situation and mode of operation. The aim is to highlight the specificity of Radio Študent and its immanent criteria of operation: fearless speech beyond guaranteed enunciation positions in which anyone can find themselves in the times that we live in and the situation in which we have found ourselves.
3
Huda, Anam Miftakhul. "PENGEMBANGAN MODEL E–DEMOKRASI LOKAL MELALUI RADIO (Studi Pada Program Lang-lang Kota Radio Mayangkara FM)". Profetik: Jurnal Komunikasi 12, n. 2 (25 marzo 2020): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/pjk.v12i2.1651.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The new model of developing electronic democracy through e-democracy makes local democracy very dynamic. The level of public trust in radio is very high with an indicator of the number of community members who voluntarily inform all incidents in Blitar City and Regency. This new concept in the framework of radio journalism is referred to as citizen journalism. This study intends to develop a tripartite model of local democracy between the information giver (complainant), the handling agency (the agency complained) and the media (radio) as a bridge in solving the problem. So far the research method used is using qualitative methods with emphasis on participatory aspects. Radio owners, program directors, reporters and listeners who complain are the core informants in this study. The sampling technique used was purposive sampling using data or source triangulation and theory triangulation as a test tool. The results of this study are in the form of the city langlang program as a forum for public discussion on air in the form of complainants reporting their problems to the radio through sms, telephone, e-mail and social media. The model developed is not only on air but also off water, so that complainants can communicate with related parties via the Mayangkara FM radio bridge.
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Kasza, Gregory J. "Democracy and the Founding of Japanese Public Radio". Journal of Asian Studies 45, n. 4 (agosto 1986): 745–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2056085.
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Party governments in Japan during the period from 1924 to 1932 joined a majority of the European democracies in imposing rigid state controls over the new medium of radio. Over the years many elected governments have restricted political expression over radio despite the strong logical connection between free elections and free speech, and this article examines the Japanese case in a comparative perspective. It analyzes the decision-making process that produced Nihon Hōsō Kyōkai (NHK), the public-interest radio monopoly, in Japan in 1926, as well as the exercise of state controls over broadcasting until the last prewar party cabinet fell in 1932. Various definitions of the public interest that are consistent with democratic values may nonetheless call for close state supervision of broadcasting. In Japan, the rationale for the control of radio resembled the rationales of many contemporary democracies. The Japanese experience suggests that, although broadcasting controls may not have contradicted democratic principles, the development of a strong democratic regime would have been better served by a liberal policy toward the new electronic medium.
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Bardijn, Isabelle. "KBR68H, Indonesia: Radio as a force for democracy". UN Chronicle 46, n. 2 (17 aprile 2012): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/7cfce911-en.
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Silva, Valquíria Guimarães da. "RÁDIO E CIDADANIA: um estudo comparado da atuação de rádios de Lisboa e de Brasília". Revista Observatório 3, n. 4 (1 luglio 2017): 603. http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.2447-4266.2017v3n4p603.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
É fundamental discutir o papel da mídia como um dos principais fóruns de discussão em sociedades democráticas. Neste trabalho analisamos a relação entre cidadania e rádio. A nossa intenção foi compreender como a rádio contribui para o entendimento de mundo indispensável à formação de opiniões sobre questões relevantes ao exercício da cidadania. Para isso estudámos as grades de programação de rádios em Lisboa e em Brasília, nos anos 2011 e 2012, e realizamos entrevistas com os respectivos diretores. Também realizamos grupos focais, no contexto de diversas organizações sociais, para compreender a relação dos cidadãos com a rádio. Observamos que a rádio continua a ter um grande potencial cívico, mas neste momento, de um modo geral, a sua programação pouco contribui para a promoção de uma cidadania efetiva.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Rádio; Cidadania; Democracia; Espaço Público; Jornalismo.
ABSTRACT
It is essential to discuss the role of the media as one of the main debate forums in democratic societies. This research analyzes the relationship between citizenship and radio. Our intention was to comprehend how the radio contributes to the understanding of the world, which is crucial to the formation of opinions concerning pertinent issues to the citizen’s duty. For this, we studied the programming guides of some of Lisbon`s and Brasilia’s radios, in 2011 and 2012, and also interviewed their directors. In addition to that, focus groups were conducted in the context of different social organizations, in order to understand the relationship between citizens and the radio. In general, we have noticed that the radio still has a great civic potential, but currently, its programming does not contribute much to the stimulation of an effective citizenship.
KEYWORDS: Radio; Citizenship; Democracy; Public Sphere; Journalism.
RESUMEN
Es importante analizar el papel de los medios de comunicación como uno de los principales foros de discusión en las sociedades democráticas. En este trabajo, se examinó la relación entre la ciudadanía y la radio. Nuestra intención era entender cómo la radio contribuye a la comprensión del mundo indispensable para la formación de opiniones sobre cuestiones relacionadas con el ejercicio de la ciudadanía. Para ello se estudiaron las rejillas de programación de radios en Lisboa y Brasilia, en los años 2011 y 2012, y se realizaron entrevistas con sus directores. También se formó grupos de enfoque en el contexto de diversas organizaciones sociales, para comprender la relación entre los ciudadanos y la radio. Observamos que la radio sigue teniendo un potencial cívico importante, sin embargo, en este momento de una manera general, su programación contribuye poco a la promoción de una ciudadanía efectiva.
PALABRAS CLAVE: Radio; Ciudadanía; Democracia; Espacio Público; Periodismo.
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Papadopoulou, Lambrini. "Capítulo 12. Democracy and media transparency: systemic failures in greek radio ecosystem and the rise of alternative web radio". Espejo de Monografías de Comunicación Social, n. 4 (27 ottobre 2021): 211–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.52495/cap12.emcs.4.p75.
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Independent and free media are considered to be an essential component of any democratic society. Especially in countries that have been hit hard by the economic crisis and austerity measures, such as Greece, the need for independent journalism to act as watchdog, on behalf of civil society is more important than ever. However, the clientelistic relationships upon which the whole Greek media landscape is built, leaves little room for a journalism that investigates, exposes and holds those in power accountable. It is within this context, we argue, that alternative web radio stations are emerging, taking advantage of the internet technology in order to create bottom-up journalistic initiatives that challenge the current narratives and seek to constitute a new paradigm of journalism. This paper sets out to examine the general characteristics of the Greek media ecosystem but also goes on to examine the particular conditions that led to the current media crisis. It also discusses the legislative framework surrounding Greek media. Finally, this paper aims to provide a brief overview of the alternative web radios that have emerged in the current media ecosystem, by presenting in three Greek alternative web radio stations, describing their basic characteristics, principles, structures and their views on journalistic practices.
Palabras clave: media transparency, radio, television, web radio.
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Rando, Gaetano. "Broadcasting in Italy: Democracy and Monopoly of the Airwaves". Media Information Australia 40, n. 1 (maggio 1986): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x8604000109.
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Australia, as compered with some overseas countries, has a stable and continuous radio and television history. The price has been the creation of an oligopolistic commercial sector which is much stronger than the national broadcaster, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Public (community) broadcasting is still confined to a sector starved of funds; public TV still a pipedream. Ethnic radio and multicultural television, through the Special Broadcasting Service, have a short history which is far from smooth and under constant threat for TV to be merged with the ABC.
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Clinefelter, Joan L. "Can You Spare 5 Minutes? Cold War Women’s Radio on RIAS Berlin". Resonance 1, n. 3 (2020): 279–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/res.2020.1.3.279.
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Throughout the 1950s, the American propaganda radio station RIAS Berlin transformed women’s radio into an anti-communist medium designed to enlist German housewives into the Cold War. Based in West Berlin, RIAS—Radio in the American Sector—broadcast a full array of shows deep inside East Germany as part of the U.S. psychological war against communism. One of its key target audiences was German homemakers. Drawing upon scripts held in the German Radio Archives in Potsdam, Germany, this article analyzes the program Can You Spare 5 Minutes? (Haben Sie 5 Minuten Zeit?). It explores how RIAS inscribed the international contest between democracy and communism onto the domestic lives of women. The show built a sense of solidarity by treating typical “female” topics such as cosmetics, childcare, and recipes. In this way it forged a bond between its listeners that provided an opening for political messaging. Programs contrasted access to food, marriage rights, and educational policy in the rival Germanies to demonstrate the benefits of democracy and the need to resist the East German state. Women’s radio on RIAS, far from offering mere fluff, provided its female audience a political education.
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Pérez Martínez, José Emilio. "Representaciones de lo alternativo en el Madrid de tránsito a la democracia. El caso de la (contra)cultura mediática de las radios libres (1976-1989)." RIHC. Revista Internacional de Historia de la Comunicación 2, n. 15 (2020): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/rihc.2020.i15.05.
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In the 1980s, a multitude of small radio stations proliferated in the Spanish ether, posing a new way of doing and understanding communication, and constituting a new social movement: that of free radios. A movement that was born and grew within an alternative subculture, close to the radical left, for which it played the role of an instance of ideological production and reproduction. In these pages we will see how the media counterculture that surrounded these stations generated a subcultural style based on the transformation and resignification of language that helped to build an identity and a representation of the alternative in Madrid during the Transition to democracy. Keywords: free radios, alternative communication, subculture, Spanish Transition
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Bolce, Louis, Gerald De Maio e Douglas Muzzio. "Dial-In Democracy: Talk Radio and the 1994 Election". Political Science Quarterly 111, n. 3 (1996): 457. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151971.
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Sigmund, Paul E. "Chile: Democracy in Retreat". Worldview 28, n. 1 (gennaio 1985): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046465.
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At a time when countries in the Southern Cone of Latin America are returning to constitutional democracy (Argentina in 1983, Uruguay in 1984, and gradually Brazil, where indirect presidential elections are scheduled for January 15), the trend is being reversed in Chile. After eighteen months of protests by trade unions and opposition parties, Chile's military ruler, Augusto Pinochet, has imposed a state of siege, exiled hundreds of Chileans to remote areas of the country, heavily censored the press and radio, conducted police roundups and security checks of lower-class areas of Santiago, and, to repress a protest demonstration, called out the Army at the end of November. His interior minister has also taken action against a leading churchman, incurring the wrath of the newly appointed moderate archbishop of Santiago, Juan Francisco Fresno.
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Kocic, Aleksandar, e Jelena Milicev. "Possible models of local news provision by radio in Scotland: A mixed-methods study". journal of digital media & policy 10, n. 2 (1 giugno 2019): 183–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jdmp.10.2.183_1.
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Scotland does not have any public service radio on a local level, except for a few bulletins or programmes offered by BBC Radio Scotland on an opt-out basis. Scottish commercial radio stations do cover local issues but within brief hourly news bulletins, without any in-depth coverage, while community radio by and large lacks resources for any news coverage of its own. Through a review of the existing literature on the role of media in democracy, and in particular the role of local radio, interviews with stakeholders and experts and history, and focus groups with ordinary people, this study formulates several possible solutions for future local news provision by radio in Scotland.
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Marco-Aragón, Tomás. "Musical creation and mass". Comunicar 12, n. 23 (1 ottobre 2004): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c23-2004-09.
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This paper deals with the historical relationship existing between the musical Spanish avantgardes and the mass media. The author analyzes how the avantgardes musical movements were followed with interest by the magazines and newspapers during the 60s. The appearance of RNE (Radio Nacional de España) promoted the knowledge of these avantgardes. With the arrival of democracy, the orchestras appeared and then a new audience interested in classical music arose, but, due to the marketing, the musical spanish panorama has been trivialized, maybe because of the disinterest of the mass media. Este trabajo trata sobre la relación histórica que ha existido entre las vanguardias musicales españolas y los medios de comunicación. El autor analiza cómo los movimientos de vanguardia musicales fueron seguidos con interés por las revistas y periódicos durante los años 60. A esto contribuyó la aparición de la radio pública, concretamente Radio Nacional de España. Con la llegada de la democracia, aparecieron las orquestas y surgió un nuevo público interesado por la música culta, pero, debido a la comercialización, el panorama musical español se ha banalizado, tal vez por el desinterés de los medios de comunicación.
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Yakin, Ayang Utriza. "Salafi Dakwah and the Dissemination of Islamic Puritanism In Indonesia: A Case Study of the Radio of Rodja". Ulumuna 22, n. 2 (18 dicembre 2018): 205–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v22i2.335.
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The article examines Islamic proselytization (dakwah) on Rodja Radio by Salafi preachers (dai). The radio program targets not only Salafis but also non-Salafi Muslims in general. It seeks to analyze the content of dakwah aired by Radio Rodja 756 AM., the leading Salafi radio station located in Cileungsi, Bogor, West Java. This article focuses mainly on current legal, social, and political issues of the Salafi dakwah. The dakwah aired by Rodja Radio intends to encourage the Muslim ummah to return to the way of life that strictly follows the tradition of the Prophet Muhammad and the first three generations of Muslims. The Salafi radio station propagates Islamic puritanism that in many ways contradicts modern values. Rodja Radio preachers demonstrate their reluctance to embrace modern ideas, such as democracy, human rights, women’s rights, and to some extent, art and education. This article reveals that the radio serves as a public sphere where the Salafis disseminate ‘Islamic Puritanism’ on Indonesian air.
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Timalsina, Mahanand, e Prajwal Man Pradhan. "Role of Local/Community Radio on Rural Development". Nepalese Journal of Development and Rural Studies 16 (2 dicembre 2019): 46–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/njdrs.v16i0.31570.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper renders role of local/community radio on rural development in general and rural community development process in particular. By applying library based research method, necessary informations are generated through literature review. This paper highliths that community radio has brought positive impacts particularly in seven thematic areas (i.e. suitability, agricultural transformation, promoting participatory democracy, voice of voiceless, information/ discussion forum on local issues, empowering unprivileged rural people and contribution on good governance). Thus, better to offer radio programs by the local level authorities in such thematic areas for strengthning rural development process in general and rural community development process in particular.
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Proffitt, Jennifer M. "War, Peace, and Free Radio: The Women's National Radio Committee's Efforts to Promote Democracy, 1939–1946". Journal of Radio & Audio Media 17, n. 1 (6 maggio 2010): 2–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19376521003719417.
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Banda, Fackson. "Exploring Media Education as Civic Praxis in Africa". Comunicar 16, n. 32 (1 marzo 2009): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c32-2009-02-015.
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This article argues that African media education must define a pedagogical agenda for citizenship. That task lies in a postcolonial revisionism of liberal modes of thought and practice about media. This neo-colonial dependence of African media education is evident in the pedagogical emphasis on professional- journalistic automation. However, Africans are increasingly becoming politically and civically apathetic. This analysis calls for an emancipatory vision of journalism that is embedded in civil society. It uses a case study of radio listening clubs to illustrate the civic influence of the media in Malawi and Zambia. It concludes by proposing a model of media education for citizenship. The key tenets of the model include enhancing critical analysis of the correlation between media, democracy and development; developing an emancipatory vision of journalism; cultivating an active citizenship; entrenching a viable institutional infrastructure of democracy; and promoting an informed adherence to human rights. Este trabajo sostiene que la educación en medios africana debe definir una agenda pedagógica para la ciudadanía. Esa tarea se sitúa en un revisionismo poscolonial de formas liberales de pensamiento y práctica acerca de los medios. Esta dependencia neo-colonial de la educación en medios africana es evidente en el énfasis pedagógico de la automatización periodística-profesional. Sin embargo, los africanos se están volviendo crecientemente apáticos, política y cívicamente. Esta aportación demanda una visión emancipatoria del periodismo inmerso en la sociedad civil. Se basa en el estudio de caso de clubs de radio-escuchas para ilustrar la influencia cívica de los medios en Malawi y Zambia, y propone un modelo de educación mediática para la ciudadanía. La tesis clave de este modelo incluye realzar el análisis crítico de la correlación entre medios, democracia y desarrollo; desarrollar una visión emancipatoria del periodismo; cultivar una ciudadanía activa; fortificar una infraestructura institucional viable de democracia, y promover una adhesión informada a los derechos humanos.
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Tacchi, Jo. "Transforming the Mediascape in South Africa: The Continuing Struggle to Develop Community Radio". Media International Australia 103, n. 1 (maggio 2002): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0210300110.
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As a new democracy, South Africa's adoption of community radio is significant on a global scale. It can be said to have more progressive broadcasting policies than other long-established democracies. But the sector, despite its rapid growth, is struggling. This paper considers community radio in South Africa as an example of ‘citizens' media’ that is transforming the country's mediascape. It draws on interviews undertaken in South Africa during late 2001 to discuss the problems that the sector is facing. The role of legislation and regulation is considered as well as an example of a community radio station that serves a severely disadvantaged community. Social and economic underdevelopment in historically disadvantaged communities is seen as a major problem and an example of an initiative that seeks to develop such communities through community radio is described.
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Sukisman, Jumrana, Sitti Utami Rezkiawaty Kamil, S. Sutiyana, Asrul Jya e M. Masrul. "Workshop on Objection Content Production and Fact-checking in Campus Media Broadcast VOX RADIO 107.9 FM Kendari [Workshop produksi konten sanggahan dan fact-checking Pada Media Kampus VOX RADIO 107.9 FM Kendari]". Proceeding of Community Development 2 (21 febbraio 2019): 884. http://dx.doi.org/10.30874/comdev.2018.357.
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Broadcast media should be used to provide information and produce positive content for the audience. In the order of the constellation of democracy in Indonesia, the media is a pillar of the fourth democracy, this means that the position and role of the media are very calculated and considered important. As a campus broadcast media, Vox radio 107.9FM is here to provide information and become a space for expression and creativity for students. As a social agent and agent of change, students are required to master information, and students must have the ability to sort the information. Vox Radio is organized and managed under the Laboratory of Communication Studies. To improve the ability to choose the right news and information content, a workshop on production of objection content and fact-checking was carried out on the VOX RADIO 107.9 FM Campus Broadcast Media at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences at Halu Oleo University which was attended by 15 participants consisting of laboratory staff and announcer Vox Radio. Found the fact that all student participants tend to be lazy to validate and verify facts about the information they receive. The results of the training show that there is a change in the knowledge and skills of the trainees. Besides that, the continuation of the training was to produce Viral Z Broadcast to refute the hoax, and collaboration with Mafindo to conduct digital literacy on campus.
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Erhardt, Erwin F. "Canada Before Television: Radio, Taste, and the Struggle for Cultural Democracy". Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 38, n. 2 (4 gennaio 2018): 422–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439685.2017.1418776.
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Khayambashi, Shahbaz. "Canada before Television: Radio, Taste, and the Struggle for Cultural Democracy". Journal of Radio & Audio Media 26, n. 1 (2 gennaio 2019): 185–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19376529.2019.1565001.
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Hanson, Jarice. "Serving the “public”: Public radio and the price tag of democracy". Journal of Radio Studies 6, n. 2 (settembre 1999): 339–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19376529909391731.
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Adena, Maja, Ruben Enikolopov, Maria Petrova, Veronica Santarosa e Ekaterina Zhuravskaya. "Radio and the Rise of The Nazis in Prewar Germany *". Quarterly Journal of Economics 130, n. 4 (15 luglio 2015): 1885–939. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjv030.
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Abstract How do the media affect public support for democratic institutions in a fragile democracy? What role do they play in a dictatorial regime? We study these questions in the context of Germany of the 1920s and 1930s. During the democratic period, when the Weimar government introduced progovernment political news, the growth of Nazi popularity slowed down in areas with access to radio. This effect was reversed during the campaign for the last competitive election as a result of the pro-Nazi radio broadcast following Hitler’s appointment as chancellor. During the consolidation of dictatorship, radio propaganda helped the Nazis enroll new party members. After the Nazis established their rule, radio propaganda incited anti-Semitic acts and denunciations of Jews to authorities by ordinary citizens. The effect of anti-Semitic propaganda varied depending on the listeners’ predispositions toward the message. Nazi radio was most effective in places where anti-Semitism was historically high and had a negative effect in places with historically low anti-Semitism.
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Riley, M. Chris. "ESSAY - Spectrum Synergy: Policy Opportunities to Promote Communications and Information Flow in Wireless Networks". Journal of Information Policy 3, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2013): 537–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.3.1.537.
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Abstract Will consumers and democracy benefit or lose from future mobile policy? In this essay that introduces the “Spectrum for Democracy” special issue of Journal of Information Policy, Dr. Riley argues that the key question is whether national and international policy will facilitate or frustrate the opportunities that wireless presents. To address the biggest challenges, he advocates emphasis on “Super Wi-Fi,” increased competition, spectrum standardization, interoperable architectures, mobile broadband universal service, and resistance to state censorship. In the long-term, Riley says, spectrum management should move away from the current model to a completely opportunistic, software-defined cognitive radio technology.
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Bandias, Susan Elizabeth, e Elizabeth (Janie) Mason. "'This is VJY, Over'". Journal of Telecommunications and the Digital Economy 7, n. 4 (31 dicembre 2019): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18080/jtde.v7n4.229.
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This paper examines the relationship between the use of High Frequency (HF) radio and the development of social capital in the Northern Territory (NT) of Australia. Social capital is an elusive concept. It has its origin in a number of disciplines and, as a consequence, it is a mix of disparate and intangible concepts such as trust, reciprocity, norms and cooperation. It has been argued that there is a strong positive correlation between the acquisition of social capital and social and economic wellbeing. In order to determine if the use of HF radio promoted the development of social capital, qualitative data was collected from 32 NT self-identified HF radio users. Although manned operations of the Darwin-based HF coastal radio service ceased on 30 June 2002, the evidence indicates that HF radio was instrumental in the development of a sense of community amongst its widely dispersed and isolated users. The social capital outcomes of HF radio use that included social and economic well-being, engagement in participatory democracy and the acquisition of human capital were precipitated by the shared community concept of trust, informal and formal networks and cross-cutting ties.
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Jastramskis, Deimantas. "Lietuvos žiniasklaidos industrijų gyvavimo ciklo stadijos". Informacijos mokslai 68 (1 gennaio 2014): 113–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2014..3917.
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Straipsnyje nagrinėjama Lietuvos žiniasklaidos industrijų: laikraščių, žurnalų, radijo, televizijos ir interneto žiniasklaidos kaita nuo rinkos santykių pradžios Lietuvoje (pereinant į demokratiją XX amžiaus devintojo dešimtmečio pabaigoje). Straipsnyje nustatoma, kokiose industrijos gyvavimo ciklo stadijose veikė Lietuvos laikraščių, žurnalų, radijo, televizijos ir interneto žiniasklaidos industrijos 2011–2013 metais. Lietuvos žiniasklaidos industrijų gyvavimo ciklų stadijoms nustatyti taikomi šie kriterijai: vartotojų dalis arba vartojimo mastas (trukmė), industrijos subjektų apyvarta, bendras veiklos pelnas ir įmonių (transliuotojų) skaičius. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad 2011–2013 m. Lietuvoje leidžiamų laikraščių industrija veikė industrijos gyvavimo ciklo smukimo stadijoje, žurnalų industrija – brandos stadijoje, periodinės spaudos (laikraščių ir žurnalų) industrija – smukimo stadijoje, radijo ir televizijos industrijos – brandos stadijoje, o interneto žiniasklaidos industrija – augimo stadijoje.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: žiniasklaidos industrija, gyvavimo ciklas, stadija, pajamos.
Deimantas Jastramskis. Stages in life-cycle of the industries of the Lithuanian mediaDeimantas Jastramskis
SummaryThe article analyzes changes of the industries of the Lithuanian media (newspapers, magazines, radio, television and internet) since the period of the transition to democracy in Lithuania (in the end of the eighties of the 20th century) when free market relations in Lithuania started. Stages in the life-cycle of the industries of Lithuanian newspapers, magazines, radio, television, and internet media are ascertained. Stages in the life-cycle of the industries of Lithuanian media are determined according to certain criteria: the share of users (or the duration of use), the number of companies (broadcasters), the total turnover and profit of industry subjects.The article claims that in 2011–2013 the Lithuanian newspaper industry has been functioning in the stage of decline, the magazine industry in the maturity stage, the industry of the periodical press (newspapers and magazines) in the decline stage, the industries of radio and television in the maturity stage, and the internet media industry in the growth stage.
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SUBRAHMANYAN, ARJUN. "Education, Propaganda, and the People: Democratic paternalism in 1930s Siam". Modern Asian Studies 49, n. 4 (13 aprile 2015): 1122–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000523.
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AbstractOn the morning of 24 June 1932 the ‘People's Party’, a small group of civil and military bureaucrats, toppled the Thai absolute monarchy and introduced constitutional democracy. This article discusses the establishment of democracy as an endeavour in ‘democratic paternalism,’ by which is meant the Party's attempt to establish a new moral and intellectual leadership that had as its main goal the creation of a depoliticized democratic citizenry. To implement their programme for democracy, the Party embarked on an ambitious plan to modernize education and explain popular sovereignty through countrywide lectures and radio programmes. The democratic paternalist effort had mixed results. State weakness limited the reach of the educational and propaganda campaigns, and further the ‘people’ in whose name the revolution was staged, constituted two different groups: a largely illiterate peasantry and a small, incipient new intelligentsia. Because of its limited capacity, the People's Party tasked the second group with assisting in democratic mentorship of the masses, but many in this second category of people had a broader conception of democracy than the Party's ‘top-down’ model and criticized the Party for its paternalist constraints on popular sovereignty. Democratic paternalism and frustration with the limits imposed on popular democracy are two central aspects of this period of history that have endured in Thai society.
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Kucukcan, Talip. "Islam, Democracy., and Freedom in North Africa". American Journal of Islam and Society 9, n. 2 (1 luglio 1992): 276–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i2.2565.
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The Islamic Society of the London School of Economics (LondonUniversity) recently orgamed a one-day conference on “Islam, Democracy andFreedom in North Africa.” In attendance were scholars from several universitiesas well as religious leaders and former statesmen. The audience was composedmainly of university students.The first session featured S. Salaam of the Sorbonne (Paris), who discussedthe recent situation in Algeria after touching on late nineteenth- and earlytwentiethcentury social, political, and religious developments. He talked aboutthe ulama’s role as a source of mobilization against French colonial rule as wellas their attempts to motivate the masses, through their dynamic Islamic teachings,to struggle for the emancipation of Algeria. According to him, the moral andspiritual support of the learned segment of Algerian society enabled the nationalistleaders to unite the people behind a national cause, one which is also conceivedof as the religious obligation of jihad. On a more recent note, Salaam noted thatthe media has attributed the Islamic Salvation Party’s (FIS) success in the lastelections to Algeria’s economic backwardness. While there may be some truthto this argument, the success of Islamic ideology lies in its emphasis on socialjustice and equality, the strengthening of morality, and the uplifting of Qur’anicteachings. This is in stark contrast to the widespread corruption prevalent amongthe ruling elite. Salaam argued that the FIS has provided people with an authenticsense of identity which can be used to fill the gaps caused by modernization.The second paper was presented by Julian C. Hollick, a radio joumalist withAmerica’s National Public Radio organization. Addressing the topic of Islamand the media, Hollick laid out the Western media’s misconceptions anddistortions of Islam, which he attributed to either poor journalism or ignoranceof (or prejudice towards) Islam. He noted that journalists are not as objectiveas is commonly believed, for they are products of a given society and share inits stereotypical images and prejudices. These factors can prevent a journalistfrom penetrating beneath the surface of a foreign culture and society. Hollickproposed that ignorance of different interpretations of events and a superficialstudy of the phenomenon being investigated results in both poor journalism anda distorted coverage of events. He stated that many Western journalists tend tocover the ”pathologic aspects of development“ in the Muslim world (i.e., militantIslam and women’s rights) since such stories have a greater chance of being ...
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WILDE, ALEXANDER. "Irruptions of Memory: Expressive Politics in Chile's Transition to Democracy". Journal of Latin American Studies 31, n. 2 (maggio 1999): 473–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x99005349.
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Even before Augusto Pinochet was arrested in London in October 1998, the past hung heavily over Chile's distinctive transition to democracy. This was apparent during the previous year in the attention given to its conflictive recent history in television and radio talk shows and in newspaper and magazine articles. Since the return to elected rule in 1990, volumes on the dictatorship and the Popular Unity government were staples in Santiago bookstores. With the approach of the 25th anniversary of the 1973 military coup, what had been a steady stream of publication turned into a torrent of personal and political memoirs, extended essays, political journalism, and scholarly studies evoking the country's divided historical memory.
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Mitra, Archan, e Sayani Das. "Empowering Voices: The Role of Community Media in Strengthening Democracy and Fostering Inclusive Development in India". Journal of Communication and Management 2, n. 03 (9 settembre 2023): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.58966/jcm2023233.
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Community media is widely recognised as a tool to give voice to the voiceless. This study investigates the transformative potential of community media in India as a vehicle for promoting inclusive development and enhancing democracy. The research aims to examine the distinctive ways that community media promotes diverse viewpoints, local content, and participatory communication, contributing to social change and community empowerment. It draws on secondary data and case studies of successful community media initiatives in India and other nations with comparable socio-political contexts. A thorough literature review and thematic analysis are used in the study's qualitative methodology to identify major topics, such as community participation and empowerment, local content and cultural preservation, solving development difficulties, and challenges and opportunities. The results show that community media projects like Radio Namaskar, Radio Mewat, and Radio Ada are effective in fostering community ownership, empowering marginalised populations, and involving community members in content development and decision-making processes. The findings also emphasise how community media may help with local development challenges and cultural heritage preservation. Community media initiatives in India, however, encounter a number of obstacles, such as legal restrictions, a lack of funding, and low media literacy among underprivileged groups. The findings of the study also provide policy recommendations for boosting community media efforts' efficacy in India, dealing with the problems they encounter, and utilising the advantages offered by digital technologies and social media platforms. The research adds to the current discussion about the function of community media in advancing democratic ideals, inclusive growth, and social transformation in India and elsewhere.
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Kimani, Rose N. "Negotiating context as a survival strategy: The case of Mugambo Jwetu FM". Journal of Alternative & Community Media 5, n. 1 (1 aprile 2020): 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00076_1.
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Kenyan community radio works between international and national media paradigms, while seeking to meet the expectations of its local communities. International funding and training organizations active in the sector focus on enhancing technology for development, freedom of expression, democracy and governance. At the national level, community stations are expected to act as development-oriented media. While development is a value embraced by most stations, freedom of expression is embraced more cautiously, given the political contexts in which they exist. Drawing on fieldwork conducted between 2014 and 2016, this article explores the operational choices that community broadcasters make in view of their funding and training partnerships, all the while negotiating their local, social and political contexts in order to survive. It focuses on Mugambo Jwetu FM, a community radio station in Kenya, as a case study.
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Allen, Gene. "Canada before Television: Radio, Taste, and the Struggle for Cultural Democracy by Len Kuffert". University of Toronto Quarterly 87, n. 3 (agosto 2018): 400–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/utq.87.3.76.
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Myers, Mary. "The promotion of democracy at the grass‐roots: The example of radio in Mali". Democratization 5, n. 2 (giugno 1998): 200–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510349808403565.
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Brisset-Foucault, Florence. "A CITIZENSHIP OF DISTINCTION IN THE OPEN RADIO DEBATES OF KAMPALA". Africa 83, n. 2 (maggio 2013): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972013000028.
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ABSTRACTThis article investigates practices of speech and sociability in open radio debates in Kampala to decipher imaginaries of citizenship in contemporary Uganda. In these ebimeeza (‘round tables’ in Luganda, also called ‘people's parliaments’) orators are engaged in practices of social distinction when compared to those they call the ‘common men’. These spaces of discussion reflect the importance of education in local representations of legitimacy and morality, whether in Buganda ‘neotraditional’ mobilizations or Museveni's modernist vision of politics. The ebimeeza and the government ban imposed on them in 2009 reveal the entrenchment of the vision of a ‘bifurcated’ public sphere, the separation of a sphere of ‘development’ and a sphere of ‘politics’, the latter being only accessible to educated ‘enlightened’ individuals – despite the revolutionary discourse and the institutionalization of the Movementist ‘grassroots democracy’ model in 1986.
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de Oliveira, Nicollas R., Pedro S. Pisa, Martin Andreoni Lopez, Dianne Scherly V. de Medeiros e Diogo M. F. Mattos. "Identifying Fake News on Social Networks Based on Natural Language Processing: Trends and Challenges". Information 12, n. 1 (18 gennaio 2021): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/info12010038.
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The epidemic spread of fake news is a side effect of the expansion of social networks to circulate news, in contrast to traditional mass media such as newspapers, magazines, radio, and television. Human inefficiency to distinguish between true and false facts exposes fake news as a threat to logical truth, democracy, journalism, and credibility in government institutions. In this paper, we survey methods for preprocessing data in natural language, vectorization, dimensionality reduction, machine learning, and quality assessment of information retrieval. We also contextualize the identification of fake news, and we discuss research initiatives and opportunities.
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Masduki, Masduki. "Public service broadcasting model in Indonesian transitional democracy". Jurnal Kajian Komunikasi 10, n. 1 (30 giugno 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jkk.v10i1.35761.
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The emergence of the public service broadcasting (PSB) system in post-authoritarian countries in Asia, including Indonesia (after the 1998 political reform), is not in line with the aspiration of the democratic media system. Most public-oriented broadcasters were born as a hybrid of universal and ideal models of a democratic channel with local and transitional media systems. This article presents an analysis of various PSB models rooted in different countries. It examines the efforts made by Indonesian stakeholders to formulate an Indonesian style of PSB from 2002 until today. The qualitative method was used to review previous studies relating to PSB policies and governance throughout the world and official policies relating to the broadcast system in Indonesia. In-depth interviews were conducted with a former legislator who formulated Broadcast Law no. 32/2002, RRI and TVRI Supervisory Boards members, and media activists. The selected offices of the Radio of the Republic of Indonesia (RRI) and the Television of the Republic of Indonesia (TVRI) were also observed as the national PSB providers in Indonesia. This study found different pathways in PSB models (policy and governance) between developed democracies, such as the UK and Germany, and post-authoritarian countries, such as Indonesia. From a regulatory perspective, Indonesia’s PSB model is a mixture of the ideal form rooted in matured democracies with the old management of RRI/TVRI as ex-government channels. The hybrid PSB model has impeded RRI and TVRI’s transition to becoming actual public service broadcasters.
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Strachan, J. Cherie, e Michael R. Wolf. "Political Civility". PS: Political Science & Politics 45, n. 03 (12 giugno 2012): 401–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096512000455.
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The articles in this symposium are peppered with numerous recent incidents of political incivility ranging from physical scuffles at town hall meetings to the now-infamous accusation shouted at president Barack Obama during a nationally televised address before a joint session of Congress. Name calling and ad hominem attacks that were once associated with talk radio and cable television pundits have made their way into the halls of governing institutions, which no longer serve as sacred spaces one-step removed from bare-knuckled politics. Indeed, divisive views have even made inroads into “safe” topics for discussion—the weather and sports. Forget the intensity of debate over climate change. Democrats were actually 10% more likely to claim that the 2012 winter season was warmer than were their Republicans counterparts (Newport 2012). Sports no longer offers a neutral conversation starter, as 27% of Republicans view Tim Tebow as their favorite quarterback compared to only 9% of Democrats (Public Policy Polling 2011). Vitriol, combined with legislative gridlock and the uproar of protestors—not only in Washington, DC, but also in state capitals and prominent cities across the country—has shifted our discipline's attention to the role of political civility in sustaining a healthy democracy.
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Kischinhevsky, Marcelo, Itala Maduell Vieira, João Guilherme Bastos dos Santos, Viktor Chagas, Miguel de Andrade Freitas e Alessandra Aldé. "WhatsApp audios and the remediation of radio: Disinformation in Brazilian 2018 presidential election". Radio Journal: International Studies in Broadcast & Audio Media 18, n. 2 (1 ottobre 2020): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/rjao_00021_1.
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This article brings the results of an investigation into the role of WhatsApp audio messages in the 2018 Brazilian presidential elections, proposing that instant voice messaging borrows elements from radio language. We started from a broader research, conducted by the Brazilian National Institute of Science and Technology in Digital Democracy (INCT.DD, in its Portuguese acronym), which identified a network composed of 220 WhatsApp groups – all of them with open-entry links – supporting six different candidates. Those groups put together thousands of anonymized profiles linked through connections to similar groups, configuring an extensive network. More than 1 million messages, including 98,000 audios, were gathered and downloaded during 2018 Brazilian electoral period (from June to October). We focused on eighteen audios with major circulation (totalling 3622 appearances) among the ones shared at least 100 times, which were extracted and analysed. The use of radio content analysis techniques pointed out strong evidence that audio messaging remediate radiophonic elements such as intimacy and colloquial language to accelerate disinformation campaigns.
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Artero-Muñoz, Juan Pablo, Ricardo Zugasti e Sira Hernánez-Corchete. "Media Concentration in Spain: National, sectorial, and regional groups". Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodístico 27, n. 3 (28 giugno 2021): 765–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/esmp.72928.
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In Spain, the media market structure is made up of very different media groups, making it necessary to identify and classify them in a clear and coherent manner. To do so, this article collects secondary information from media companies’ websites and from audience measurement institutions. Results identify 50 media groups with activity in the Spanish market. They are classified into three categories according to the type of outlet, including national, sectorial, and regional. The current structure is based on recent developments in the last four decades of democracy among newspapers, magazines, radio, television and digital media.
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Donaldson, Rachel C. "Teaching Democracy: Folkways Records and Cold War Education". History of Education Quarterly 55, n. 1 (febbraio 2015): 58–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12092.
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By the waning years of the 1940s America had lost much of what remained of its postwar optimism as fears of Communism came to dominate the national political conversation. Left-leaning citizens had particular cause for disillusionment as politicians continued to trample many vestiges of New Deal programs and ideals in their rightward trek. The passage of the antilabor Taft-Hartley Act in 1947 and Progressive Party presidential candidate Henry Wallace's abysmal failure at the polls in the 1948 election hammered more nails into the coffin of leftwing activism. What ultimately caused the Old Left to retreat from mainstream political discourse was, of course, the new ideological war that loomed on the horizon. While U.S. foreign policy focused on containing Communism abroad, local and federal governlnent agencies and civilian vigilante groups rallied to fight suspected communists at home, Government agencies and private organizations compiled lists of alleged subversives, such asRed Channels: The Report of Communist Influence in Radio and Televisionthat the right-wing publicationCounterattackreleased in 1950. The attacks on those in the media and government were well documented, as news sources reported the trials of iconic groups like the Hollywood Ten and televised the Army-McCarthy hearings. At the same time that anticommunists focused on rooting out subversives in the State Department, organized labor, and the entertainment industry, they also turned their attention to education. Many political leaders, both liberal and conservative, viewed education as the “key factor” in securing American victory in the Cold War; as a result, between the end of WWII and the 1960s, anticommunists devoted an unprecedented amount of scrutiny to public schools, administrators, and teachers.
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Baber, Zaheer. "Engendering or Endangering Democracy? The Internet, Civil Society and the Public Sphere". Asian Journal of Social Science 30, n. 2 (2002): 287–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853102320405861.
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In recent discussions, the role of the Internet in facilitating democratization has been either exaggerated or underestimated. The general consensus seems to be that that the Internet will eventually go the way of other technologies of communication such as the radio and television that failed to live up to their expected role of agents of democratization. Rather than empower marginal groups and constituencies, the Internet could even contribute to more subtle and omnipotent forms of social control through surveillance. This paper examines these positions by focusing on the Singapore case. The possibilities for the expansion of civil society and the emergence of a robust public sphere as a consequence of the wiring up of the country are examined. The key argument of the paper is that although the Internet does indeed contribute to enhanced surveillance capabilities, its potential for circumventing existing forms of regulation and expanding the limited public sphere in Singapore is also very real.
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PARKINSON, JOHN. "Rickety Bridges: Using the Media in Deliberative Democracy". British Journal of Political Science 36, n. 1 (8 dicembre 2005): 175–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123406000093.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
It is a fairly common criticism of deliberative democratic ideals that one cannot involve thousands, let alone millions, of people in a decision-making process and still retain its deliberative character, at least not in any sense as strict as those of the classic expositions of deliberative democratic principles. Various solutions to this scale problem have been proposed, but implicit in most deliberative designs is the media solution. People can watch the debate unfold on television, can listen to it on the radio, can follow it, or even contribute to a limited extent, online. This is supposed to ensure not only that deliberation is subject to the check of publicity, but also that it is dispersed throughout the public sphere.This is precisely the idea behind James Fishkin's deliberative poll technique, designed to be televised so that deliberation among a few would be brought to ‘an audience of millions’, ‘bridging the gap’ between informed and uninformed opinion, and acting as a ‘catalyst’ to change the nature of discussion on a topic in a broader community. But what happens when we rely on the media to bear the weight of responsibility for generating links between insiders and outsiders in public deliberation? The media are not broad pipes which simply convey whatever is put into them but, like all institutions, shape that input in sometimes significant ways. If we are to understand the value of the media in addressing problems of deliberative scale, we need to understand those institutional effects.In this Research Note I examine the effects the media had on the kinds of information transferred from deliberators to audience in a deliberative poll that took place in the United Kingdom in July 1998.
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Fourie, Lynnette. "Political radio and television advertisements in a young democracy: the 2009 South African national election campaign". Journal of Public Affairs 13, n. 3 (14 giugno 2013): 298–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.1469.
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Okpeki, Philo Igue, Joshua Aghogho Erubami, Joel Chinedum Ugwuoke e Temaba Peace Onyenye. "Contribution of Radio Musical Broadcasting to National Development in Nigeria: A Media Practitioners and Audience-Based Survey in Delta State, Nigeria". Studies in Media and Communication 11, n. 6 (7 maggio 2023): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v11i6.6120.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Music is an essential feature of most broadcasting programmes, and research indicates that the appropriate use of music by broadcasting organisations could actuate significant national renaissance and promote development efforts. This study examines the contributions of radio musical broadcasting to national development efforts as perceived by two distinct cohorts comprising media practitioners and media audiences. Anchored on the Uses and Gratification Theory, the study utilises the survey research method and multisampling technique to recruit 500 study participants in two major cities in Delta State. The outcome of the study shows that there is a high level of exposure to radio musical broadcasting on national development-related issues among the two cohorts, and such broadcasting content is widely perceived to contribute to national development efforts in Nigeria by serving as a platform for nationalists to preach the principles of justice, equality, unity, national integration, freedom, democracy, and genuine social change in Nigeria. However, the study also found a significant discrepancy in the rating of the benefits arising from music broadcast between the two cohorts with the media practitioners group tending to overrate the influence of music broadcasting on national development. The study recommends that radio broadcasting stations should regularly conduct audience surveys to understand the actual influence of their content on the audience to ensure better programming.
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O’toole, Kathleen M. "John L. Griffith and the Commercialization of College Sports on Radio in the 1930s". Journal of Sport History 40, n. 2 (1 luglio 2013): 241–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.40.2.241.
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Abstract The foundation for lucrative corporate/academic media partnerships was established in the late 1920s and early 1930s. This study examines the role of Maj. John L. Griffith—the Big Ten’s first full-time commissioner and a leader in the National Collegiate Athletic Association—in promoting the expansion and commercialization of intercollegiate athletics. In his public speeches, private correspondence, and editorial commentary in his monthly publication, the Athletic Journal, Griffith positioned intercollegiate sports as the antithesis of the emerging social welfare policies of the New Deal. His anti-Socialist rhetoric reflected the themes used by the new radio corporations in their successful effort to dominate the airwaves at the expense of non-profit broadcasters, and it facilitated the gradual accommodation to commercialized broadcasts of college sports by yoking intercollegiate football to ideals of democracy and capitalism.
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Montoya-Londoño, Catalina. "Civil Society Organizations and their Radio and Internet Productions: Strengthening Agendas for Democracy and Human Rights in Colombia". Palabra Clave - Revista de Comunicación 16, n. 2 (1 agosto 2013): 282–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.5294/pacla.2013.16.2.1.
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Babich, Babette. "On Günther Anders, political media theory, and nuclear violence". Philosophy & Social Criticism 44, n. 10 (17 settembre 2018): 1110–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453718794741.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Günther Anders was a philosopher concerned with the political and social implications of power, both as expressed in the media and its tendency to elide the citizenry and thus the very possibility of democracy and the political implications of our participation in our own subjugation in the image of modern social media beginning with radio and television. Anders was particularly concerned with two bombs dropped on Japan at the end of World War II, and he was just as concerned with the so-called ‘peaceful’ uses of nuclear power, what he named our apocalypse-blindness and the urgency of violence. To make this case I draw on Baudrillard on ‘speech without response’ and Gadamer on conversation.
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Shaffer, Timothy J. "Democracy in the Air: Radio as a Complement to Face-To-Face Discussion in the New Deal". Journal of Radio & Audio Media 26, n. 1 (2 gennaio 2019): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19376529.2019.1564996.
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Osei-Appiah, Sally. "News Media Logic and Democracy: Strange Bedfellows in Political News-making Practices of Private Radio Stations in Ghana". African Journalism Studies 40, n. 3 (3 luglio 2019): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2020.1731565.
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