Tesi sul tema "Radio Democracy"

News and public affairs on commercial radio dramatically changed following the 1996 Telecom Act, with rapid consolidation and economic efficiencies radically shrinking commercial radio's role in the provision of political information. By examining jobs data, public files, and the views of broadcast journalists, this project assesses the Act's impact through the lens of civic-minded Portland, Oregon. Because political information enables democracy, and because of radio's uniquely accessible qualities, this paper argues that market emphasis in media policy--especially in the Act's absolute manifestation--has diminished a significant channel of public discourse. Noticing radio's democratic potential, still relevant in the digital age, this work offers support for a revival of discursive opportunities on local commercial radio.

It has been argued that the most important factor in creating participation for people at grassroots level is accessibility to the media, both as receivers and producers of content (see Rodriguez, 2000; Fraser & Estrada, 2001, 2002; Tabing, 2002; and Dagron, 2001, 2004). In recent years, community radio stations have been mushrooming in Indonesia as a consequence of the democratisation of the media system in post-Soeharto Indonesia. In Indonesia community radio is used by the civil society at grassroots level to empower people who have little opportunity to voice their interests. The characteristics of community radio - size, proximity and openness to participation - provide both forms of access. By providing a forum for capacity building, community radio enhances people’s participation in the decision making process and in the preservation of local cultures in their villages. In fact, at village level the empowerment of people is central to the role of community radio; thus, people in Timbulharjo, Minomartani and Wiladeg have had the opportunity to express their interests. Community radio stations encourage diversity, challenging the tendency of commercial radio to erase cultural differences through their conceptualising of audiences as markets. In this way, community radio accommodates the interests of marginal social groups and draws them into the public sphere.This thesis is about the way in which the Indonesian people’s movement creates grassroots democracy by using community radio as a tool for participating in social communication processes at village level, in particular in Yogyakarta Special Region. The main question is ʻhow do people at grassroots level use community radio in the democratic transition in Indonesia?’ Multiple case studies were used in order to build a comprehensive picture of the use of community radio in Indonesia as a tool for promoting participation in local contexts. To discuss its findings this thesis uses participatory communication and public sphere theories. This thesis also considers the civic role of community radio in its responses to earthquake disaster in several regions in Indonesia, where people used the medium of radio to create solidarity to help affected people.

What role does the media fulfill in the current stage of Latin American democracy? In all cases, is the possibility of regulating the media incompatiblewith the freedom of speech and enterprise of thepeople who own it?In this article, the renowned author shows his point of view regarding these questions, as well as offering a critique related to how the relationship between the media and democracy has been developing in our society. Lastly, he presents a proposal of media regulation in order to make democracy viable, but without   compromising constitutional freedoms.
¿Cuál es el rol de los medios de comunicación en elestado actual de la democracia latinoamericana? En todos los casos, ¿la posibilidad de regular los medios de comunicación está reñida con la libertadde expresión y de empresa de sus dueños?En el presente artículo, el renombrado autor muestra su punto de vista con respecto a estas preguntas, y realiza una crítica con relación a cómo se ha venido desarrollando la relación entre los medios y la democracia en nuestra sociedad. Finalmente, plantea una propuesta de regulación de los medios, de cara a poder viabilizar la democracia, pero sin que queden en entredicho las libertades constitucionales.

This research will analyze the radio station ONUCI FM, UN’s peace radio in Côte d’Ivoire. The central focus is on journalists’ perception of their role as professional advocacy for peace and democracy. Personal interviews with five ONUCI FM-journalists provide the primary source of qualitative source. In light of the Security Council’s decision to end UN’s peacekeeping mission in Côte d’Ivoire in 2017 followed an uncertainty of ONUCI FM’s future before it was decided that the station would continue to broadcast under the Felix Houphouët-Boigny foundation. This research attempts to elucidate the consequences in similar previous cases. This research shows that the UN often lacks a long-term plan of how to handle their stations when their mission ends, thereby creating an indisputable journalistic vacuum where they previously operated. This research shows that few UN radios are capable of surviving without donations but that leaving abruptly may cause harm to the achieved peace. With the intention to provide a solution to the vacuum created after the UN this research explores the possibilities of citizen journalists filling the void after the organization’s withdrawal. This research argues that Citizen Journalism is a suitable substitute to Peace Journalism when UN radio stations stop broadcasting. Applied theories are Peace Journalism, Journalism ethics and Citizen Journalism. All theories are applicable in the analysis of journalists as nation builders, government partners, and agents of empowerment and also as watchdogs. In conclusion, the purpose of this research is to understand the journalist's own experience of working at ONUCI FM and to analyze if a radio station such as ONUCI FM, when no longer supported by the UN, can benefit of Citizen Journalism.

Orientador: Juliano Maurício de Carvalho
Banca: Maria Cristina Gobbi
Banca: Adilson Cabral
Resumo: A pesquisa parte da afirmação de Habermas (1997) de que, em sociedades democráticas complexas, a esfera pública forma uma estrutura comunicativa baseada em microesferas públicas ou arenas públicas, nas quais as opiniões públicas se consolidam e são levadas ao debate público, e que esses espaços democráticos de discussão, embora não tenham o poder de decisão administrativa, podem contribuir para a composição de uma opinião pública suficientemente representativa capaz de influenciar, ainda que sem garantias, os processos de decisão política na medida em que suas mensagens percorrem as instâncias de decisão constitucionalmente consolidadas e coagem os agentes políticos - levando-se em consideração que a esfera pública, ou o fluxo de informação nela existente, é estruturado em grande medida pelos veículos de comunicação de massa regidos por interesses comerciais. Para tanto, a dissertação utiliza os métodos descritivo e dialético com o fenômeno das rádios comunitárias e suas atribuições em sociedades democráticas, evidenciando elementos comuns à estrutura do conceito de arena pública, de modo a evidenciar que uma rádio comunitária pode ser considerada uma arena pública. A dissertação faz uso de pesquisas documental e bibliográfica, já que a investigação será sustentada por materiais já publicados - como livros, artigos de periódicos e disponibilizados na internet, como documentos e relatórios de entidades da sociedade civil e do Estado. Por fim, a dissertação sugere parâmetros para a análise sobre a atuação das rádios comunitárias como arenas públicas, que estão ligado, sobretudo, ao nível de participação da população no debate empreendido na rádio comunitária e a estrutura consolidada no veículo para esse fim
Abstract: The inquiry leaves from the affirmation of Habernas (1997) of which, in democratic complex societies, the public sphere forms a communicative structure based on public microsphere or public arenas, in which the public opinions are consolidated and are taken to the public discussion, and which these democratic spaces of discussion, though they have not the power of administrative decision, can still contribute to the composition of a sufficiently representative public opinion able to influence, that without guarantees, the processes of political decision in so far as his messages go through the persistence of decision constitutionally consolidated and compel the political agents - when are taken into account that the public aphere, or the flow of information in existent her, is structured in a large extent by the vehicles of communication of mass governed by commercial interests. For so much, the dissertation uses the descriptive and dialect methods with the objective to expose the characteristics of the phenomenon of the communication radios and his atributions in democratic societies, showing common elements up to the structure of the concept of public arena, of way to show up that a communitarian radio can be considered a public arena. The dissertation does use of documentary and bibliographical inquiries, since the investigation will be supported by already published materials - like books, article of magazines and available in the Internet, like documents and reports of entities of the civil society and of the State. Finally, the dissertation suggests parameters for the analysis on the acting of the communication radios like public arenas, which are tied, especially, at the level of participation of the population in the discussion undertaken in the communication radio and the structure consolidated in the vehicle for this end
Mestre

This study investigates the relationship between media and democracy with a particular focus on Australian community broadcasting. I put forward the thesis that the value and purpose of community broadcasting are located in its community development function, rather than in its ability to transmit alternative information. This suggests that an analysis should emphasise community rather than media. Community development promotes the empowerment of ordinary people so that they can confidently participate in management and decision-making - that is, the procedures and norms that underpin democratic practices. In the case of community media, the relationship between democracy and media is located primarily in its volunteers. To understand this relationship, I link together concepts of the public sphere and social capital. The public sphere is understood as multiple and diverse and linked to other publics via the web of relationships forged among people with shared interests and norms. I argue that a community public sphere should be understood as a cultural resource and managed as a common property. The public sphere is thus conceived to have a more or less porous boundary that serves to regulate membership. Understood as a bounded domain, the public sphere can be analysed in terms of its ideological structure, its management practices and its alliances with other publics. This approach also allows for a comparison with other similar public spheres. The study identifies two main ideological constellations that have shaped the development of Australian community broadcasting - professionalism and community development, with the former gaining prominence as the sector expands into rural and regional communities. The ascendancy of professional and quasi-commercial practices is of concern as it can undermine the community development potential of community broadcasting, a function that appears to be little understood and one which has attracted little research. The study presents a case study of three regional and remote rural community radio stations and compares them from a social capital perspective. Social capital is a framework for understanding the relationship between the individual and the community and explores this relationship in terms of participation in networks, reciprocal benefits among groups and individuals and the nature of active participation. Demographic and organisational structures of the three stations are also compared. By taking this approach, each station's capacity for community development and empowerment is addressed. The results of the fieldwork reveal that the success of a community radio station is related to 'community spirit' and demographic structure. They reveal that the community radio station in the smallest community with the lowest per capita income was best able to meet the needs of its community and its volunteers.

This study investigates the relationship between media and democracy with a particular focus on Australian community broadcasting. I put forward the thesis that the value and purpose of community broadcasting are located in its community development function, rather than in its ability to transmit alternative information. This suggests that an analysis should emphasise community rather than media. Community development promotes the empowerment of ordinary people so that they can confidently participate in management and decision-making - that is, the procedures and norms that underpin democratic practices. In the case of community media, the relationship between democracy and media is located primarily in its volunteers. -- To understand this relationship, I link together concepts of the public sphere and social capital. The public sphere is understood as multiple and diverse and linked to other publics via the web of relationships forged among people with shared interests and norms. I argue that a community public sphere should be understood as a cultural resource and managed as a common property. The public sphere is thus conceived to have a more or less porous boundary that serves to regulate membership. Understood as a bounded domain, the public sphere can be analysed in terms of its ideological structure, its management practices and its alliances with other publics. This approach also allows for a comparison with other similar public spheres. -- The study identifies two main ideological constellations that have shaped the development of Australian community broadcasting - professionalism and community development, with the former gaining prominence as the sector expands into rural and regional communities. The ascendancy of professional and quasi-commercial practices is of concern as it can undermine the community development potential of community broadcasting, a function that appears to be little understood and one which has attracted little research. -- The study presents a case study of three regional and remote rural community radio stations and compares them from a social capital perspective. Social capital is a framework for understanding the relationship between the individual and the community and explores this relationship in terms of participation in networks, reciprocal benefits among groups and individuals and the nature of active participation. Demographic and organisational structures of the three stations are also compared. By taking this approach, each station's capacity for community development and empowerment is addressed. -- The results of the fieldwork reveal that the success of a community radio station is related to 'community spirit' and demographic structure. They reveal that the community radio station in the smallest community with the lowest per capita income was best able to meet the needs of its community and its volunteers.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Arts, Media and Culture
Full Text

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Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP)
A pesquisa parte da afirmação de Habermas (1997) de que, em sociedades democráticas complexas, a esfera pública forma uma estrutura comunicativa baseada em microesferas públicas ou arenas públicas, nas quais as opiniões públicas se consolidam e são levadas ao debate público, e que esses espaços democráticos de discussão, embora não tenham o poder de decisão administrativa, podem contribuir para a composição de uma opinião pública suficientemente representativa capaz de influenciar, ainda que sem garantias, os processos de decisão política na medida em que suas mensagens percorrem as instâncias de decisão constitucionalmente consolidadas e coagem os agentes políticos - levando-se em consideração que a esfera pública, ou o fluxo de informação nela existente, é estruturado em grande medida pelos veículos de comunicação de massa regidos por interesses comerciais. Para tanto, a dissertação utiliza os métodos descritivo e dialético com o fenômeno das rádios comunitárias e suas atribuições em sociedades democráticas, evidenciando elementos comuns à estrutura do conceito de arena pública, de modo a evidenciar que uma rádio comunitária pode ser considerada uma arena pública. A dissertação faz uso de pesquisas documental e bibliográfica, já que a investigação será sustentada por materiais já publicados - como livros, artigos de periódicos e disponibilizados na internet, como documentos e relatórios de entidades da sociedade civil e do Estado. Por fim, a dissertação sugere parâmetros para a análise sobre a atuação das rádios comunitárias como arenas públicas, que estão ligado, sobretudo, ao nível de participação da população no debate empreendido na rádio comunitária e a estrutura consolidada no veículo para esse fim
The inquiry leaves from the affirmation of Habernas (1997) of which, in democratic complex societies, the public sphere forms a communicative structure based on public microsphere or public arenas, in which the public opinions are consolidated and are taken to the public discussion, and which these democratic spaces of discussion, though they have not the power of administrative decision, can still contribute to the composition of a sufficiently representative public opinion able to influence, that without guarantees, the processes of political decision in so far as his messages go through the persistence of decision constitutionally consolidated and compel the political agents - when are taken into account that the public aphere, or the flow of information in existent her, is structured in a large extent by the vehicles of communication of mass governed by commercial interests. For so much, the dissertation uses the descriptive and dialect methods with the objective to expose the characteristics of the phenomenon of the communication radios and his atributions in democratic societies, showing common elements up to the structure of the concept of public arena, of way to show up that a communitarian radio can be considered a public arena. The dissertation does use of documentary and bibliographical inquiries, since the investigation will be supported by already published materials - like books, article of magazines and available in the Internet, like documents and reports of entities of the civil society and of the State. Finally, the dissertation suggests parameters for the analysis on the acting of the communication radios like public arenas, which are tied, especially, at the level of participation of the population in the discussion undertaken in the communication radio and the structure consolidated in the vehicle for this end

La thèse aborde la problématique de la place des radios communales dans le processus de démocratisation en Côte d’Ivoire. Le retour au multipartisme politique à partir de 1990 ouvre par la même occasion la voie de la libéralisation de l’espace médiatique qui durant plusieurs années est resté fermé à l’initiale privée. L’autorisation d’émission octroyée aux concessionnaires de radios privées non commerciales (radios de proximité) via la loi fondatrice du 27 décembre 1991 est accompagnée d’une interdiction de traiter l’actualité politique. Sur la base de ce cadre juridique, le paysage médiatique en matière d’information demeure le monopole des médias publics et de la presse privée. L’approche temporelle qui nourrit notre réflexion permet de structurer la thèse en trois parties.La première partie, après une description de la démarche méthodologique, met en exergue la naissance des médias classiques (presse écrite, télévision et radio) avec un accent particulier sur le rôle joué par la radio nationale ivoirienne dans le processus de développement socioéconomique après l’Indépendance le 7 août 1960 jusqu’en 1990. La deuxième partie de la thèse traite de l’impact de la presse écrite sur le processus démocratique depuis l’avènement du pluralisme d’information en Côte d’Ivoire. À cet effet, il est à noter le niveau de politisation assez remarquable dans la presse ivoirienne en matière de contenus proposés. La troisième et dernière partie, quant à elle, dresse un état des lieux des radios de proximité en répondant à la question de recherche : comment les radios communales peuvent-elles contribuer à la mise en œuvre de la démocratie discursive en Côte d’Ivoire ?L’implantation des radios locales au sein des collectivités territoriales à partir de 1998 vise à améliorer l’échange d’information entre les municipalités et leurs administrés. Vingt ans après leur autorisation d’émission, les radios de proximité constituent un important levier en matière de communication de masse en Côte d’Ivoire. L’étude de cas de deux radios communales (Radio Prestige de Gagnoa et Radio Fraternité de Yopougon) permet d’établir assez clairement l’importance sociale des radios de proximité et ce malgré le cadre juridique particulièrement rigide à leur égard. Pour rendre plus visible l’action des radios de proximité, la thèse propose dans le chapitre 6 un projet visant à accélérer le processus de professionnalisation de cette catégorie de radio.Le concept de « Démocratie discursive » basé sur le modèle traditionnel africain de la participation sociale et politique (l’arbre à palabres) qui sous-tend le projet élaboré dans le chapitre 6 confère à la thèse son originalité scientifique.Sur le plan empirique, la thèse permet de relever un certain nombre d’indicateurs comme la place des langues locales dans la grille des programmes, l’importance du lien émotionnel entre acteurs de radios et auditeurs ou les conditions de travail précaires des agents qui permettent de recadrer et d’améliorer les politiques de développement des radios appartenant aux collectivités territoriales en Côte d’Ivoire.Sur le plan théorique, la thèse relance le débat autour du modèle démocratique approprié pour des pays en développement comme la Côte d’Ivoire au regard des crises sociopolitiques à répétition qui précèdent et suivent les échanges électorales
The thesis addresses the issue of the place of communal radio stations in the democratization process in Côte d'Ivoire. The return to a multi-party political system from 1990 onwards at the same time opened the way for the liberalization of the media space, which for several years remained closed to the private sector. The broadcasting license granted to licensees of private non-commercial radio stations (local radio stations) via the founding law of 27 December 1991 is accompanied by a ban on dealing with political news. Based on this legal framework, the information media landscape remains the monopoly of the public media and the private press. The temporal approach that feeds our reflection allows us to structure the thesis in three parts.The first part, after a description of the methodological approach, highlights the birth of traditional media (written press, television and radio) with particular emphasis on the role played by the Ivorian national radio in the process of socioeconomic development after the Independence on August 7, 1960 until 1990. The second part of the thesis deals with the impact of the written press on the democratic process since the advent of information pluralism in Côte d'Ivoire. To this end, it should be noted the fairly remarkable level of politicization in the Ivorian press in terms of the content offered. The third and last part, for its part, provides an inventory of local radio stations by answering the research question: how can municipal radio stations contribute to the implementation of discursive democracy in Côte d'Ivoire?The establishment of local radios within local authorities from 1998 aims to improve the exchange of information between municipalities and their citizens. Twenty years after their authorization to broadcast, local radio stations are an important lever for mass communication in the Ivory Coast. The case study of two communal radio stations (Radio Prestige de Gagnoa and Radio Fraternité de Yopougon) makes it possible to establish quite clearly the social importance of local radio stations, despite the particularly rigid legal framework regarding them. To make the action of local radios more visible, the thesis proposes in chapter 6 a project aimed at accelerating the process of professionalization of this category of radio.The concept of "Discursive Democracy" based on the traditional African model of social and political participation (the palaver tree) which underlies the project developed in Chapter 6 gives the thesis its scientific originality.On the empirical level, the thesis makes it possible to identify a certain number of indicators such as the place of local languages ​​in the program schedule, the importance of the emotional link between radio actors and listeners or the precarious working conditions of the agents who allow reframing and improving development policies for radio stations belonging to local authorities in Côte d'Ivoire.On a theoretical level, the thesis relaunches the debate around the appropriate democratic model for developing countries like the Ivory Coast in the light of the repeated socio-political crises which precede and follow the electoral exchanges

Ayant pour ambition de « rendre la parole » aux populations déshéritées de la ville de Pikine, banlieue de la capitale sénégalaise, Débat local est l’émission politique interactive de la radio communautaire Air’Jeunes fondée à la fin des années quatre-vingt-dix à l’initiative des associations de jeunes de la région dakaroise avec le soutien d’une grande ONG canadienne. Cette thèse étudie les usages de cette émission par les citoyens locaux dans les trois domaines principaux où les militants et promoteurs de la démocratie participative s’attachent à développer des dispositifs d’action citoyenne visant à corriger les défauts et insuffisances du gouvernement représentatif au regard de l’idéal démocratique : la place des citoyens dans le système de production des biens publics locaux, les relations symboliques entre les élus et les électeurs et l’espace public de débat sur les politiques publiques et l’action des représentants. À partir d’une étude de terrain à caractère ethnographique menée en trois séquences de 2006 à 2011 dans les studios de la radio et sur les lieux d’écoute de l’émission, il apparaît que si l’émission a permis à des formes de contestation du pouvoir local de s’exprimer publiquement sans médiation, la réalisation du projet originel de l’émission s’est heurtée à un contexte local défavorable marqué par l’absence de moyens donnés aux élus locaux pour exercer leurs compétences récemment décentralisées et par un journalisme politique local polarisé autour de deux formes dominantes laissant peu de place au débat argumenté : le journalisme antagonique des grands groupes privés et de la petite presse du secteur informel et le journalisme légitimiste du groupe public. En dépit de leur attachement militant au projet, les responsables de la radio et les animateurs de l’émission dont les origines sociales et les formations scolaires les tenaient très éloignés des formes de consommation des biens informationnels des Pikinois ainsi que des activités des associations informelles de quartier très vivantes dans la banlieue dakaroise ont progressivement cédé aux forces d’attraction qu’exerçaient les radios privées ordinaires sur leur vision de leur avenir professionnel personnel et, corrélativement, sur leur pratique journalistique
Aspiring to “give a voice” to the poor people of Pikine, a suburb of the Senegalese capital, “Local Debate” is an interactive political programme of the community radio Air’Jeunes, created in the late nineties at the initiative of youth associations in the Dakar region with support from a major Canadian NGO. This thesis explores the use of this programme by local citizens in three main areas where activists and proponents of participatory democracy are committed to developing citizen action mechanisms, aiming to correct the defects and shortcomings under the democratic ideal of representative government: the role of citizens in the production system of local public goods, symbolic relationships between elected leaders and electors, and the public space for debate on public policies and the actions of representatives. Based on an ethnographic field study conducted in three phases between 2006 and 2011 in the radio production studio and the show’s listening sites, it appears that, even if the programme has enabled forms of contestation of local authority to be voiced publicly without mediation, the realisation of the original project faced an unfavourable local context marked by the lack of resources given to local officials to exercise their newly decentralised powers and a local political journalism polarised around two dominant forms, leaving little room for debate: the antagonistic journalism of big private groups and small informal press, and the legitimising journalism of the public service group. Despite their militant commitment to the project, radio staff and hosts whose social origins and educational backgrounds distance them from the forms of consumption of information goods and activities of Pikine’s inhabitants, as well as the dynamic activities of informal neighbourhood associations in the suburbs of Dakar, have gradually yielded to forces of attraction exercised by mainstream private radios, influencing their vision of their professional future and, in turn, their journalistic practice

This study is an exploratory assessment of the role of private radio stations in promoting participatory democracy in Lesotho. It seeks to describe the current situation of the role of radio in the country, including levels of rural development programming and community participation. There are eight private radio stations operating in the country. The emergence of the liberalised airwaves created an opportunity for people to have access to information, hence promotion of participatory democracy, though problem of freedom of expression and speech and absence of media policy hinders positive effective participation in issues affecting both journalists and society. The study will use a survey within the purposely selected media professionals to assess how citizens obtain and use information to make informed political choices as well as to measure the influence of private radio stations on political knowledge, attitudes and behavior. The field research will take place in the capital Maseru, where all the private radio stations are based. This will enable the researcher to draw inferences about the role of private radio stations and participatory democracy in Lesotho. The study explores changes that have occurred following the emergence of liberalisation of the radio airwaves in Lesotho from 1994, from almost a century of state owned and dominated national radio station. The central argument in this study is to establish if liberalisation of the airwaves in particular has a significant impact on the democratisation process in the country. Given the country’s limited literacy rate and historic role of broadcast media in Lesotho as a source of all major official information, private radio stations occupies a central role of mobilising and debating issues of national concern. The study, therefore, concludes that the emergence of the private radio stations in Lesotho has increased community participation in political and current affairs. The coverage of radio in the country and its pluralistic character suggest that the private radio stations will remain a crucial broadcast medium of communication in Lesotho, especially for the rural people whose access to television and print are inaccessible.

Les poésies concrète, visuelle, sonore, apparues au début des années 1950 dans une vingtaine de pays du monde, dont l’Allemagne, la Suisse et l’Autriche, et les pièces radiophoniques expérimentales ont, jusqu’à présent, été perçues comme jeux formels avec le matériau verbal épargnant à leurs auteurs une prise de position politique par rapport au réel. Face à la réception réductrice du concept sartrien de « littérature engagée », les poétiques expérimentales apparaissent comme « désengagées ». Or, les auteurs invoquent la portée politique de leur déconstruction de poétiques traditionnelles, de normes linguistiques et de modes de pensée de la culture occidentale. Les formes d’écriture expérimentale ne seraient-elles pas alors des choix politiques au sens où elles ébranlent des visions et expériences du monde? Cette mise à distance du réel provoquerait ce que Rancière appelle la « subjectivation politique », c'est-à-dire l’émancipation du citoyen par rapport à son identité sociale figée par des manières de dire et de penser. Montrant l’intention politique immanente à certains choix poétiques cette étude aborde la notion d’engagement sous un angle poétologique
Concrete, visual and sound poetry, as well as experimental radio plays, appearing in the early 1950s in Germany, Switzerland and Austria specifically, have until now been perceived as formal games with language, sparing their authors from taking any political position with regards to reality. Given this narrow understanding of the sartrian concept of “engaged literature”, experimental poetry hence appeared as “disengaged.” And yet, authors insist on the deconstruction of traditional poetry, of linguistic norms and of the Occidental vision of culture. As a consequence, shouldn’t we also understand experimental literary forms as political in the sense that they shatter our traditional vision and experience of the world? The distance taken from reality leads to what Rancière calls “political subjectivity”, by which he means the emancipation of the individual from a fixed social identity through news ways of saying and thinking. Analyzing the political intention inherent to specific poetical choices, this study offers a poetic approach of literary political engagement

El artículo propone una aproximación crítica al debate mediático y político sobre la regulación de la radio y la televisión, a propósito de los planteamientos de Gana Perú en el contexto de la campaña electoral. Examina tres temas centrales que han sido objeto de discusiones y, en algunos casos, de desinformación por parte de medios de comunicación y actores políticos: la publicidad política en los procesos electorales, la concentración oligopólica en el ámbito de la radio y la televisión, y el órgano regulador del sector. Vincula la discusión sobre el carácter del modelo de política en la radio y la televisión configurado en el Perú, a la necesidad de avanzar en un proceso de consolidación democrática que garantice el pluralismo político, y abra espacios para una mayor inclusión y presencia de la diversidad cultural en el espacio público. El crecimiento de la intención de voto en favor del candidato de Gana Perú, Ollanta Humala, ubicado en el primer lugar por diversas organizaciones encuestadoras en las semanas previas a la primera vuelta, ha generado una especie de reacción en cadena de varios medios de comunicación y periodistas. Arrecian las críticas, fundadas e infundadas, al plan de gobierno nacionalista y a la aparente disociación entre los discursos y compromisos públicos del candidato durante el último tramo de la campaña, y lo que dice su plan de gobierno. Uno de los temas recurrentes en los medios de comunicación tiene que ver precisamente con la política y regulación de los medios de comunicación, particularmente con la regulación de la radio y la televisión. Se ha dicho que el proyecto nacionalista atentaría contra la libertad de expresión, que se “cerrarán” aquellos medios y programas críticos a un posible gobierno de Humala y que los sectores afines a Gana Perú serían entonces favorecidos con una nueva distribución de frecuencias de radio y televisión[1]. Cabe preguntarse si los temas planteados por Gana Perú representarían una seria amenaza para la libertad de expresión o si se trata más bien –más allá de un escaso sustento y de imprecisiones en las propuestas nacionalistas- de temas centrales para un debate público y político sobre la necesidad de redefinir el modelo de la radio y la televisión en el Perú, teniendo como horizonte la consolidación democrática y la construcción de un sistema de medios que favorezca el pluralismo político, y abra mayores espacios para la expresión de la diversidad cultural y religiosa existente en el país. El presente artículo intenta plantear una aproximación distinta al intercambio condicionado por el fragor de la contienda electoral y por intereses económicos específicos, con relación a algunos de los temas que han sido objeto de atención en las últimas semanas. Se tomará como punto de partida las propuestas del candidato nacionalista, conforme han sido planteadas en los previos y durante la campaña, y las reacciones, varias de ellas desproporcionadas y deliberadamente tremendistas por parte de periodistas, medios de comunicación y de actores políticos en competencia. Se busca proponer otros ángulos y perspectivas de análisis y discusión respecto a las políticas de radio y televisión, tomando como referencia la experiencia de otros países.

Orientador: Renato Ortiz
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-03T20:08:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andriotti_CristianeDias_M.pdf: 18215597 bytes, checksum: 02264d9a0924dc418a49c8f2a9515281 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2004
Resumo: Esta pesquisa anaiisa e compara alguns dos principais projetos de democmtização dos meios de comunicação, desenvolvidos no Brasil, principalmente durante o período da chamada "transição democrática" na década de 80. Estes projetos geraram discursos sobre a democracia roas comunicações e seus aspectos políticos, econômicos, jurídicos, relacionados aos movimentos populares de apropriação dessas tecnologias, formam o tema central desta pesquisa. O objeto de estudo são as chamadas rádios liwes e comunitárias, e através delas a pesquisa inicia a observação de alguns dos principais problemas existentes para a consolidação da comunicação democrática no Brasil
Abstract: The present research intends to analyse and compare some principal projects of the communicating means democratization in Brazil, specially during the periodcalled "democmcy tmnsition" in the eighties decade. Tneese projects engendered discourses about the democracy in communications Rnd their politic..Mestrado
Mestre em Sociologia

ii Abstract This research project explores the impact of Western broadcasting on the public opinion of the Soviet audience in the Perestroika and Glasnost periods. Specifically, it focuses on Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty's (RFE/RL) contribution to changing attitudes of the Soviet public to the communist regime and ruling party, and constructing a positive image of Western democratic values during the relevant period of study. The theoretical approach to the investigation of RFE/RL broadcasting is based on media effects theories, particularly agenda-setting and framing theories. According to them, the media are not simply a conduit of information, but able to shape public opinion. By emphasising the salience of topics and particular aspects and characteristics of the issues, the media set public agenda and influence on people's perceptions about these issues. The study to assess RFE/RL's impact draws on audience research, quantitative and qualitative data analysis. It examines geographical reach and transmission frequencies of the Radio's broadcasts and analyses the content of the most featured programmes to explore how they framed the reality. The findings from the quantitative and qualitative analysis, as well as the audience research data, demonstrate that RFE/RL's programming set anticommunist agenda...

碩士
銘傳大學
國際事務研究所碩士班
100
This thesis investigates the extent to which the liberalisation of the radio industry in St. Vincent and the Grenadines (SVG) has impacted citizens’ understanding of partisan political realities. It also explores the degree to which the people of SVG (Vincentians) have access to different views via radio. Additionally, it analyses the extent to which Vincentians have been empowered, through the information that radio disseminates, to make more informed choices relating to governance and everyday issues that affect them. Further, this research project analyses how differences in radio ownership, vision, mission, and political sympathies, have translated into polysemic encoding and dissemination of current affairs information, negotiating the extent to which changes in radio access and choices have impacted on the Public Sphere in SVG, accounting for socio-cultural, socio-political, and socio-economic realities.

Le spectre radioélectrique est rapidement en train de devenir le médium central, à travers lequel la société communique. Grâce à de multiples facteurs, plusieurs formes de communication, anciennement disparates (la radio, la télévision, la téléphonie mobile, le Wi-Fi) convergent vers la forme éthérée du spectre. L'orientation future de cette convergence dépend largement des acteurs qui sont impliqués dans le design de la réglementation de la communication, ainsi que dans celui des technologies et de leurs usages. Cette thèse doctorale élabore une histoire compréhensive de la communication sans-fil et de sa réglementation, et propose une nouvelle économie politique du spectre, fondée sur la justice sociale. Elle présente, par la suite, une approche épistémologique qui tente de recalibrer les relations entre la société et le spectre radioélectrique. Elle propose que le spectre devra être traité comme une sorte de « média de vie », étant donné qu'il est une composante naturelle de notre environnement et qu'il occupe un rôle central dans notre habilité à exister comme des êtres sociaux communicants. Sa réglementation, alors, devra être sujette au plus haut niveau de participation, de transparence, et d'imputabilité. Cette recherche repose sur une étude de cas internationale et comparative. Elle aborde la capacité des processus de « policymaking » au Canada et en Uruguay à intégrer la participation publique. Elle se fonde sur une documentation extensive et des entretiens avec des législateurs, des régulateurs nationaux et internationaux, des organisations de la société civile, des experts indépendants, des ministères du gouvernement, et des représentants du secteur privé. Des diagnostiques sont établis pour chaque pays et des recommandations politiques concrètes sont faites, qui ne parlent pas seulement des spécificités des politiques du spectre, mais du tissu même de la société démocratique. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : spectre radioélectrique, politiques de communication, télécommunication, Canada, Uruguay

A presente dissertação desenvolve uma pesquisa sobre as Rádios Comunitárias, o desenvolvimento local, a comunicação e a democracia em Moçambique. O estudo, baseado em pesquisa bibliográfica, análise de artigos da imprensa, Internet, entrevistas e questionários evidencia que as Rádios Comunitárias têm um carácter público, e como tal, contribuem para a democratização da comunicação e o desenvolvimento da cidadania. A Rádio Comunitária desempenha na sociedade moçambicana um papel impulsionador da informação, totalmente voltado para a população rural que nada tem para além do sinal das rádios em relação a outros meios de comunicação social. As Rádios Comunitárias estimulam a educação, aumentam a influência do povo, a interacção entre o povo e o governo, possibilitam a inserção social ao oferecer um espaço à comunidade para expressar os seus interesses locais e ajudam na busca conjunta de soluções para os problemas da comunidade. Em suma, as Rádios Comunitárias funcionam como um importante canal de interacção e participação popular, que contribui para o aperfeiçoamento da comunidade, proporcionando ao povo um espaço de intervenção, liberdade e interacção quotidiana.
This paper develops a research on community radio, local development, communication and democracy in Mozambique. The study, based on literature, analysis of press articles, Internet, interviews and questionnaires shows that community radio stations have a public character, and as such, contribute to the democratization of communication and the development of citizenship. The Community Radio in Mozambican society acting a leading role of information totally focused on the rural population that has nothing beyond the radio signal in relation to other media. The Community Radio stimulate education, increase the influence of the people, the interaction between the people and government to enable social inclusion by providing a space for the community to express their local interests, and help in finding joint solutions to community problems . In undersized, community radio work as an important channel of interaction and participation, which contributes to the betterment of the community, is providing people with an area of intervention, freedom and everyday interaction.

Since the US-led invasion began in October 2001, the United States has spent $440 billion on military operations in Afghanistan. Afghanistan still suffers from widespread corruption, ineffective government agencies, daily attacks taking place by both US-led forces and the Taliban - not to mention that 4 million refugees remain dislocated around the countryThe United States declared political objectives in the country are to -disrupt, disable, dismantle al- Qaeda in Afghanistan, to prevent it from using Afghanistan and Pakistan as a base to attack the United States. The U.S. and its military officials feel the best way to achieve this is by building a functioning Afghan Government that can secure its populations, protect its borders, keep Al-Qaeda out of Afghanistan and create a democratic social culture. For them to achieve this it is going to take a generational effort and billions of dollars. With the war entering its tenth year with no clear-cut victory in sight, the US-led forces will either have to leave Afghanistan due to enormous cost and domestic political pressure, or refocus its allocation of resources and redefine its objectives. The best way the U.S. will be able to leave Afghanistan but still help sustain and create a working stable and effective democratic government is through the...

This study examined the differences in reporting in Radio-Television of Serbia's (RTS) main newscast, Dnevnik 2, between the period of Slobodan Milosevic’s rule (1989-2000) and the period after the establishment of democracy in Serbia (2001-2009). The data were gathered by the content analysis of 63 RTS newscasts in the period 1989-2009. The research included quantitative analysis as well as additional observations of RTS newscasts noted at the time of coding. The major findings suggest that in the democratic period (2001-2009) RTS newscasts become shorter, more consistent in duration, less dedicated to coverage of state and ruling party officials’ activities, and more inclined to reporting about social issues and other political events. The number of voices in RTS newscasts became significantly higher. The overall reporting became more balanced and more diverse. At the same time RTS kept the old priority in news reporting which put Official Stories in leading positions and remained occasionally inclined to increase the number of Official Stories in times of important political events. Based on these results this study derived the following hypotheses for state/public service television stations in countries in transition: 1) consistency of duration of newscasts increases as the regime in the country becomes less controlling 2) the dominance of Official Stories decreases as the regime in the country becomes less controlling 3) the number of sound bites in newscasts increases as the regime becomes less controlling (the number of voices in newscasts increases as the democracy progresses), and 4) the coverage of Official Stories increases in times of important domestic political events, possibly those that have endangered national security, even if the regime becomes less controlling.

Between 45-57% of South Africans are estimated to be engulfed by poverty. In an attempt to identify policy instruments that could help change this status quo, the various strategies that have been implemented in countries (e.g. China, Vietnam and Uganda) that are known to have been relatively successful in reducing poverty are reviewed. In the process, this dissertation discusses the literature regarding poverty, with a particular emphasis on the definition, measurement and determinants thereof. Furthermore, South Africa's anti-poverty strategies are discussed. It turns out that these have met limited success. This is largely due to insufficient pro-poor economic growth, weak implementation/administration at the municipal level, slow asset redistribution, high income/wealth inequality, low job generation rate by SMME's, high HIV/AIDS infection rate, public corruption and inadequate monitoring of poverty. Therefore, if meaningful progress towards poverty reduction is to be achieved, the government needs to deal with the foregoing constraints accordingly.
Economics
M.Comm. (Economics)