Tesi sul tema "Race relations – political aspects – history"
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1
Schneider, William Steven. "Music and Race in the American West". PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3674.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis explores the complexities of race relations in the nineteenth century American West. The groups considered here are African Americans, Anglo Americans, Chinese, Mexican Americans, and Native Americans. In recent decades historians of the West have begun to tell the narratives of racial minorities. This study adopts the aims of these scholars through a new lens--music. Ultimately, this thesis argues that historians can use music, both individual songs and broader conceptions about music, to understand the complex and contradictory race relations of the nineteenth century west.
Proceeding thematically, the first chapter explores the ways Anglo Americans used music to exert their dominance and defend their superiority over minorities. The second chapter examines the ways racial minorities used music to counter Anglo American dominance and exercise their own agency. The final chapter considers the ways in which music fostered peaceful and cooperative relationships between races. Following each chapter is a short interlude which discusses the musical innovations that occurred when the groups encountered the musical heritage of one another.
This study demonstrates that music is an underutilized resource for historical analysis. It helps make comprehensible the complicated relations between races. By demonstrating the relevance of music to the history of race relations, this thesis also suggests that music as a historical subject is ripe for further analysis.
2
King, Marvin. "A Black/Non-Black Theory of African-American Partisanship: Hostility, Racial Consciousness and the Republican Party". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5264/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Why is black partisan identification so one-sidedly Democratic forty years past the Civil Rights movement? A black/non-black political dichotomy manifests itself through one-sided African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness and Republican hostility is the basis of the black/non-black political dichotomy, which manifests through African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness forced blacks to take a unique and somewhat jaundiced approach to politics and Republican hostility to black inclusion in the political process in the 1960s followed by antagonism toward public policy contribute to overwhelming black Democratic partisanship. Results shown in this dissertation demonstrate that variables representing economic issues, socioeconomic status and religiosity fail to explain partisan identification to the extent that Hostility-Consciousness explains party identification.
3
Brownell, Josiah Begole. "Rhodesia's war of numbers : racial populations, political power, and the collapse of the settler state, 1960-1979". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.528441.
Testo completo
4
Bellay, Susan. "Pluralism and race/ethnic relations in Canadian social science, 1880-1939". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ57503.pdf.
Testo completo
5
Mosia, Serame R. "Post apartheid politics and issues of race : the views and position of political parties in South Africa on the crisis in Zimbabwe". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53554.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.
6
Premdas, Ralph R. "Religion and reconciliation in the multi-ethnic states of the Third World Fiji, Trinidad, and Guyana /". Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/26969958.html.
Testo completo
7
Kwoba, Brian. "The impact of Hubert Henry Harrison on Black radicalism, 1909-1927 : race, class, and political radicalism in Harlem and African American history". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0b4a7787-ae07-4131-b051-be0edef5ffca.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis focuses on Hubert Henry Harrison (1883-1927), a Caribbean-born journalist, educator, and community organizer whose historical restoration requires us to expand the frame of Black radicalism in the twentieth century. Harrison was the first Black leader of the Socialist Party of America to articulate a historical materialist analysis of the "Negro question", to organise a Black-led Marxist formation, and to systematically and publicly challenge the party's racial prejudices. In a time of urbanization, migration, lynching, and segregation, he subsequently developed the World War I-era New Negro movement by spearheading its first organisation, newspaper, nation-wide congress, and political party. Harrison pioneered a new form of anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist, coloured internationalism. He also inaugurated the socio-cultural tradition of street corner speaking in Harlem, which formed the institutional basis for developing a wide-ranging, working-class, community-based, Black modernist intellectual culture. His people-centred and mass-movement-oriented model of leadership catalysed the rise to prominence of Marcus Garvey and the Garvey movement. Meanwhile, Harrison's African identity and epistemology positioned him to establish an African-centred street scholar tradition in Harlem that endures to this day. Despite Harrison's wide-ranging influence on a whole generation of Black leaders from W.E.B. Du Bois to A. Philip Randolph, his impact and legacy have been largely forgotten. As a result, unearthing and recovering Harrison requires us to rethink multiple histories - the white left, the New Negro movement, Garveyism, the "Harlem Renaissance" - which have marginalized him. Harrison figured centrally in all of these social movements, so restoring his angle of vision demonstrates previously invisible connections, conjunctures, and continuities between disparate and often segregated currents of intellectual and political history. It also broadens the spectrum of Black emancipatory possibilities by restoring an example that retains much of its relevance today.
8
Treviño, González Mónica. "Race, hegemony, mobilisation : what roles for the state and for civil society? : the transformation of racial politics in Brazil". Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102219.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
An enduring puzzle of race relations in Brazil is that for most of the 20th century this topic was conspicuously absent from politics, in spite of deep-rooted inequalities between whites and non-whites. The ideology of "racial democracy" effectively depoliticised the issue until the late 1990s, when a wide-ranging programme of affirmative action policies for Afro-Brazilians was implemented.Beginning with the idea that the myth of racial democracy functioned as an ideological hegemony in the Gramscian sense, this dissertation seeks to explain the process through which public policies ceased to reflect this hegemonic ideology, and instead began to represent a counterhegemonic project. Contrary to traditional Gramscian analysis, I argue that a counterhegemonic project can be defended not only by civil society actors, but also by the state, and that the relative strength of counterhegemonic actors is often influenced by transnational factors. Indeed, I argue that when civil society actors lack the necessary strength to reach a leadership position in civil society that can counter the hegemonic order, a counterhegemonic confluence of civil society, state and transnational actors can produce this change.
An analysis of the evolution of racial politics in Brazil since the return of democratic rule in the 1980s demonstrates that such a confluence did indeed take place in Brazil, culminating at the United Nations World Conference Against Racism in Durban in 2001. A study of the implementation of admissions quotas for Afro-Brazilians in the state universities of Rio de Janeiro serves to confirm the importance of the contribution of the state and transnational actors, as well as to examine the limits of the confluence.
9
Hehnke, Jennifer Marie 1978. "The politics of racial integration in the Seattle Public Schools: Discourse, policy, and political change, 1954-1991". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10550.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
xiii, 302 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.This study examines the role of narrative in racial integration politics in the Seattle Public Schools between 1954 and 1991. In 1978, the Seattle School District in coalition with civic actors implemented a mandatory student assignment desegregation policy, "The Seattle Plan," without a court order. A decade later, another similar coalition of actors came together to shift desegregation policy towards a "controlled choice" method of student movement. In 1991, with the support of the newly elected Democratic mayor, the foundation of desegregation was dismantled. In Seattle, the shifts in desegregation conflicts can be explained as the transposition of certain arrangements of ideas into policy and the concurrent shift in the arrangement produced by new alignments of actors able to find enough common ground to coalesce and make policy. This dissertation explores the complexity of ideas about racial equality and the oftentimes-surprising arrangements actors created. I analyze the way elected, elite, and non-elite actors at the local level talked about, interpreted, and re-interpreted questions of racial segregation, equality, and the role of the public schools and explore the amalgamations of ideas about race and schools that explain the unique development of policy in Seattle with a way to account for change relying on micro-political developments. I examine the discursive arrangements generated within these conflicts, the coalitions built around these ideas, and how the ideas were implemented as policy. I analyze a broad range of archival materials, newspaper accounts, and interviews with actors who were involved in these events.
Committee in charge: Gerald Berk, Chairperson, Political Science; Julie Novkov, Member, Political Science; Joseph Lowndes, Member, Political Science; James Mohr, Outside Member, History
10
Zasimczuk, Ivan A. "Maxwell M. Rabb : a hidden hand of the Eisenhower administration in civil rights and race relations". Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/753.
Testo completo
11
Marshall, Alex. "Die uralte moderne Lösung : nation, space and modernity in Austro-German Zionism before 1917". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bfafc7d6-4f9c-4a0e-823f-d087d0dae43e.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Zionism represents a turning point in the rise of the nation-state to its present near-ubiquity, a national movement which did not construct an identity concurrently with its embrace of nationalism, but reconstructed a diaspora to fit it. I explore how early Political Zionists, particularly Theodor Herzl, perceived both the push and pull of nationalism, and why they were drawn to adopt an ideology and political structure whose basic principles, I argue, were intrinsically hostile to Jews. I begin by examining the socialist Moses Hess as a forerunner and microcosm of later Zionism, arguing his work is underpinned by anxiety about social heterogeneity. The second chapter focuses on portrayals of diaspora, its contradictions and the ambivalence they caused towards less assimilated Jews, nonetheless used as models for national identity. I continue by investigating the countries Herzl looked to as partners on the world stage and models of nationhood, arguing his vision of nationhood was far broader than that of most nationalists and involved a recognised role among other nations. The fourth chapter concerns understandings of 'homeland' and the relationship between people and territory, concluding Zionism's effect is achieved, not just by inhabiting Palestine, but by public desire and effort to do so. I devote my final chapter to concepts of modernity, its perception as both paradoxical and inescapable, and how national historical narratives arrange history into a rational, linear structure. While Zionists left many presumptions of nationalism and modernity unchallenged, most importantly that both nation and state transcend political divides, my conclusion stresses those presumptions they accepted, those aspects they saw as inescapable, and those they pragmatically performed belief in, to achieve Gentile acceptance of Jewish nationhood. I surmise that it was this sense of inevitability, along with the difficulties of diaspora, which gave Jews reason to make displays of accepting the nation-state.
12
Smalridge, Scott. "Early American Pentecostalism and the issues of race, gender, war, and poverty : a history of the belief system and social witness of early twentieth century Pentecostalism and its nineteenth century holiness roots". Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21265.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Early American Pentecostalism had an ambiguous social witness, which contained both radical and conservative elements. The millennarian-restorationist core of the Pentecostal belief system was prophetic and counter-cultural in that it inspired adherents to denounce the injustices of the status quo and announce the justice of the soon-coming Kingdom of God. Consequently, in the earliest years of the American movement, many Pentecostals, professed and practiced (1) racial equality, (2) gender equality, (3) pacifism, and (4) anti-capitalism. However, this prophetic social witness co-existed, from the very beginning, with a strong conservative ethos, which defended the norms, beliefs, and values of nineteenth-century 'Evangelical America' against the apparent religious and cultural 'anarchy' of modern society. As Pentecostal groups (especially white Pentecostal groups such as the Assemblies of God) organised, institutionalised, and rose in socioeconomic status, the prophetic voices of early Pentecostalism were increasingly ignored, and the conservative ethos grew to dominate Pentecostal social concerns.
13
Rodrigues, Carolina Cantarino 1977. "Entre corpos, tempos e sujeitos = ciências, políticas e artes improvisando identidades". [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281012.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Orientador: Suely KofesTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T04:09:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigues_CarolinaCantarino_D.pdf: 1843354 bytes, checksum: 031f4fba100c91c59658e4cf7d56f968 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011
Resumo: A proposta dessa tese é pensar a ciência e a arte em suas criações de políticas que se efetuam por entre corpos, tempos e sujeitos. A ciência será discutida através do modo como ela mobiliza e é mobilizada numa política de identidades, tomando-se como horizonte o tema da raça e do racismo no Brasil, e as estratégias adotadas no jogo de forças que colocam esse tema sob disputa. Nela, uma identidade negra, arquitetada através de evidências científicas, será acionada na denúncia e combate às desigualdades. A reação virá na figura de um Homo brasilis que torna a miscigenação, através de mapeamentos genéticos, a natureza da sociedade brasileira à qual somente os cientistas teriam acesso. Uma estratégia de despolitização da disputa. O pressuposto será o de que, a despeito dessas controvérsias, todos estão a se emaranhar enquanto linhas de um dispositivo pele-rosto-DNA marcado pela cientificidade, identificação e por uma política da representação que toma o corpo como realidade orgânica e visível a ser usado como parâmetro de julgamento e testemunho da autenticidade das identidades. Será possível operar uma resistência política desde dentro do dispositivo? Saíremos dele, então, para, com a arte, montar um outro jogo. O conceito de "romance histórico" criado pela literatura de Toni Morrison será explorado, em suas propostas de tensão entre o real e a ficção que problematizam a representação e a noção de autenticidade e testemunho. Por sua vez, as canções e o universo da música serão levados à sério como resistência política que abre mão da identificação. A literatura e a música serão convocadas para rachar os conceitos de representação, história, verdade, política, identidade e diferença, esvaziando-os dos sentidos que o dispositivo pele-rosto-DNA insiste em lhes fixar. Ciência e Arte serão tomadas enquanto duas políticas distintas e reunidas, nas condições criadas por essa tese, para pensar, de modo mais geral, a relação entre a linguagem e a vida
Abstract: This dissertation concerns the ways that science and art are responsible for the creation of politics that have an effect on bodies, times and subjects. Science is discussed in so much as it mobilizes and is mobilized in a politics of identity, taking as a point of departure the topic of race and racism in Brazil; and the strategies adopted by the forces of power responsible for putting these topics under dispute. Within science, a black identity, is constructed with scientific evidence, which is then used in an effort to denounce and combat inequality. A reaction will come on the configuration of a Homo brasilis which becomes miscegenated, by way of genetically mapping the nature of Brazilian society and giving only scientists access. This strategy is also used to depoliticize the debate. This work proposes that in spite of these controversies, everyone is becoming entangled along lines of a skin-face- DNA apparatus which is being determined by scientific theories, identities and by a politics of representation, which assume that the body is an organic and visible reality that should be used as the parameter of judgment and the means for certifying the authenticity of identities. Is it possible to operate a political resistance from within skin-face-DNA apparatus? Moving away from a scientific perspective, this work will use art as yet another force. The concept of "historical romance," such as that used in the literature of Toni Morrison, will be explored because it proposes a tension between that which is real and that which is fiction, allowing us to problematize the representation and the notion of authenticity and certification. Furthermore, song and the universe of music will be taken into consideration as a form of political resistance that cut identification. Literature and music will be evoked as a way of breaking open the concepts of representation, history, truth, politics, identity and difference, emptying them of the fixed meanings that the skin-face-DNA apparatus tries to prescribe them with. In order to think in a more general way about the relationship between language and life, this thesis creates conditions in which science and art will be seen as two forms of politics that are both distinct and connected
Doutorado
Ciências Sociais, Antropologia da Ciência e Antropologia Afro-Brasileira
Doutor em Ciências Sociais
14
Salmi, Katya. "Exploring the mechanisms for challenging racial discrimination in relation to French political culture : a race critical approach". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/38593/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis questions the effectiveness of anti-racial discrimination mechanisms in France, particularly in relation to the national political culture. Considering the overall import of republican ideology in France, which emphasizes values of universalism, colour-blindness, and laïcité, there are significant implications for how institutional, legal and civil society actors have traditionally approached issues of racism in France. From primary data, gathered through fieldwork in France (consisting of a series of semi-structured interviews with key antiracist and anti-racial discrimination actors), this thesis highlights the ways in which the political culture impacts the anti-racial discrimination agenda. By taking into account the various levels of antiracism in France, this thesis constitutes a unique, holistic and race critical analysis whereby legal, civil society, institutional and non-conventional mechanisms are considered in conjunction with each other, instead of separately. Using “race” as an analytical tool for understanding the French context, this thesis offers a critical re-reading of French history, linking an ethnicized and racialized formation of national identity throughout key historical moments to contemporary forms of racism. This research thus argues that certain antiracist approaches based on republican ideology result in a limited understanding of racialized processes, which appears to constrain actors from producing effective mechanisms for challenging racism and racial discrimination.
15
Anderson, Heath M. "Architect of the New South: The Life and Legacy of William Mahone". VCU Scholars Compass, 2019. https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5887.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In Virginia following the Civil War, white and black people formed complex and shifting alliances based on their own self-interests that cut across the lines of established political parties. In this turbulent atmosphere, William Mahone forged a new biracial political coalition called the Readjuster Party in order to transform Virginia’s economy so that it would be competitive in the years to come. Chapter One argues that Mahone’s experience as a soldier and railroad man gave him the political clout needed to enter politics and an industrial vision for Virginia’s future that was markedly different from many of his contemporaries. Chapter Two argues that William Mahone’s leadership of the Readjuster Party, and its advocacy of universal male suffrage and economic reform, created a new political center in Virginia and demonstrates that the actions of both white and black people cannot be viewed as a monolith in the postwar era. Chapter Three demonstrates how William Mahone’s political career was excluded from white Virginians’ narrative of Reconstruction following his death because it provided a historical example of African American suffrage and an attempt to establish fair elections that clashed with Virginia’s established white supremacist social order.
16
McKinney, Cynthia Ann. ""El No Murio, El Se Multiplico!" Hugo Chávez : The Leadership and the Legacy on Race". Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1431957422.
Testo completo
17
Cooney, Christopher Thomas. "Radicalism in American Political Thought : Black Power, the Black Panthers, and the American Creed". PDXScholar, 2007. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3238.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
American Political Thought has presented somewhat of a challenge to many because of the conflict between the ideals found within the "American Creed" and the reality of America's treatment of ethnic and social minorities. The various forms of marginalization and oppression facing women, blacks, Native Americans, and Asian-Americans have been as much a part of the story of America as have been natural rights and the Constitution.
Taking this into account, this thesis is an effort to argue that the radicalism on display in the Black Panther Party, a group that emerged in the turmoil of the 1960' s, was a direct descendant of the ideas found within the Black Power movement. It will be argued that these militant critiques of American society were radical, but were not so radical as to be viewed as outside of the context provided by the ideals found in the American Creed.
In order to do so, it will be necessary first to present and analyze the various approaches toward explaining the content and nature of the American Creed. The Creed will be presented as separate from American political reality, as an ideal type. As a result it appears to be a rather amorphous tool which can be used both by supporters of a more robust realization of the Creed's ideals and those who wish to limit the scope of these ideals.
Having discussed these approaches toward the American Creed, a discussion of radical political ideas will serve to introduce the Black Power movement and the later Black Panther Party. It will be argued that the radical ideas on display were born out of a frustration with American society, but were at the same time an endorsement of the American Creed. It will be concluded that the American Creed is a powerful force acting upon American political thought, so powerful that even those who should rationally reject the Creed forcefully embrace it.
18
Farnia, Navid. "National Liberation in an Imperialist World: Race and the U.S. National Security State, 1959-1980". The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1563474429728204.
Testo completo
19
Coleman, Kenneth Robert. ""Dangerous Subjects": James D. Saules and the Enforcement of the Color Line in Oregon". PDXScholar, 2014. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1845.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In June of 1844, James D. Saules, a black sailor turned farmer living in Oregon's Willamette Valley, was arrested and convicted for allegedly inciting Indians to violence against a settler named Charles E. Pickett. Three years earlier, Saules had deserted the United States Exploring Expedition, married a Chinookan woman, and started a freight business on the Columbia River. Less than two months following Saules' arrest, Oregon's Provisional Government passed its infamous "Lash Law," banning the immigration of free black people to the region. While the government repealed the law in 1845, Oregon passed a territorial black exclusion law in 1849 and included a black exclusion clause in its 1857 state constitution. Oregon's territorial delegate also convinced the U.S. Congress to exclude black people from the 1850 Donation Land Act. In each case, Oregon politicians suggested the legacy of the Saules case by stressing the need to prevent black men, particularly sailors, from coming to Oregon and collaborating with local indigenous groups to commit acts of violence against white settlers.
This thesis explains the unusual persistence of black exclusion laws in Oregon by focusing on the life of Saules, both before and after white American settlers came to the region in large numbers. Black exclusion in Oregon was neither an anomalous byproduct of American expansion nor a means to prevent slavery from taking root in the region. Instead, racial exclusion was central to the land-centered settler colonial project in the Pacific Northwest. Prior to the Americanization of the Pacific Northwest, the region was home to a cosmopolitan and increasingly fluid culture that incorporated various local Native groups, exogenous fur industry workers, and missionaries. This was a milieu made possible by colonialism and the rise of merchant capitalism during the Age of Sail, a period which lasted from the sixteenth to the mid-nineteenth century. This was also likely a world very familiar to Saules, who had spent his entire adult life aboard ships and in various seaports. However, the American immigrants who began arriving in Oregon in the early 1840s sought to dismantle this multiethnic social order, privatize land, and create a homogenous settler society based on classical republican principles. And although Saules was born in the United States, American settlers, emboldened by a racialist ideology, denied most non-whites a place in their settler society. Furthermore, during the early decades of resettlement, white American settlers often felt vulnerable to attacks from the preexisting population. Therefore, many settlers viewed free black men like Saules, a worldly sailor with connections among Native people, as potential threats to the security of their nascent communities.
20
Cook, Christopher Joseph. "Agency, Consolidation, and Consequence: Evaluating Social and Political Change in New Orleans, 1868-1900". PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/535.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the last twenty years, recent scholarship has opened up fresh inquiry into several aspects of New Orleans society during the late nineteenth century. Much work has been done to reassess the political and cultural involvement, as well as perspective of, the black Creoles of the city; the successful reordering of society under the direction of the Anglo-Protestant elite; and the evolution of New Orleans's social conditions and cultural institutions during the period initiating Jim Crow segregation. Further exploration, however, is necessary to make connections between each of these avenues of study. This thesis relies on a variety of secondary sources, primary legal documents, and contemporary newspaper articles and publications, to provide connections between the above topics, giving each greater context and allowing for the exploration of several themes. These include the direction of black Creole public ambition after the end of that community's last civil rights crusade, the effects of Democratic Party strategy and the Lost Cause of the Confederacy movement on younger generations of white residents, and the effects of changing social expectations and increasing segregation on the city's diverse ethnic immigrant community. In doing so, this thesis will contribute to enhancing the current understanding of New Orleans's complex and changing social order, as well as provide future researchers with a broad based work which will effectively introduce the exploration of a variety of key topics and serve as a bridge to connect them with specific lines of inquiry while highlighting the above themes in order to make new connections between various facets of the city's troubled racial history.
21
Prado, Luis Antonio. "Patriarchy and machismo: Political, economic and social effects on women". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2623.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis focuses on patriarchy and machismo and the long lasting political, economic, and social effects that their practice has had on women in the United States and Latin America. It examines the role of the Catholic Church, political influences, social, cultural, economic and legal issues, historic issues (such as the Industrial Revolution), the importance of the family's preference for sons rather than daughters, and the differences in the raising of male and female children for their adult roles.
22
Greyling, Sean Andrew. "Rhodes University during the segregation and apartheid eras, 1933 to 1990". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002397.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 2004 Rhodes University celebrated its centenary. At a Critical Tradition Colloquium opportunity was given to explore the university’s past. In particular, its liberal image was questioned and its role during apartheid brought under scrutiny. This thesis investigates the questions raised at the Colloquium. It aims to cover the whole apartheid era in one coherent narrative by addressing the history of Rhodes during that era and how it handled issues of race and politics. It begins in 1933, when the first black student applied to Rhodes, and ends in 1990, when apartheid was drawing to a close.
23
Korf, Lindie. "D.F. Malan : a political biography". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3991.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLSIH ABSTRACT: This study is a political biography of D.F. Malan (1874–1959), the first of the apartheid-era Prime Ministers, and covers the years 1874 to 1954, when Malan retired from politics. It endeavours to provide a warts-and-all account of D.F. Malan which challenges prevalent myths and stereotypes surrounding his public persona and his political orientation. While the overwhelming focus is on Malan’s political career, special attention is paid to his personal life in order to paint a multi-faceted picture of his character. The biography is written in the form of a seamless narrative and employs a literary style of writing. It is based on archival research which utilised Malan’s private collection, as well as the private collections of his Nationalist contemporaries. Malan takes the centre stage at all times, as the biography focuses on his perceptions and experiences. Malan’s views regarding Afrikaner nationalism, which was his foremost political priority, are described, and are related to his views of British imperialism as well as other ideologies such as communism and totalitarianism. This study demonstrates that there is a notable link between Malan’s perceptions of race relations and his concerns about the poor white problem. It reveals that Malan’s racial policy was, to some extent, fluid, as were his views on South Africa’s constitutional position. Debates about South Africa’s links to Britain and the nature of the envisioned republic preoccupied Afrikaner nationalists throughout the first half of the twentieth century – and served as an outlet for regional and generational tensions within the movement. Malan’s clashes with nationalists such as Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog and J.G. Strijdom are highlighted as an indication of the internecine power struggles within the National Party (NP). By emphasising these complexities, this study seeks to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the South African past.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is politieke biografie van D.F. Malan (1874–1959), die eerste van die apartheid-era Eerste Ministers, en dek die jare 1874 tot 1954, toe Malan uit die politiek getree het. Dit poog om onversuikerde beeld van Malan te skets wat heersende mites en stereotipes aangaande sy openbare beeld en sy benadering tot die politiek uitdaag. Die fokus is hoofsaaklik op Malan se politieke loopbaan, maar besondere aandag word aan sy private lewe geskenk om sodoende veelsydige portret van sy karakter te skilder. Die biografie is in die vorm van naatlose narratief geskryf en maak van literêre skryfstyl gebruik. Dit is gebaseer op argivale navorsing, waartydens daar van D.F. Malan se privaat versameling gebruik gemaak is, sowel as die privaat versamelings van sy tydgenote. Malan is ten alle tye die sentrale figuur en die biografie fokus op sy persepsies en ervarings. Malan se denke oor Afrikaner nasionalisme, wat sy vernaamste prioriteit was, word beskryf en in verband gebring met sy opinie van Britse imperialisme, sowel as ander ideologieë soos kommunisme en totalitarisme. Die studie wys op die verband tussen Malan se denke oor rasseverhoudinge en sy besorgdheid oor die armblanke vraagstuk. Dit dui daarop dat Malan se rassebeleid tot sekere mate vloeibaar was. Dit was ook die geval met sy benadering tot Suid-Afrika se konstitusionele posisie. Afrikaner nasionaliste het tydens die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu baie aandag geskenk aan debatte oor Suid-Afrika se verhouding tot Brittanje en die aard van die voorgenome republiek. Dit was tot mate weerligafleier vir reeds bestaande spanning tussen die onderskeie streke en generasies. Malan se botsings met nasionaliste soos Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog en J.G. Strijdom word belig as aanduiding van die diepgewortelde magstryd binne die Nasionale Party (NP). Deur op hierdie kompleksiteite klem te lê, poog die studie om bydrae te lewer tot meer genuanseerde begrip van die Suid-Afrikaanse verlede.
24
Bosumbe, Imbata. "Relations entre l'Etat zaïrois et l'Eglise du Christ au Zaïre (1970-1986)". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213408.
Testo completo
25
Rage, Anne-Britt. "Achieving sustainable peace in post conflict societies : an evaluation of South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5302.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theory contributes to an individualisation of the truth finding process and does not sufficiently support the macro-truths. Finally, by deconstructing the term never again it is shown that this approach should not be used in the TRCs or in the wider field of transitional justice v
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek of volhoubare vrede in postkonfliksamelewings met behulp van die oorgangsgeregtigheidsbenadering bereik kan word. Meer bepaald word die soeklig gewerp op die waarheidskommissie as meganisme van oorgangsgeregtigheid. Die Suid-Afrikaanse Waarheids-en-Versoeningskommissie (WVK) dien as gevallestudie om die verwantskap tussen volhoubare vrede en oorgangsgeregtigheid te bestudeer. Die tesis probeer vasstel of die WVK sy mandaat uitgevoer het, en of die Kommissie se finale verslag enige bepaalde omskrywings, gevolgtrekkings of aanbevelings bevat “om te verseker dat die verlede hom nie herhaal nie” (paragraaf 14, hoofstuk 8, volume 5 van die WVKverslag). Dít vind plaas deur middel van ! tekstuele ontleding van die finale WVKverslag wat die inherente swakpunte van dié dokument in sy strewe na volhoubare vrede krities en dekonstruktief benader. Die verslag word voorts ontleed deur die kwessie van volhoubare vrede te verbind met die gebied van oorgangsgeregtigheid sowel as ontwikkelingstudies oor hoe toekomstige WVK’s die kwessie van volhoubare vrede kan hanteer. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die Suid-Afrikaanse WVK nie ! bydrae gelewer het tot ! sinvolle ontleding van presies hoe om ! herhaling van die verlede te voorkom nie. Daar word aangevoer dat dít te wyte is aan die gebrek aan ! samehangende teoretiese raamwerk, aangesien die finale verslag twee verskillende waarheidsoekende meganismes vermeng – die mikrowaarheidsoeke en die makrowaarheidsoeke – en ook van die geregverdigde-oorlog-teorie gebruik maak. Deur die tekstuele ontleding van die teoretiese raamwerk van die WVKverslag word dit duidelik dat ! mikro- en makrowaarheidsoeke moeilik in een verslag te kombineer is, en dat, in die Suid-Afrikaanse geval, die mikrowaarheidsoeke voorkeur geniet. Tog sou die makrowaarheidsoeke ! grondiger ontleding bied vir die suksesvolle verwesenliking van volhoubare vrede, wat in hierdie tesis as Galtung se ‘positiewe vrede’ en Lederach se ‘strukturele vrede’ 5 verstaan word. Trouens, die makrowaarheidsoeke is ! voorvereiste om volhoubare vrede te bereik. ! Tradisionele lesing van die geregverdigde-oorlogteorie dra ook by tot ! individualisering van die waarheidsoekende proses, en bied nie voldoende ondersteuning vir die makrowaarhede nie. Laastens word daar deur die dekonstruksie van die uitdrukking nooit weer nie getoon dat hierdie benadering nie in WVK’s of op die groter gebied van oorgangsgeregtigheid tuishoort nie.
26
Bargagliotti, Vicki Marie. "Content analysis of visual manipulation" and metaphors used in national news magazines during the 1996 presidential elections". Scholarly Commons, 1998. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/2342.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This investigation is based upon the old, but popular Chinese Proverb- "one picture is worth more than a thousand words" (Bartlett, 1980, p. 132). This researcher examined presidential campaign photographs in hopes of finding a possible media bias toward political candidates. This study confirmed two previous studies (Moriarty and Popovich, 1991 and Moriarty and Garramone, 1986), which reported that the media does, in fact, attempt to balance the visual coverage of political candidates during a presidential election.
All visuals, including photographs and illustrations from Time, Newsweek and U.S. News & World Report of candidates Bill Clinton and Bob Dole were used for this study. Data from these national news magazines were collected from September 2 (the kick-off after the Labor Day) to November 4 (the weekly edition just prior to the election on November 5).
Moriarty and Garramone ( 1986) developed coding definitions to identify 15 visual attributes of presidential campaign photographs. These attributes include: activity, posture, arms, bands, eyes, expression, interaction, camera angle, portrayal, position, size, props, setting, dress and family association. All visuals were coded as more favorable, less favorable or neutral.
A total of 282 visuals were used in this study. The results concluded that Bill Clinton was in 183 visuals, while Dole was in 99 visuals. If one looks at the sheer number or quantity of the visuals, they would assume that Clinton did out photograph Dole. This assumption would lead one to believe that the media was biased, but in fact, most of the visuals that were coded were "more favorable" to both of the candidates.
27
Cleland, Kat. "Disruptions in the Dream City: Unsettled Ideologies at the 1905 World's Fair in Portland, Oregon". PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1019.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the experiences of fairgoers at the Lewis and Clark Centennial, American Pacific Exposition and Oriental Fair held in Portland, Oregon from June to October of 1905. Historians have framed world's fairs and international expositions as sites of legitimating narratives and restagings of empire and nationhood. This thesis focuses on women, Asian Americans, and Native Americans who interrupted and disrupted the performance and exhibition of U.S. imperialism in the specific case of Portland, Oregon. It considers who benefitted from or endured loss in the demonstrations of imperial culture at the Fair. Following the premises that metropolitan and colonial histories should be considered in the same analytical field and that the systemic power of domestic imperialism in the United States extended beyond Native Americans into the experiences of most nonwhite American communities, this thesis adds a metropolitan approach to Native-American history and, in turn, applies a more colonial approach to the study of African-American, Asian-American, and working-class women's histories. In three chapters, this study explores a range of disruptions at the 1905 Lewis and Clark Centennial - patched over by the Exposition's civic elites and overlooked by previous historians of the Fair - that shed light on the politics of race, class, and gender within the processes of empire and nation building in the turn-of-the-century West.
28
Freeland, Ballantyne Erin. "Sustainability's paradox : community health, climate change and petrocapitalism". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711671.
Testo completo
29
Steenveld, Lynette Noreen. "Race against democracy: a case study of the Mail & Guardian during the early years of the Mbeki presidency, 1999-2002". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015572.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the 1998 complaint of racism against the Mail & Guardian, a leading exponent of South Africa's alternative press in the 1980s, and important contemporary producer of investigative journalism. The study is framed within a cultural studies approach, analysing the Mail & Guardian as constituted by a 'circuit of production': its social context, production, texts, and audiences. The thesis makes three main arguments. First, that the claim of racism cannot be understood outside of a consideration of both the changing political milieu, and subtle changes within the Mail & Guardian itself. Significant social changes relate to the reconfiguration of racial and class identities wrought by the 'Mbeki state'. Within the Mail & Guardian, the thesis argues for the importance of the power and subjectivity of the editor as a key 'factor' shaping the identity of the paper, evidenced in its production practices and textual outputs. In this regard, the thesis departs from a functionalist analysis of particular 'roles' within the newsroom, drawing instead on a post-structuralist approach to organisational studies. Based on this production and social context, the thesis examines key texts which deal with aspects of South Africa's social transformation, and which exemplify aspects of the Mail & Guardian's reporting which led to the complaint of racism by the Black Lawyers Association (BLA) and the Association of Black Accountants (ABASA). Their complaint was that the Mail & Guardian's reporting impugned the dignity of black people, and in so doing was a violation of their rights to dignity and equality which are constitutionally guaranteed. However, as freedom of the press is also guaranteed by the South African constitution, their complaint to the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) resulted in public debate about these contending rights. My second argument relates to the jurisprudential approach to racism, and the related issue of affirmative action, which informed the complaint against the paper. Contrary to the 'normative', liberal approach to these issues, this thesis highlights Critical Race Theory as the jurisprudential basis for both the claimants' accusation of racism against the Mail & Guardian, and aspects of its implicit use in South African human rights adjudication. The thesis argues that in failing to recognise these different philosophical and political bases of legal reasoning, the media, including the Mail & Guardian, in reporting on these matters failed in their purported role of serving the public interest. The thesis concludes by applying Fraser's critique of Habermas's notion of a single, bourgeois public sphere to journalism, thereby suggesting ways in which the critiques of some of the Mail & Guardian's own journalists could be employed to enlarge its approach to journalism - giving voice to constituencies seldom heard in mainstream media.
30
Payne, Briana. "Oral History of Bonton and Ideal Neighborhoods in Dallas, Texas". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc848166/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Bonton and Ideal neighborhoods in Dallas Texas, developed in the early 1900s, experienced physical and social decay throughout the 1980s. Neighborhood organizations and resident activism were vital to the rebirth of the community in the 1990s. Current revitalization efforts taking place there have been a source of contention as the neighborhood continues to overcome inequalities created by decades of racialized city planning initiatives. This thesis focuses on how the structuring structure of whiteness has historically affected, and continues to affect, the neighborhoods of Ideal and Bonton, as well as acts to identify how black residents have navigated their landscape and increased their collective capital through neighborhood activism.
31
Martindale, Linda Shirley. "Racism, criticism or, inept reporting? : racism in the media, the relationship between the state and the press, and the standard of journalism in South Africa". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53025.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The furor around racism in the media was brought to the surface in 1999 when the Black Lawyers Association and the Association of Black Accountants of South Africa appealed to the South African Human Rights Commission to investigate the South African media. This request was based on the presumption that the South African media was rife with racism and urgently required attention. The subsequent enquiry was the source of much controversy and accusation. Almost three years since the enquiries inception, the issue of racism in the South African media has not disappeared despite decreasing media coverage in recent months. When the South African Human Rights Commission launched the enquiry into racism, prominent media leaders including key editors and newspaper representatives were summoned to appear before the controversial Commission. Some media leaders felt the Commission was a direct attack on the freedom of the Press. Others felt the enquiry was long overdue or slammed it as an all-time flop. Furthermore, pure and simple criticism of the government is still perceived as racism when it is the Press fulfilling its role as the 'watchdog of democracy' . Various Press theories, for example Developmental or Libertarian, impact on the perceived role of the Press in a democratic nation. The standard of journalism in a country can also impact on the way in which the press is perceived. For example, there are times when inept reporting is misunderstood as racist reporting. This assignment is a broad overview of the enquiry into racism in the media and the concerns around this issue as well as the response to it. It takes a closer look at the role of the media and the relationship between the media and the state. In particular, it focuses on how criticism of the government can be misread as racism, as well as investigating how the standard of journalism impacts on the way in which the media serve the public. The South African National Editors Forum launched a skills audit in 2002 and the results were surprisingly negative. The general standard of journalism in South Africa was assessed as "low". This assignment looks at the findings of the audit in the light of the above questions surrounding the standard of journalism as it pertains to reporting on race and accuracy, understanding and objectivity. The last section of the assignment takes a brief look at several examples of how to report on race in South Africa and what to be aware of when considering sensitivity to race issues. The questions as to whether it is racism, healthy criticism misconstrued as racism, or simply inept reporting, are explored. Although an expansive topic by nature, this paper provides an overview of the key issues pertaining to media ethics as it pertains to racism in the South African media.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die skandaaloor rasisme in die media was te vore gebring in 1999 toe die Black Lawyers' Association en die Association of Black Accountants die Suid Afrikaanse Menslike Regtes Kommissie gevra het om die Suid Afrikaanse media te ondersoek. Die versoek was gebaseer op die gedagte dat die Suid Afrikaanse media rasisties is en dringend aandag nodig het. Die ondersoek was baie kontroverseel en het na baie beskuldiging gelei. Omtrent drie jaar nadat die ondersoek begin het, is die kwessie van rasisme in die Suid Afrikaanse media nog lewendig alhoewel daar minder daaroor geskryf is in die land se publikasies. Toe die Suid Afrikaanse Menslike Regtes Kommissie die ondersoek op rasisme begin het, is belangrike media leiers - redakteurs en koerant verteenwoordiges - voor die Kommissie geroep. Sommige van die media leiers het gevoel dat die kommissie 'n direkte aanval op Vryheid van die Pers was; ander het gevoel dat die Ondersoek belangrik was en nog ander dit as 'n mislukking bestempel het. Eenvoudige kritiek van die regering deur die Pers is ook as rasisme gesien alhoewel hulle die rol van 'bewaarder van demokrasie' vervul. Daar is verskeie Pers teories, byvoorbeeld "Developmental" of "Libertarian" wat die persepsie van die rol van die pers beindruk het. Die standaard van joernalistiek in 'n land bepaal deur hoe die Pers gesien is. Byvoorbeeld, somtyds is slegte verslaggewering as rasisties bestempel. Hierdie opdrag is 'n wye oorsig van die ondersoek op rasisme in die media, die bekommernis oor die kwessie en die reaksie daaroor. Dit kyk nader na die rol van die media en die verhouding tussen die media en die staat. Dit fokus op hoe kritiek van die regering as rasisme misgelees kan word en gee ondersoek aan hoe die standard van journalistiek na beskuldiging van rasisme kan lei. Die "South African National Editors' Forum" het 'n Vaardighede oudit in 2002 opgedoen en die uitslae was negatief. Die standaard van joernalisme in Suid Afrika was as "laag" assesseer. Hierdie opdrag kyk na die oudit se vindings in die lig van die bogenoemde vrae oor die standard van joernalistiek: verslaggewing oor rase en akuraatheid, en objectiviteit. Die laaste deel van die opdrag kyk na verskeie voorbeelde van hoe om oor rase verslag te gee en waaroor te dink as jy sensitief teenoor rase kwessies wil wees. Die volgende vrae is na gekyk: Is dit rasisme; gesonde kritiek wat as rasisme bestempel word, of eenvoudig, slegte verslaggewing? Hierdie opdrag gee 'n wye oorsig oor die belangrike kwessies van media etiek in verhouding met rasisme in die Suid Afrikaanse media.
32
Bedi, Tarini. "Ethnonationalism and the politics of identity : the cases of Punjab and Assam". Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28244.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This analysis addresses the relationship between pre-political cultural identity and political outcomes. It posits that the political mobilization of sub-national groups cannot be understood without an examination of the cultural processes of identity formation. The analysis engages cultural discourse and its organization as an explanatory factor in the examination of the variation in ethnic political outcomes. Hence, important questions about ethnonational conflict can be answered by engaging the levels at which identity is constructed and reshaped through cultural discourse. It shifts the arena of analysis from the state to the ethnic groups themselves. The two empirical cases analyzed are that of Sikh nationalism in Punjab and 'ethnic' Assamese nationalism in Assam.
33
Michez, Jean-Claude. "Vers une convivialité mondiale en philosophie politique contemporaine". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210573.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La convivialité mondiale :Résumé.L’occasion de cette thèse fut à la fois le déclenchement de la première bombe nucléaire à Hiroshima en 1945 et le développement de nouveaux moyens de télécommunications qui révolutionnèrent les domaines informatiques au début des années cinquante. Pour mémoire, les frères Gutenberg, au milieu du XVème siècle, avaient mis au point un procédé typographique qui utilisait les caractères mobiles découvert en Chine au XIème siècle. L’imprimerie, puis l’édition, puis la presse écrite aboutirent finalement à l’avènement des médias de masse contemporains. Convaincus des conséquences fondamentales des débuts de l’informatique de masse sur l’évolution de la géo-sociologie, nous avons commencé dans notre travail, par la recherche d’un modèle sociologique pouvant représenter l’ensemble des habitants de notre planète. Norbert Elias nous apporta le résultat de son étude sur la monopolisation progressive dans des sociétés, dans son livre la « Dynamique de l’Occident ». S. Huntington, de son coté, développa dans « Le choc des civilisations », la réalité sociologique des huit principales civilisations actuellement en développement. A l’occasion de voyages dans des pays appartenant à ces différentes civilisations, nous avons entrepris de construire (p.p. 48bis et 52bis) une trame sociologique mondiale de départ, c’est-à- dire avant l’arrivée d’Internet. L’approche des paradigmes de Kuhn (p. 57), nous donna un support pour expliquer comment l’arrivée d’Internet dans le monde pouvait provoquer un changement, probablement irréversible, de paradigme sociologique.
La « fusion » des 6 niveaux d’Elias et des 8 civilisations de Huntington, provoquée, de proche en proche, par l’arrivée d’Internet, nous a conduit à définir un concept de convivialité (p. 62). Un tel concept existait déjà, à l’initiative de Brillat-Savarin au XIXème siècle, au niveau d’un groupe d’amis réunis en vue de faire bonne chère et de passer un moment agréable. Ivan Illich d’autre part (voir annexe 1), penseur de l écologie politique (1926-2002), donna un sens tout différent à son concept de convivialité. Nous avons entrepris quant à nous de définir et caractériser un concept adaptable aux quelques 48 domaines similaires mais distinct d’une recherche étendue à l’ensemble de la planète. Pour rappel, la « philia » d’Aristote ne dépassait pas le niveau sociologique de la cité-Etat, et renvoyait le reste du monde connu vers l’appellation de « barbaroi ».
Après le moment de convivialité décrit par Aristote dans « L’étique à Nicomaque », le monde retomba pendant plus de 2.000 ans dans le règne des autocrates et il fallut de timides débuts de démocratie en Angleterre, puis aux Etats-Unis et en France en 1789, pour constater un changement durable. Depuis une trentaine d’années par contre un grand nombre d’Etats-nations ont successivement évolué et basculé vers des régimes démocratiques :d’abord dans l’Europe du sud, puis dans les quelques pays de l’Asie du Sud Est. L’implosion de l’URSS en 1989 provoqua la création de démocraties beaucoup plus proches des modèles d’Europe occidentale que les pseudo-démocraties populaires de l’ex-bloc soviétique. Simultanément, la plupart des Etats-nations d’Amériques du Sud et du Centre connurent des transformations pacifiques profondes et évoluèrent vers des structures démocratiques. Aujourd’hui, la majorité des Etats-nations parmi les 190 que compte l’ONU, sont devenues des démocraties, au moins en cours de devenir.
Par ailleurs, au-delà du niveau des Etats-nations se développèrent des Rgionalismes Politiques (R.P.), constitués par le rapprochement d’un certain nombre d’Etats, y compris, depuis quelques décennies, les R.P. de l’Inde, de la Chine et de l’Union Européenne qui regroupe actuellement 27 pays. D’autres R.P. tels que l’ASEAN en Asie du Sud-Est ou le MERCOSUR en Amérique Latine prirent corps de façon progressive. On peut constater ces développements suivant des étapes qui commencent en général par des ententes sécuritaires modestes, suivies d’échanges commerciaux croissants, puis des accords financiers et douaniers. Tous ces développements correspondent à des degrés de convivialité croissants et progressifs ;la véritable interconnexion mondiale et instantanée qui est ainsi en voie d’établissement et qui s’étend à tous les domaines de l’économie, est encore rendue plus complexe par l’entrée en jeu de multiples sociétés transnationales cherchant à chevaucher et ignorer les Etats. Ce nouveau tissu de sociétés multinationales ou transnationales spécialisées et efficaces profite pleinement des techniques mondiales d’informatique. Sur le plan des relations politiques, les relations intra-régionales et inter-régionales ont incorporé les spécificités propres aux différentes cultures, provoquant un brassage exponentiel, quoique difficile à suivre tant son ampleur et sa variété sont grandes.
Nous avons tenté de résumé le degré de convivialité, suivants les domaines, à l’échelle globale de notre planète devenue aujourd’hui rétrécie et interconnectée. En fait, nous constatons que l’aspiration vers la paix, et la suppression des cas de non-convivialité dans tous les domaines est telle que la convergence des activités spécialisées, agit vite et un peu partout simultanément dans le monde. Nous avons examiné successivement quelques domaines spécialisés et avons abouti à la conclusion qu’il existe déjà aujourd’hui un grand nombre de consensus dans les sciences de la nature et les sciences humaines.
Tous les domaines sont-ils concernés ?Non, on peut constater par exemple que la convivialité inter-religions est toujours nulle, sinon conflictuelle en particulier lorsqu’il n’y a pas séparation bien définie et acceptée entre religion et politique, comme c’est le cas pour l’Islam. Les religions d’Asie, souvent plus anciennes que celles du Moyen-Orient et de l’Europe, semblent plus accoutumées à la convivialité par respect mutuel.
Nous avons esquissé d’autre part l’évolution contemporaine en philosophie où les positions radicales du XIXème siècle nous apparaissent évoluer vers « La Nouvelle Alliance », titre du dernier ouvrage de I. Prigogine. Celui-ci, en phase avec les nombreuses interrogations nées d’un relativisme généralisé et plein de nouvelles inconnues, oriente nos recherches sans a priori et dans le méthode pragmatique des essais-erreurs, qu’aborde de son coté H. Putman en philosophie.
Dans le domaine de la philosophie politique enfin, un renouvellement d’intérêts provoqué par les nouveaux dangers de destruction de la planète par les hommes, stimule les efforts de convivialité et la recherche de nouveaux objectifs d’écologie et de progrès raisonnables, bien éloignés des traditions classiques de recherche de pouvoir à tout prix.
Notre antithèse a cherché où il est devenu nécessaire de temporiser et réglementer nos volontés trop excessives. Notre conclusion enfin veut souligner que nous sommes parvenus aujourd’hui à nous consacrer à un plein travail de recherche dans tous les domaines et qu’il n’est pas temps de conclure mais au contraire d’avancer vers l’accomplissement d’un monde plus humain, plus juste et plus convivial.
Doctorat en Philosophie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
34
Siebrits, Andre. "The role of great power war in the rise of Hegemons : a study of Dutch Hegemonic ascent in the modern world-system". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2787.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the claim that Great Power Wars are a necessary condition for successful hegemonic ascent in the modern world-system, primarily from the standpoint of World- Systems Analysis. This study advances the conception of hegemony primarily in economic and state terms, and it was investigated, by way of a historical case study, how the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648) impacted the economic domains of agro-industrial production, commerce, and finance of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and its main rival for systemic leadership, Hapsburg Spain. The variables utilised in the study were Great Power War, and the ‘material base’ of the state involved (both independent), the three abovementioned economic domains (intervening), and hegemony or defeat (dependent). The case study was primarily descriptive and explanatory, with the use of process-tracing in its compilation, and a method of within-case structured, focused comparison was utilised with the aim of tentatively producing standardised, generalised knowledge concerning the wider link between Great Power War and hegemony beyond the Dutch case. The findings of the study, although derived from only one historical case of hegemonic ascent in the modern world-system, strongly support the argument that Great Power War is necessary to secure the hegemony of the leading insular core state, which is physically removed from the fighting during the conflict, since the full mobilisation of its economy is effected, while the economies of most other core states are impaired, especially the main continental rival for hegemony. However, the ascending hegemon must also possess the requisite favourable ‘material base’. Further research on this topic is called for, given the potential destructiveness of a future Great Power War, and its role in establishing hegemony in the modern world-system.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die bewering dat Groot Moontheid Oorloë ‘n noodsaaklike vereiste is vir suksesvolle hegemoniese bestyging in die moderne wêreld-sisteem, hoofsaaklik vanaf die standpunt van Wêreld-Sisteem Analise. Hierdie studie bevorder die konsepsie van hegemonie hoofsaaklik in ekonomiese en staat terme, en dit het ondersoek, deur middel van ‘n historiese gevallestudie, hoe die Dertig Jaar Oorlog (1618-1648) ingewerk het op die ekonomiese arenas van agri-industriële produksie, handel, and finansies van die Verenigde Provinsies van Nederland, en hul mededinger vir sistemiese leierskap, Spanje. Die veranderlikes wat in die studie ingespan was, was Groot Moontheid Oorlog, en die ‘materiële basis’ van die state in kwessie (onafhanlik), die drie bogenoemde ekonomiese arenas (albei tussenkomend), en hegemonie of nederlaag (afhanklik). Die gevallestudie was hoofsaaklik beskrywend en verduidelikend, en proses-nasporing (oftewel ‘process-tracing’) is in die samestelling daarvan benut, en ‘n metode van gestruktureerde, gefokusde vergelyking (oftewel ‘structured, focused comparison’) is gebruik binne die gevallestudie met die doel om tentatiewe gestandardiseerde en veralgemeende kennis te genereer wat bydra tot die verduideliking van die wyer skakel tussen Groot Moontheid Oorlog en hegemonie buite die geval van die Verenigde Provinsies. Die bevindinge van die studie, hoewel gegenereer aan die hand van slegs een historiese geval van hegemoniese bestyging in the moderne wêreld-sisteem, het sterk steun verleen aan die argument dat Groot Moontheid Oorloë nodig is om die hegemonie van die vernaamste insulêre kern staat te bewerkstellig, wat fisies verwyderd van die gevegte is tydends die oorlog, aangesien die volle mobilisasie van die ekonomie van hierdie staat bewerkstellig word, terwyl die ekonomieë van die meerderheid van die ander kernstate benadeel word, veral die vernaamste kontinentale mededinger om hegemonie. Die opkomende hegemoon moet egter ook oor die vereiste gunstige ‘materiële basis’ beskik. Verdere navorsing in hierdie veld word benodig, gegewe die waarskynlike vernietiging wat gesaai kan word deur ‘n toekomstige Groot Moontheid Oorlog, en die rol daarvan in die daarstelling van hegemonie in die moderne wêreld-sisteem.
35
Martin, Daniel E. "Institutional Innovator: Sargent Shriver's Life as an Engaged Catholic and as an Active Liberal". University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1461580896.
Testo completo
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Onanga, Ndjila Blanchard. "Barack Obama et les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques : héritages, tensions, adaptations (2004-2010)". Phd thesis, Université Michel de Montaigne - Bordeaux III, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00990183.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La présente étude examine comment les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques que sont la Rainbow Push Coalition, la NAACP et la National Urban League ont contribué à l'élection du 44e président des États-Unis, Barack Obama. Elle établit dans un premier temps comment la participation du Révérend Jesse Jackson aux élections de 1984 et 1988 a contribué à l'émergence du processus démocratique à l'origine de l'élection de Barack Obama, premier président américain issu de la communauté africaine américaine. Dans un second temps, elle met en évidence comment l'action transformative du mouvement des droits civiques ayant conduit à la promulgation du Voting Rights Act de 1965 par le président Lyndon B. Johnson, sous l'impulsion du Dr Martin Luther King, mais aussi de Roy Wilkins et Whitney Young contribua à l'élection de Barack Obama en 2008. En analysant la participation de Jesse Jackson aux élections présidentielles américaines, notre objectif est de montrer comment il est parvenu à faire changer les règles de nomination des candidats issus des minorités au sein du parti démocrate. Elle a permis de montrer comment Obama en fut le bénéficiaire en devenant d'abord le nominé du parti démocrate, puis le président des États-Unis. D'où notre analyse du processus électoral de 2008. L'étude fait ainsi un tour d'horizon des désaccords qui ont surgi lors de l'élection présidentielle de 2008, entre Hillary Clinton et Barack Obama d'une part, puis entre ce dernier et John McCain d'autre part. Elle examine, par ailleurs, dans une perspective sociologique, les conflits qui se sont succédés au sein de la communauté africaine américaine, notamment entre certains dirigeants africains américains et Obama avant et pendant l'élection présidentielle de 2008, relatifs aux valeurs familiales, à l'incident racial des "Six de Jena" ou encore à la participation de Barack Obama à l'élection présidentielle. La question relative à la notion d'une Amérique post-raciale qui se présenta suite à l'élection d'Obama sera également abordée. Elle démontre comment son élection n'a malheureusement pas pu changer les mentalités des Américains au sujet de la question raciale de manière radicale et combien le racisme demeure une question fondamentale, majeure aux États-Unis au 21e siècle. Enfin, l'étude examine la collaboration post-électorale entre les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques et l'administration Obama.
37
Emde, Sina. "Between equality and hierarchy : articulating the multicultural nation in postcolonial Fiji". Phd thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151142.
Testo completo
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Zwane, Mirriam Jeanette. "The federation of South African women and aspects of urban women's resistance to the policies of racial segregation, 1950-1970". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/7146.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
M.A.The study purports to trace and analyse how African women used local structures in the 1950's and 1960's to seek redress against the policies of racial segregation. This study intends showing how African women have piloted local organisations during the period under review, how they resisted all attempts by the local municipal council to have women removed from the location and how women rejected the authority of the local boards. Protest movements and organisations, and the type of political activity women engaged in before the 1950's, have been largely ignored by the few writers who have considered the matter at all. This has resulted in the assumption that there were no women's activities prior to 1950. C. Kros wrote: "...(that) there is a general assumption that until the 1950's women were passive and took a back seat in all spheres except forone or two outbursts of activity, like for instance the resistance against the passes in the Free State in 1913." 3 The study purports to dispel the myth that African women were inactive prior to 1950: This study shows that the emergence of the squatter settlement in the late 1940's was spearheaded by African women who had nowhere to settle, except by pitching up shacks. By early 1940 urban workers found it increasingly difficult to obtain suitably priced residential accommodation as no new houses were built. The study will analyse how Sofasonke Mpanza, a member of the Orlando Advisory Board and the leader of the Sofasonke Mpanza Party, was able to win adherents to his party, the majority of whom were women and why African women in Orlando defied the Municipal Council's regulations and pitched up "shelters" which came to be known as the "Shanty Town".
39
Pierre, Jemima. "Reace across the Atlantic : mapping racialization in Africa and the African diaspora". 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/11282.
Testo completo
40
Ziker, Ann Katherine. "Race, conservative politics, and U.S. foreign policy in the postcolonial world, 1948--1968". Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/22248.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation analyzes the rise of conservatism in American politics from 1948 to 1968, paying special attention to the impact of the civil rights movement and race on postwar political realignments. Unlike previous studies, which have concentrated chiefly on domestic policy issues such as court-ordered desegregation, busing programs, welfare, and taxation, this work focuses on debates over U.S. foreign policy. It considers topics such as the development of an international human rights ideology, the growing force of revolutionary nationalism, and the progress of decolonization to than the emergence of a distinctively conservative vision for American power in the world. As the dissertation argues, a natural symmetry existed between political responses to the African American freedom struggle and views on U.S. foreign relations in a rapidly decolonizing world; civil rights opponents easily projected their beliefs about racial difference into the global arena, and, although many national conservative leaders worked to distance themselves from the open defenders of racial segregation, they unreservedly asserted that the Asian, Arabic, and African residents of newly decolonized states were not entitled to the same rights as Europeans or North Americans. The dissertation thus offers a new interpretation of the role of race in modern conservatism.
This study contains three parts: Part I suggests that what traditionally has been called "massive resistance"---the white South's opposition to integration after the 1954 Brown decision---might be better understood as a broader dissent from the emerging global ideology of human rights. Part II uses the Cold War's arrival in Africa to suggest how decolonization fused the politics of race and the politics of U.S. foreign policy, creating common ground for segregationists and national-security conservatives. Part III describes the evolution of a conservative philosophy on American power in the world, which rejected calls to demonstrate sympathy with anticolonial movements and instead advocated unequivocal support for Western Europe and anticommunist states like South Africa. Throughout, the dissertation contends that ostensibly color-blind positions on U.S. foreign policy in reality rested on a narrow, exclusionary interpretation of democratic freedoms and human rights.
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Mashabela, James Kenokeno. "Dr Manas Buthelezi's contribution to Evangelical Lutheran Church in Southern Africa's struggle against apartheid in South Africa, 1970s-1990s". Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18844.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This academic study provides a historical background to the unsung hero Dr. Manas Buthelezi. He is amongst many such heroes who contributed enormously to the liberation of South Africa. Buthelezi fought against apartheid by promoting human liberation and rights; just like other circle unrecognized of heroes who were interested in combating the agonies caused by the apartheid system. This academic study presents the work of Buthelezi in the South African political, socio-economic, cultural and ecumenical effort at combating the apartheid policies. The history of Buthelezi‟s contribution can be deliberated in relation to the South African political and socio-economic dimensions. Church history is an alternative engagement to the social struggles hence a church leader like Buthelezi had to participate in the public arena. Not really; the focus is more on issues within the current ELCSA.
Broader historical evidence is considered on the theoretical writings in the field of church history. The analytical aim of the study develops how the struggles internal to the church and the understanding of struggle for liberation in South Africa. The study highlights the history of Lutheranism in South Africa as the background of creating an understanding of this research. The findings of the study are that although the Lutherans were fighting against apartheid system in South Africa they were divided on racial identify between the white and the black. This was also operational in the church in South Africa as well. The church in South Africa was theologically challenged around issues of struggle and liberation. The white community was part of the apartheid government aimed as its interests to benefit from the dominant values of racial connections. The dominant apartheid government oppressed the black community through racial discrimination. Study shows how Buthelezi and other theologians critiqued both the church and the state to resistant apartheid that was operational in the church and the society.
The study investigates his contribution in this respect. It will be necessary to look at what happened historically in apartheid and Black Theology. The intention of this study is to investigate how Bishop Dr. Manas Buthelezi in South Africa was involved and committed in the struggle against apartheid. I would like to analyse and reflect on his contribution and writing during apartheid, as this has not yet been researched. Buthelezi served the Lutheran Church and the South African Council of Churches (SACC) as its president, from where he viewed apartheid ideology and practice as contradictory to the Word of God and human wholeness of life.
One cannot research Buthelezi without considering his Church where I will explore the ordained ministry and the „lay‟ ministry. Questions on teaching, training and service offered by the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Southern Africa (ELCSA) raise serious matters about its present and future.
In the conclusion, I provide an analysis of the problems outlined and make recommendations which can be considered to be alternatives to challenges that face our South African context and that of the church. My recommendations are opened to everyone, to engage each other to furnish alternative solutions to the problems that face the church and the South African context.Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
M. Th. (Church History)
42
Horton, John J. "Iceland: History". 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6682.
Testo completo
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Horton, John J. "Iceland: history and politics". 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6660.
Testo completo
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Roebuck, Kristin A. "Japan Reborn: Mixed-Race Children, Eugenic Nationalism, and the Politics of Sex after World War II". Thesis, 2015. https://doi.org/10.7916/D83F4NS4.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In April 1952, Japan emerged from Allied occupation free, peaceful, and democratic. Japan’s presses marked the occasion by declaring a state of crisis: the “konketsuji [mixed-blood children] crisis.” By all accounts, Allied soldiers had sired and abandoned two hundred thousand “mixed-blood” orphans in Japan. However, Chapter One reveals this to be a fabricated crisis or “moral panic.” Surveys found only a few thousand konketsuji nationwide, very few of them orphans. Yet these discoveries did little to change the tenor of “crisis.” Opposition politicians deployed wrath and fear over “blood mixing” to discredit the dominant Liberal Party and its alliance with the United States. They were abetted by an array of postwar activists who used the “crisis” to reconstruct Japanese nationalism, laid low by defeat and occupation, on a new basis: the “pure” race rather than the failed state.
Chapter Two explores how the panic over “blood mixing” inevitably embroiled not just children but women as well. Japanese women were subject to intense pressures to eschew sex and family formation with Western men, and to abort “mixed” fetuses on eugenic grounds rather than bear them to term. 1948 marked the beginning of the end of criminal prosecution of abortion in Japan. The law that inaugurated this shift, the Eugenic Protection Law (EPL), is generally viewed as an advancement in women’s rights, despite the fact that the EPL envisioned and promoted the use of abortion as a means of managing the “quality and quantity” of Japan’s population. Scholarship on the links between eugenics and the decriminalization of abortion in Japan is vast, but scholars have yet to probe deeply into how eugenic abortion was applied tocontrol—or forestall—“race mixing” after the war. Although it was politically impossible for the government to impose abortions outright on women who might be pregnant with the children of Japan’s conquerors, such women were nonetheless targeted for eugenic intervention. For these women, abortion was not an option granted in a liberal democracy concerned with women’s rights. Abortion was an imperative imposed by a diverse array of governmental and non-governmental actors united behind an ideology of “pure blood.”
Chapter Three explains how postwar scientific presses framed konketsuji born in the wake of World War II as an unprecedented presence. Geneticists, physical anthropologists, clinicians, and other researchers from the late 1940s through the 1970s deployed a “system of silences” to erase Japan’s prewar konketsuji community from view. They thereby not only constructed the Japanese as a racial community bounded by “pure blood,” but denied that the racialized nation ever had or ever could assimilate foreign elements. Scientific spokesmen effected the discursive purification of Japan despite resistance from “mixed-blood” adults who organized to contest the rising tide of racial nationalism. In the process, these scientists severely undercut the “mixed” community’s advocacy of a civically rather than biologically constituted nation.
Chapter Four contrasts the decline of race science and eugenics in the West with their efflorescence in postwar Japan, where conditions of occupation heightened the relevance of racial eugenics as a prescription for national unity and strength. It is well known that Anglophone genetics and physical anthropology were led at the mid-century by immigrants and minorities, prominently including Theodosius Dobzhansky and Ashley Montagu. Yet without comparative analysis, it is difficult to weigh the significance of this fact, or of the fact that minorities did not lead the Japanese sciences. Japanese geneticists and anthropologists whoidentified as having “pure Japanese blood” never questioned that biopolitical category or the costs it imposed on those it excluded. I argue that who practiced science counts for much more than is allowed by objectivist narratives of self-correcting scientific “progress.” My project explains for the first time why racial nationalism and an ethos of ethnic cleansing triumphed in Japan at the very moment these forces receded in other contexts.
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Methula, Dumisani Welcome. "Black Theology and the struggle for economic justice in the democratic South Africa". Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18918.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study sets out to contribute to the expansive development of Systematic Theology and Black Theology, particularly in the struggle for economic justice in the democratic South Africa. The liberation of black people in South Africa and across the globe is the substantive reason for Black Theologies‘ existence and expression. The study‘s reflections on economic justice and Black Theology as sites of the intellectual focus and analysis is central to understanding the conditions of existence for the majority of South Africa‘s citizens, as well as understanding whether the fullness of life based on dignity and freedom as articulated in biblical witness, particularly John 10:10 is manifest for black people in South Africa. The study also seeks to identify, describe, analyse and understand the emancipatory theories and praxis, which entail a plethora of efforts they undertake to liberate themselves. Understanding and engendering the nexus of social practice and theological insights in the articulation of Black Theology as a particular expression of systematic theology, and drawing attention to the ethical foundations undergirding Black Theology, are important in demonstrating Black Theology‘s role and task as a multi-disciplinary discipline which encompass and engender dialogue within and between theory and praxis, and theology and ethics. This study thus suggests that since the locus of Black Theology and spirituality is embedded in the life, (ecclesial and missional) work (koinonia) and preaching (kerygma) of black churches, they have the requisite responsibility to engage in the efforts (spiritual and theological) in the struggle to finding solutions to the triple crises of unemployment, inequality and poverty which ravage the quality and dignity of life of the majority black people in post-apartheid South Africa. This study therefore concludes by asserting that, there are a variety of viable options and criteria relevant for facilitating economic justice in South Africa. These strategies include transformational distribution of land to the majority of South Africans, the implementation of heterodox economic policies which engender market and social justice values in the distribution of economic goods to all citizens. It also entails prioritization of the social justice agenda in economic planning and economic practice. In theological language, economic justice must involve the restoration of the dignity and the wellbeing of the majority of South Africans, who remain poor, marginalised and disillusioned. It also entails promoting justice as a central principle in correcting the remnants of apartheid injustices, which limit transformational justice which enables and facilitates equality, freedom and economic justice for all South African citizens.Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology
M. Th. (Systematic Theology)
46
Das, Joanna. "Choreographing a New World: Katherine Dunham and the Politics of Dance". Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8251G9K.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation analyzes the intellectual and political contributions of choreographer Katherine Dunham (1909-2006). As an African American woman, Dunham broke several barriers of race and gender, first as an anthropologist conducting ethnographic fieldwork in the Caribbean in the 1930s, and second as the artistic director of a major dance company that toured the United States, Latin America, Europe, Asia, and Australia from the 1930s through the 1960s. She also wrote several scholarly books and articles, opened multiple schools, and served on the boards of numerous arts organizations. Although Dunham's contributions to anthropology and dance are vitally important, "Choreographing a New World" emphasizes her political engagement. Through actions both onstage and off, she helped strengthen the transnational ties of black social movements from the New Negro Movement to the Black Power Movement. In particular, the dissertation contends that Dunham made dance one of the primary forces in the creation and perpetuation of the African diaspora. She herself attempted to live diaspora by forging personal connections across racial, linguistic, national, class, and cultural borders.
In order to shift the focus to Dunham's intellectual and political engagement, "Choreographing a New World" turns to previously untapped archival sources. This dissertation is the first scholarly work on Dunham to examine archives from the U.S. State Department, Office of Economic Opportunity, Bernard Berenson Papers, Rockefeller Foundation Records, Langston Hughes Papers, and Rosenwald Foundation Papers, among other archives. It combines insights from these archives with choreographic analysis, interviews with Dunham's former dancers and students, and embodied participant-observation research at the annual International Katherine Dunham Technique Seminars from 2010 to 2013. Overall, "Choreographing a New World" not only provides a new perspective on Dunham, but also raises important questions about dance as an intellectual and political activity, especially within an African diasporic context.
47
Troutman, John William. "'Indian blues': American Indians and the politics of music, 1890-1935". Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1446.
Testo completo
48
Meiring, Lieze Fredericka. "Renouncing racism in a Dutch Reformed congregation". Diss., 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17432.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Dutch Reformed Church provided the theological justification for Apartheid since 1948 and contributed to discourses of racism and cultural hegemony. In this research narrative conversations were used to confront racism prevalent among many Dutch Reformed congregants. Social discourses, created through language, marginalised and oppressed people of Colour in South Africa. In this project, narrative conversations were used to deconstruct these oppressive racial discourses. Antjie Krog's book on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's work, Country of my skull, confronted the congregants with the painful and dehumanising effects of Apartheid. Externalising conversations assisted congregants to face their guilt and the unjust discourses trapping them. In addition, this deconstruction empowered the congregants to challenge racism and cultural hegemony by living more ethical lives.Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology
M. Th. (Practical Theology (Pastoral Therapy))
49
Elton, Judith. "Comrades or competition? : union relations with Aboriginal workers in the South Australian and Northern Territory pastoral industries, 1878-1957". 2007. http://arrow.unisa.edu.au:8081/1959.8/45143.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines internal union and external factors affecting union relations with Aboriginal workers in the wool and cattle sectors of the South Australian and Northern Territory pastoral industries, from union formation in the nineteenth century to the cold war period in the 1950s.PhD Doctorate
50
Sullivan, Katie Helen. "The evolution of India's great power identity : a powerful performance". Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151758.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research shows how Indian self-conceptions of 'greatness' have been derivative of India's own readings of an appropriate global role for itself at different periods during its history, rather than sourced from the dominant norms of 'great powerhood' in international society. It attempts to show how apparent shifts in India's identity can most aptly be understood as a process of India acquiring the material markers of a great power rather than actually becoming a great power. According to this reading, the Indian case diverges from the processes of socialisation typically associated with rising powers, whereby great power aspirants internalise the norms articulated by the existing community of great powers. In theoretical terms, the process of negotiation between the norms and values inherent in an Indian international self (an identity which I show to be relatively stable over time) and the norms and values of an international group of prominent states from which India seeks recognition of its 'right' to lead, is revealed as more complex than we might expect. By acquiring a deeper understanding of Indian conceptions of greatness, it is possible to reveal a more nuanced narrative of India's global ascendance and access complexities in India's conduct of external affairs that are sometimes missed by dominant frames of understanding in International Relations. The study demonstrates how attempts to narrate, observe or predict India's ascendance in the language of great powers can only incompletely capture the nuances of India's changing international identity and its potential role in the international system. As such, the research as a whole points to limitations in the theoretical rigour and the explanatory capacity of current dominant understandings of greatness as they are applied to rising powers such as India.