Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Rabbinic pragmatism"

AbstractThis paper describes the practice of rabbinic Torah-Study in Pragmatist epistemological terms. Pragmatists describe the quest for knowledge as a process in which we interpret our experiences and thereby construct an idea of our reality. This description creates or generates a tension between the constructive aspect of the knowledge quest and the idea of an independent reality. The paper argues that Pragmatism shares this tension, as well as the hermeneutical and pragmatic method for overcoming it, with the rabbinic concept of "Torah Study." This association is illustrated through a close reading of a Midrash on the first verse of the Biblical "Woman of Valor" song.

AbstractSome scholars allege a stringent ideology behind the severe Qumranic halakhot in contrast to putative leniencies in parallel rabbinic rulings. Vered Noam contends that the rabbinic propensity for leniency and innovativeness, versus the opposite Qumranic approach are the source of their disputes. Thus, Qumranic strictness is not “objective” but relative to the lenient rabbinic law. This paper critically scrutinizes Noam’s thesis, and will posit that the halakhot of Qumran are founded on a literal adherence to Scripture versus rabbinic pragmatism. The study discusses Noam’s cited examples, offering contrasting explanations. It deliberates about the difference between disputes concerning interpretations and physical facts, the rationales behind the various classifications, and the relationship between the degrees of holiness and the degrees of impurity.

The beginning of a universal culture of rationality in Judaism did not begin in the so called »Medieval Jewish philosophy« but had its precedents in the Biblical Wisdom Literature and in Rabbinic legal rationality. The Medieval Jewish authors, therefore, did not regard the medieval Philosophy propounded by Jewish authors as »Jewish philosophy« but as a participation of Jews in just another specific phase of universal rationalism. The reason why Jewish authors in the 19th century nevertheless alleged that there existed a specific »Jewish philosophy« at the side of a German, Christian or English philosophy had its reason in the exclusion of Jewish thought from the new leading science of interpretation of human existence in Europe, namely philosophy, by German intellectuals and universities. If we despite this want to retain the term of »Jewish philosophy« we should be aware that there cannot be an essential difference to general philosophy but merely a heuristic pragmatism.

La Polonia nei tempi del Rinascimento si situava su un territorio ben diverso rispetto a quello di oggi: molto più esteso e rivolto molto di più verso l’oriente. Un territorio polonizzato, a volte perfino trattato come colonizzato (secondo un punto di vista), dove pochi centri culturali, anche se alcuni di un grande rilievo, furono sparsi attraverso un vasto territorio. Essi non rispecchiavano la realtà delle etnie presenti entro i confini della Repubblica Nobiliare ma influivano fortemente il mescolarsi ulteriore e lo sviluppo dei paradigmi culturali del vasto paese. Tracciare la storia del pensiero umanistico nonché quello della diffusione della filosofia e della retorica pare facilitato da un panorama delle istituzioni d’insegnamento, a cominciare dall’Accademia di Cracovia, la futura Università Jagellonica, fondata nel 1364. Il centro accademico concorreva con la corte reale che continuava a costituire un luogo particolarmente vivace della vita intellettuale. L’influsso degli studi intensi dello Stagirita si facevano sentire perfino nel centro di studi rabbinici nella città di Kazimierz nelle vicinanze del castello e dell’ateneo. Se l’insegnamento della filosofia nel corso del Cinquecento attraversa fasi diverse, per chiudersi finalmente verso la fine del secolo in un nominalismo eclettico e rigido, appare comunque una nuova forma dell’ateneo ideata su modello del Collegio Regio parigino, apparentemente capace di rinnovare non soltanto l’insegnamento ma anche la ricerca filosofica. L’Accademia di Jan Zamoysk situata nella sua città di Zamość ne costituisce, soprattutto durante il primo Seicento, il centro più vivace. Una svolta verso l’insegnamento pragmatico, al servizio degli affari pubblici è ormai visibile. Le stesse tendenze prevalgono nei programmi di collegi accademici di stampo protestante, situati soprattutto nella Pomerania e nelle città baltiche, anche se le basi ideologiche e religiose del loro insegnamento furono ben diverse. Finalmente saranno i collegi gesuiti, a partire perfino dagli anni sessanta del Cinquecento, seminati in tutto il paese, a diffondere (soprattutto presso i giovani nobili cattolici, ma anche allievi venuti da altri ambienti, siccome l’insegnamento fu gratuito e aperto a tutti coloro che volevano studiare) una conoscenza del latino, della retorica, della cultura antica al servizio di un’identità particolare, radicata nella tradizione antica, volta però al presente – verso il servizio pubblico e quello cittadino.

La thèse analyse le commentaire du Psaume de Moïse ben Samuel Ha-Kohen Ibn Chiquitilla, né à Cordoue vers le début du XIe siècle. La thèse étudie l'incorporation de l'herméneutique coranique-arabe dans les méthodes exégétiques d'Ibn Chiquitilla et le situe dans le contexte intellectuel de l'époque. N'étant pas une analyse historique, il se demande s'il existe un lien entre l'intérêt herméneutique des grammairiens et des rhéteurs pour la dichotomie forme-sens et la linguistique pragmatique communicative.Il analyse leur introduction dans l'exégèse rabbinique par des exégètes ibériques formant ce qui est devenu la méthode d'exégèse peshat. Ce terme, introuvable chez Ibn Chiquitilla, est sous-entendu par ses méthodes et son intérêt pour la forme et le sens grammaticaux. Nous proposons de suivre la tradition grammaticale arabe selon laquelle Ibn Chiquitilla ne confond pas le sens avec la grammaire ou la syntaxe, mais l'accepte comme faisant partie d'une tradition reçue. Le sens opère dans des domaines distincts de la grammaire, mais les deux sont réunis pour expliquer l'intention derrière le texte. Cette idée est élargie pour inclure la déviation grammaticale et lexicale et/ou le langage figuré. Nous demandons si les origines de ces déviations peuvent être attribuées à l'exégèse rabbinique de la période talmudique ainsi qu'aux idées philosophiques contemporaines de l'Ibérie médiévale et du monde islamique en général. Ce faisant, il essaie de prouver que les exégètes ibériques sont moins sur l'innovation et plus sur l'introduction de nouvelles méthodes d'exégèse dans le judaïsme rabbinique médiéval
He thesis analyses the commentary of the Psalm of Moses ben Samuel Ha-Kohen Ibn Chiquitilla, born in Cordoba around the beginning of the 11th century. The thesis studies the incorporation of Qurʾânic-Arabic hermeneutics in the exegetical methods of Ibn Chiquitilla and situates it in the intellectual context of the time. Not being a historical analysis, it questions whether there is a connection between the hermeneutic interest of grammarians and rhetoricians in the form-meaning dichotomy and communicative pragmatic linguistics It analyses their introduction into rabbinic exegesis by Iberian exegetes forming what has become the peshat method of exegesis. This term, not found in Ibn Chiquitilla, is implied by his methods and his interest in grammatical form and meaning. We propose to follow the Arabic grammatical tradition according to which Ibn Chiquitilla does not confuse meaning with grammar or syntax, but accepts it as part of a received tradition. Meaning operates in separate areas of grammar, but the two come together to explain the intent behind the text. This idea is expanded to include grammatical and lexical deviation and/or figurative language. We ask whether the origins of these deviations can be traced to the rabbinical exegesis of the Talmudic period as well as contemporary philosophical ideas in medieval Iberia and the Islamic world in general. In doing so, we try to prove that Iberian exegetes are less about innovation and more about introducing new methods of exegesis into medieval Rabbinic Judaism

Depuis leur expulsion de la Terre sainte après la destruction du Second Temple (70 C.E.), les Juifs ne cessèrent d'espérer y retourner. Au fil des siècles, se développèrent plusieurs mouvements d'immigration (l'ʼaliyāh) motivés souvent par des aspirations millénaires. Les plus marquants sont ceux de Tossaphistes de France et d'Angleterre durant le XIIIème siècle, et par la suite de Juifs d'Espagne qui immigrèrent en Terre sainte après l'expulsion de 1492. En 1700, Rabbi Juda ha-Ḥasid (1660-1700) organisa une ʼaliyāh collective en provenance d'Europe de l'Est, dirigée vers Jérusalem. Plus tard, à partir de 1760 se formèrent plusieurs mouvements d' ʼaliyāh tant de disciples de Rabbi Israel Baal Shem Tov (1690-1760) - les ḥasidim, que ceux de Rabbi Eliyahu- le Gaon de Vilna (1720-1797)- les pĕrūšīm. La première partie de cette étude analyse les motivations de ces mouvements, et met en lumière la doctrine rédemptrice du Gaon de Vilna à travers une recherche originale de sa biographie et de ses ouvrages novateurs. Dans sa deuxième partie, elle analyse comment les disciples du Gaon mirent en pratique en Terre sainte les enseignements de leur maître. Afin de saisir la portée de leurs actions, il est nécessaire de comprendre le contexte géopolitique de l'Empire ottoman et de la Palestine du début du XIXème siècle, ainsi que la particularité des Capitulations régissant le statut des étrangers. Cette étude montre comment les pĕrūšīm surent agir de façon efficace et très innovante face aux problèmes majeurs de l'implantation juive en Terre d’Israël, notamment en ce qui concerne les relations avec le pouvoir ottoman local et avec les représentants des Puissances et les consuls européens, le développement économique et la création d'un système scolaire nouveau
Since their expulsion from the Holy Land after the destruction of the Second Temple (70 C.E.), the Jews did not cease to hope to return. Over the centuries, immigration movements (Aliyot) grew, often motivated by millennia aspirations. The most notable are those of the Tossafists of France and England during the 13th century, and later, the Jews of Spain who immigrated to the Holy Land after the expulsion of 1492. In 1700, Rabbi Judah ha-Hasid (1660-1700) organized a collective Aliyah from Eastern Europe to Jerusalem. Later, from 1760, several Aliyah movements emerged such as the immigration of the disciples of Rabbi Israel Baal Shem Tov (1690-1760), known as the Hasidim, and of the disciples of Rabbi Eliahu, the Vilna Gaon (1720-1797), known as the Perushim. The first part of this study analyzes the motivations of these movements, and highlights the redemptive doctrine of the Vilna Gaon through original research on his biography and his innovative works. In its second part, the study analyzes how the Gaon's disciples put the teachings of their master into practice in the Holy land. To grasp the significance of their actions, it is necessary to understand the geopolitical context of the Ottoman Empire and Palestine from the early 19th century, and the particularity of the "Capitulations" governing the status of foreigners. This study shows how the Perushim knew how to act effectively and very innovatively concerning the major challenges which the Yishuv, the Jewish settlement, faced. Among the areas of activity in which the disciples of the Gaon involved themselves were the relations with the ottoman local government and with representatives of the Powers, economic development and the creation of a unique educational system

Abstract If it is true that there is a gap between God’s will as recorded in Written Torah and rabbinic application as recorded in Oral Torah, then this may (or may not) have consequences in practice. If the rabbis recognized and admitted this reality, as I argued in chapter 5, then they would be forced to consider the problem of unity or diversity in community norms. Multiple opinions are the inevitable result of imperfect interpretive processes. Are alternatives to be suppressed in practice, as the heavenly decision in favor of Hillel might suggest, or is there room for multiplicity not only in theory (the evidence for which is found on every page of Talmudic deliberation) but in practice as well? If my readings of prior texts approach the truth of rabbinic perception, then this is a question that cannot be avoided.

The attempts of religious Zionists to establish halakha as the law of Israel failed. This chapter examines the response of religious Zionist leaders to this failure, and their bitter resentment of Israel’s secular legal institutions that, in their view, had usurped halakhic rule. It shows that, resigned to these circumstances, religious Zionists adopted a double strategy. Among themselves, they persevered in their commitment to the idea of the halakhic state. When speaking to others, however, they embraced a more pragmatic position. In Knesset speeches, for example, they argued for a pluralistic position in which the rabbinical courts would have equal authority to the state’s secular courts. The chapter also shows how the legal rhetoric of religious Zionists, particularly of Zerah Warhaftig, shored up the identity of the community during the time of setback.