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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Puritans – history"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 29 luglio 2024

Ultima modifica: 30 luglio 2024

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1

Horton, Shaun. "Of Pastors and Petticoats: Humor and Authority in Puritan New England." New England Quarterly 82, no. 4 (2009): 608–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2009.82.4.608.

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Early Puritan humor usually endorsed Puritanism at the expense of non-Puritans, but during the eighteenth century, Puritans made bolder jokes at the expense of their own ministers. This article examines how Puritans used humor to undermine social authority and how changes in New England society led to changes in Puritan humor.

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Sprunger, Keith L. "Puritan Church Architecture and Worship in a Dutch Context." Church History 66, no. 1 (1997): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169631.

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English Puritans have only a small reputation for aesthetic contributions to architecture. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, they worshiped God without making a show of buildings or beautiful ceremonies; consequently, there are few grand Puritan architectural monuments. Nonseparating Puritans, blending into the larger church, put their emphasis on the pure preaching and practice of biblical religion, not on outward appearances. And the Separatists, the strictest of the Puritans, gathered in disguised house-churches. Because of this artistic silence it is easy to downplay the importance of architectural concerns in the early history of Puritanism. Whenever historians mention “Puritan” architecture or “nonconformist” architecture, they are likely to describe it as simple, plain, functional, humble, austere, and practical. While true as far as it goes, this description is not the whole story. An examination of Puritan discussions about architecture in early seventeenth-century Netherlands reveals the interplay of theological and practical factors in creating the “proper” church architecture.

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Roekminto, Fajar Setiawan. "WAJAH PURITANISME DALAM DRAMA MOURNING BECOMES ELECTRA KARYA EUGENE O’NEILL." Adabiyyāt: Jurnal Bahasa dan Sastra 10, no. 1 (2011): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajbs.2011.10106.

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It’s impossible to discuss American literature without mentioning Eugene O’Neill, including his renowned drama Mourning Becomes Electra (MBE). MBE is a drama that describes a Puritan family called the Mannons. The main characters in MBE live in a strict and severe Puritan society. Both the Mannons and Puritans establish a family and community on the same principles, the belief in covenant, a tenet that is taught by John Calvin. They also have the same dream about a new land, New Jerusalem for Puritans and Blessed Island for the Mannons. The article aims at disclosing the constricting Puritans society in New England and the cruelty of the central characters in MBE. In addition, the way in which Eugene O’Neill creates tragic characters at the end of the drama can be related to the decline of Puritanism. Goldmann’s sociology of literature is applied as an approach. The imaginary structure between an aesthetic and history—MBE and Puritan society—is discovered. The Mannons in MBE and Puritans in New England have similar attitudes. Both are cruel because they desire to be in power and control economic fields. The efforts to realize the dreams are challenged by other communities and it marks the beginning of puritanical decline in New England and the death of central character in MBE. The tragic visions of the Mannons and puritans guide them to death and fall.

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Okie, Laird. "Daniel Neal and the ‘Puritan Revolution’." Church History 55, no. 4 (1986): 456–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3166368.

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Daniel Neal's The History of the Puritans was a standard eighteenth-century source for modern historians and, as will be shown, prefigured nineteenth-century Whig conceptions of Puritanism. Published in four volumes between 1732 and 1738, Neal's work went through at least twenty-one editions or reprints; the last one was done in 1863. New editions were printed in London, Bath, Dublin, New York, and Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and the History was twice expanded by continuators in the late eighteenth century and early nineteenth century. The History of the Puritans was not a narrowly religious or sectarian study: Neal strove to elucidate the Puritan contribution to the state. A Congregationalist minister, Neal produced the closest thing we have to an official Dissenting history of England, one which glorified the role of Puritanism in fostering English liberty. To study Neal's History is to gain insight into the historical and political ideology of early eighteenth-century Dissent.

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GRIBBEN, CRAWFORD. "The Church of Scotland and the English Apocalyptic Imagination, 1630 to 1650." Scottish Historical Review 88, no. 1 (2009): 34–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0036924109000572.

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This article explores the evolution of the eschatological identity of the Church of Scotland within the framework of English puritan apocalyptic thought in the period 1630–50. From the beginnings of reformation, English protestant theologians constructed an elaborate series of readings of Biblical apocalyptic texts through which they attempted to understand contemporary events. By the 1630s, English puritan exegetes had begun to identify within the Biblical text a distinctive role for Scottish Presbyterianism. The Scottish church, which, in the opinion of many English puritans, moved towards a more rigorously reformed ecclesiology as the 1630s progressed, was identified as a harbinger of the millennial glory that English puritans would shortly share. But as the relationship between Parliament and Presbytery turned sour, English puritans increasingly identified the Scottish church as the apocalyptic menace that stood in the way of their millennial fulfilment – a feeling made vivid in the rhetoric of the Cromwellian invasion.

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Cust, Richard. "Anti-puritanism and urban politics: Charles I and Great Yarmouth." Historical Journal 35, no. 1 (1992): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00025589.

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AbstractThis article is a study of political conflicts in Yarmouth during the 1620s and 1630s between a group of puritan aldermen and their anti-puritan opponents. These focused firstly on efforts initiated by Bishop Harsnet to remove the stipendiary lecturers supported by the puritans; and secondly on attempts by the anti-puritan aldermen to introduce a less ‘popular’ form of town government by revising Yarmouth's charter. Throughout these conflicts the anti-puritan side were able to secure considerable backing at court, particularly from Charles I, through employing a rhetoric which highlighted the threat to order and authority presented by a combination of puritanism and ‘popularity’. The article shows how strong fears of this threat were at the heart of the Caroline regime, and how the actions which resulted could cause deep local divisions. It also illustrates the ways in which local interest groups and their supporters manoeuvred around the king to achieve their ends.

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Bolitho, Riley. "The New England Puritans: History, Social Order, and Gender." Perspektywy Kultury 34, no. 3 (2021): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2021.3403.05.

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The article will address the history of the Puritan migration from England to early colonial America, contextualizing their social order and gender in culture in the New World given special emphasis to their theology. The methodology employed is qualitative analysis of factors that: caused Puritan emigration and their early experience in Massachusetts Bay; organized their social structure; and illuminated the position of gender in culture. Generally, Puritans migrated out of New England for varying reasons but primarily out of deep-seated theological frustrations with the Church of England. Their theology is then described and assigned its place as the organizing principle of society; understanding this, gender is consequentially realized as not a particularly useful category of culture for the Puritans although we can observe how cultural works articulated women’s position in society—which was principally as wives, mothers, and worshipers.

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TYACKE, NICHOLAS. "THE PURITAN PARADIGM OF ENGLISH POLITICS, 1558–1642." Historical Journal 53, no. 3 (2010): 527–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1000018x.

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ABSTRACTTraditionally puritanism has been treated as a religious phenomenon that only impinged on the world of that ‘secular’ politics to a limited extent and mainly in relation to church reform. Such an approach, however, is to employ a misleadingly narrow definition which ignores the existence of a much more all-embracing puritan political vision traceable from the mid-sixteenth century. First clearly articulated by some of the Marian exiles, this way of thinking interpreted the Bible as a manifesto against tyranny whether in church or state. Under the successive regimes of Elizabeth I, James I, and Charles I, puritans can be found who continued to judge the actions of government by the same biblical criterion, which also helps to explain among other things their prominence in opposing unparliamentary taxation. Puritan ideology itself was transmitted down the generations partly via a complex of family alliances, underpinned by teaching and preaching, and this in turn provided a basis for political organization. Moreover, the undiminished radical potential of puritanism is evident from responses to the assassination of Buckingham in 1628. Given these antecedents the subsequent resort to Civil War appears less surprising than historians often claim.

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Lake, Peter. "William Bradshaw, Antichrist and the Community of the Godly." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 4 (1985): 570–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900044006.

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Hatred of popery was hardly a puritan monopoly in late sixteenthand early seventeenth-century England. The conviction that the pope was Antichrist was something of a commonplace amongst Protestant Englishmen. Considerable attention has recently been paid to the terms in which the identification was established and asserted. The supposed link between such concerns and a ‘millenarian’ radicalism has quite rightly been challenged, most notably by Dr Bauckham. It remains true, of course, that sensitivity towards the extent and nature of the popish threat was a hallmark of puritanism. The consequences of this, however, were ambiguous. The conviction of the reality and pervasiveness of the popish threat undoubtedly prompted much of the puritan critique of the established Church. Certainly, the rhetoric of Antichrist played a crucial role in puritan denunciations of the corruptions of the English Church. But such denunciations drew much of their polemical force from the fact that the premise on which they were based – the antichristian nature of popery – was generally accepted by English Protestants. For the whole strength of the puritans’ case rested on their ability to present their position as but the logical extension to the area of church polity and ceremony of positions readily accepted in the realm of doctrine. Even the most committed Presbyterians accepted that the doctrine of the established Church was unequivocally Protestant. For the immediate polemical purposes of Presbyterians this provided a powerful argument for a parallel and equally thorough reformation of church polity and discipline. Taking a longer perspective and in the face of the threat from Rome, such considerations served to underline the ties of common interest and identity that bound puritans to the national Church.

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HARKINS, ROBERT. "ELIZABETHAN PURITANISM AND THE POLITICS OF MEMORY IN POST-MARIAN ENGLAND." Historical Journal 57, no. 4 (2014): 899–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000417.

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ABSTRACTThis article presents a new perspective on Elizabethan puritanism. In particular, it examines the ways in which the memory of Marian conformity continued to influence religious and political controversy during the reign of Elizabeth I. Drawing upon extensive archival evidence, it focuses on moments when the chequered pasts of Queen Elizabeth, William Cecil, and other chief officers of English church and state were called into question by puritan critics. In contrast to the prevailing narrative of Elizabethan triumphalism, it argues that late Tudor religion and politics were shaped by lingering puritan distrust of those who had revealed a propensity for idolatry by conforming during the Marian persecution. This fraught history of religious conformity meant that, for some puritans, the Church of England had been built on unstable foundations.

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Whitford, David. "A Calvinist Heritage to the “Curse of Ham”: Assessing the Accuracy of a Claim about Racial Subordination." Church History and Religious Culture 90, no. 1 (2010): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124110x506509.

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AbstractThis article assesses the validity of the claim that Puritan theology was “preset for racism” and that it played a preeminent role in establishing racial hatred in America. It does so by examining a number of Puritans beliefs regarding the most important theological justification for slavery, the socalled Curse of Ham.

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Dugre, Neal T. "Repairing the Breach: Puritan Expansion, Commonwealth Formation, and the Origins of the United Colonies of New England, 1630–1643." New England Quarterly 91, no. 3 (2018): 382–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00684.

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“Repairing the Breach” interprets the United Colonies of New England as a Puritan innovation in polity formation. Beginning in the 1630s, New England Puritans overcame the problem of expansion by reinforcing church and colony government with a confederation of neighbor colonies designed to make their commonwealth viable on a regional scale.

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Goodman, Glenda. "“The Tears I Shed at the Songs of Thy Church”: Seventeenth-Century Musical Piety in the English Atlantic World." Journal of the American Musicological Society 65, no. 3 (2012): 691–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2012.65.3.691.

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Abstract This essay reconsiders the role of seventeenth-century psalmody in Puritans' religious lives, drawing on a rich yet little-discussed cache of writings about music from New and Old England to show that, contrary to popular belief, Puritans were deeply invested in the affective power of psalm singing as an expression of personal piety. Importantly, treatises about music circulated transatlantically, thus imbricating psalmody in a broader Atlantic-world discourse about the significance of sacred singing. The essay first examines the nature of Puritans' personal piety, an interior and individual experience of faith and communion with God. Then it delves into the theological justification for singing psalms and the method for selecting tunes. Attuning to the importance of individual affective experience brings about a reevaluation of the significance of early American psalmody's “decline” in the early eighteenth century. By tracing the contours of puritan musical thought on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean, this essay also puts forth “Atlantic musicology” as an illuminating approach to early modern music and ultimately challenges the historiographical tendency to view psalmody as the departure point for an exceptional American music history.

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Menard, Russell R., John Frederick Martin, and Richard R. Johnson. "Yankee Puritans." Reviews in American History 21, no. 3 (1993): 385. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2702770.

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Atkins, Jonathan M. "Calvinist Bishops, Church Unity, and the Rise of Arminianism." Albion 18, no. 3 (1986): 411–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049982.

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According to Nicholas Tyacke, the doctrine of predestination worked as a “common and ameliorating bond” between conformists and nonconformists in the late Elizabethan and Jacobean Church of England. Anglicans and Puritans both accepted Calvin's teachings on predestination as a “crucial common assumption.” Puritans were stigmatized either because of their refusal to conform to the church's rites and ceremonies or because of their rejection of the church's episcopal government, but their agreement with the episcopacy on predestinarian Calvinism imposed “important limits” on the extent of persecution. The Synod of Dort, a Dutch conference held in 1619 which included several English representatives, repudiated Arminianism and affirmed the Calvinist view of salvation, Tyacke calls “an event which has never received the emphasis it deserves from students of English religious history,” because the Synod “served to emphasize afresh the theology binding conformist and nonconformist together, and the limits which that common bond imposed on persecution.” The rise of Arminianism broke this common bond and contributed to the causes of the Civil War. To the Arminians, Puritans were those who opposed the new religious policies of King Charles I and archbishop William Laud. The Arminians' elimination of Calvinist influence in the church and at court, along with intensified persecution of Puritans, “generated a Puritan militancy” that erupted in 1640. By that date, Tyacke concludes, predestinarian Calvinism had been “transformed with relative ease into a call for ‘root and branch’ remedies”; at the same time, presbyterianism emerged as “the cure of Arminian disease.”

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Gribben, Crawford. "Defining the Puritans? The Baptism Debate in Cromwellian Ireland, 1654–56." Church History 73, no. 1 (2004): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700097833.

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In May 1653, John Murcot, a well-connected Merton College Oxford graduate, travelled to Cork to preach at the request of local Puritans. As a minister adhering to the Independent system of church order, he had already faced a series of challenges to the fulfilment of his clerical calling. In the 1640s, his studies had been interrupted when Royalist troops occupied his university; on his first journey to Dublin, in 1651, he had narrowly escaped capture at the hands of pirates in the Irish Sea. In Cork, Murcot's ministry met with much success until he became entangled in a controversy that threatened to tear apart the local Puritan administration and, more widely, the Irish Puritan consensus.

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Zonina, N. V. "Образ пуританина в английской драме I-й половины ХVII в." Вестник гуманитарного образования, № 2(30) (7 вересня 2023): 114–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.23.028.

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The article is devoted to the interpretation of the image of the Puritan in the English drama of the first half of the XVII century. The topic was not seriously analyzed in Russian literary studies, as was the English drama of that period in general. Two plays from the reign of Kings James I and Charles I of Stuart were chosen as the material for consideration of the given subject: the comedy "St. Bartholomew's Fair" (1614) by Ben Johnson, the leading playwright of England in the late XVI – early XVII centuries, and the comedy "Weeding Covent Garden" (1632–1633) by Richard Broome, Jr., a contemporary and follower of B. Johnson, a bright comedian of those years, whose name is practically absent in Russian works on the history of English drama and theater. Puritanism as a religious and ideological movement played an epochal role in the history of England and in the history of English drama. The Puritans' struggle against drama, especially in its stage incarnation, was reflected both in pamphlets and in dramatic works of that time, primarily in comedies. The article focuses on the transformation of the image of the Puritan in the English drama of the early XVII century (the reign of James I) and the mid-30s of the same century (Charles I is in power). A comparative analysis of the images of Puritans in these plays demonstrates a significant metamorphosis of the image over a period of 20 years: from the condescending parody of the Puritan Rebbie Beezy in "Bartholomew Fair" to the image of the violent fanatic Gabriel in R. Broome's comedy, when the Puritans turned into a force that was already a serious threat to society and led to the closure of theaters and The Civil War Статья посвящена трактовке образа пуританина в английской драме I-й половины ХVII в. Тема не подвергалась серьезному анализу в отечественном литературоведении, как и английская драма того периода в целом. Материалом для рассмотрения заданного предмета выбраны две пьесы времен правления королей Якова I и Карла I Стюартов: комедия «Варфоломеевская ярмарка» (1614) Бена Джонсона – ведущего драматурга Англии конца ХVI – начала ХVII вв. и комедия «Прополка Ковент-Гардена» (1632–1633) Ричарда Брума – младшего современника и последователя Б. Джонсона, яркого комедиографа тех лет, имя которого практически отсутствует в российских работах по истории английской драмы и театра. Пуританизм как религиозно-идеологическое движение сыграл эпохальную роль в истории Англии и в истории английской драмы. Борьба пуритан против драмы, особенно в ее сценическом воплощении, нашла отражение как в памфлетах, так и в драматических произведениях того времени, прежде всего в комедиях. В статье акцент делается на трансформации образа пуританина в английской драме начала ХVII в. (правление Якова I) и середины 30-х гг. того же века (у власти Карл I). Сравнительный анализ образов пуритан в данных пьесах демонстрирует значительную метаморфозу образа за период в 20 лет: от снисходительно-пародийного пуританина Ребби Бизи в «Варфоломеевской ярмарке» до образа неистового фанатика Габриэля в комедии Р. Брума, когда пуритане превратились в силу, представлявшую собой уже серьезную угрозу обществу и приведшую через 10 лет к закрытию театров и Гражданской войне

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BREMER, FRANCIS J. "TO LIVE EXEMPLARY LIVES: PURITANS AND PURITAN COMMUNITIES AS LOFTY LIGHTS." Seventeenth Century 7, no. 1 (1992): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.1992.10555333.

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Hoopes, James, Theodore Dwight Bozeman, Charles Lloyd Cohen, Richard T. Hughes, and C. Leonard Allen. "Primitivists and Puritans." Reviews in American History 17, no. 4 (1989): 529. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2703427.

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Pulsipher, Jenny Hale. "Puritans on Trial." Reviews in American History 48, no. 3 (2020): 367–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2020.0048.

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Brauer, Jerald C. "Types of Puritan Piety." Church History 56, no. 1 (1987): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3165303.

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The Practice of Piety by Lewis Bayly was one of the most famous treatises ever penned by a Puritan. This devotional manual went through numerous editions and was translated into six languages, including into German by Philip Jacob Spener. Piety is the term that best expresses Puritan religiousness. Spirituality was a term seldom employed by Puritans, and when used it never referred to their essential religiousness. Today spirituality is used as a description of all forms of piety, though originally it referred to a particular kind of piety, namely that which developed out of monasticism. Roman Catholic spirituality, whether lay or clerical, has been shaped by the massive presence of monasticism. But Protestant piety has been shaped by the massive absence of that monastic ideal. Hence, the term piety will be used in an effort to delineate Puritan religiousness.

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Sommerville, C. John. "Anglican, Puritan, and Sectarian in Empirical Perspective." Social Science History 13, no. 2 (1989): 109–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001631x.

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One of the persisting problems in the religious history of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England has been a question of taxonomy. Authors still puzzle over whether we should have a name for the moderate, conforming section of the Church of England, to distinguish it from those whom we call Puritans. Was there, in fact, an essential difference between those two groups? A second question is, How far to the “left” on the religious “continuum” can we go before Puritanism changes into something qualitatively different? This usually becomes the problem of whether the Quakers were the extreme fringe of Puritanism or something altogether different. This study will offer evidence, statistically expressed, that there were consistent and significant differences between these positions.

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Bozeman, T. D. "The Glory of the ‘Third Time’: John Eaton as Contra-Puritan." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 4 (1996): 638–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900014652.

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As Elizabeth's reign neared its end, the futility of Puritan efforts to restructure the Church of England finally became apparent. By the early 1590s, with a strong conservative shift in the ecclesiastical leadership, the death of powerful patrons and friends at court, and the decisive defeat of the Presbyterian movement, the effect upon Puritan fortunes was devastating. What conservative churchmen did not suspect, however, was that even as they savoured victory, a creative rechannelling of the quest for further reformation was underway. In some quarters, frustration over the failure to gain power had led in different directions, to more radical moves like separatism or the Martin Marprelate project; but non-separating Puritans, few of whom had tied their fortunes to dogmatic Presbyterianism or were prepared to abandon the national Church, improvised a quieter response. If the Church was unreformable, they would reach the citizenry at personal and local levels with a ‘more spiritual and interior religion’. Thus the paradox that ‘the miscarriage of the further reformation coincided with the birth of the great age of Puritan religious experience’: coincided, that is, with the rise of a new, introspective, pietist phase of Puritan initiative.

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Lake, Peter. "Protestants, Puritans and Laudians." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42, no. 4 (1991): 618–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900000543.

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Hambrick-Stowe, Charles E., Theodore Dwight Bozeman, and David R. Como. "Precise and Radical Puritans." William and Mary Quarterly 62, no. 2 (2005): 325. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3491610.

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Young, Ralph F. "Breathing the “Free Aire of the New World”: The Influence of the New England Way on the Gathering of Congregational Churches in Old England, 1640–1660." New England Quarterly 83, no. 1 (2010): 5–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2010.83.1.5.

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Puritans in England, although engaged in the struggle against Charles I and setting up the Commonwealth under Cromwell closely watched the Puritans of Massachusetts Bay. In demonstrating how the New England Way of church polity influenced the rise of Congregationalism in England, Young details the transatlantic flow of ideas from colony to motherland.

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McCall, Fiona. "‘The Child's blood should lye at his Door’: Local Divisions over Baptismal Rites during the English Civil War and the Interregnum." Studies in Church History 59 (June 2023): 198–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2023.9.

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By the 1640s, Prayer Book ritual had marked rites of passage in England for over eighty years. It formed a reassuring continuum with older Catholic rites and gave communality to parish religion. However, puritans disliked its ceremonial elements, which were banned by Parliament in the 1640s. Anecdotal evidence suggests that parishioners continued to demand old-style rites of passage, and some clergy to offer them. This has led historians to suggest that traditionalist practice was condoned by the regime. This article uses loyalist memories of antagonisms between puritan and non-puritan clergy and parishioners over baptism, as well as evidence from legal prosecutions and other sources, to complicate such presumptions, showing how, with opinion sharply divided on their practice, rites of passage led to clashes and confrontations within parishes and remained a focus for local antagonism.

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Foster, Stephen, Michael P. Winship, and Peter Lake. "Puritans and Their Discontents." New England Quarterly 76, no. 4 (2003): 634. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559846.

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29

Hill, Christopher. "Plays, Puritans, and Politics." Literature & History 6, no. 1 (1997): 80–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030619739700600105.

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30

Morrissey, Mary. "Hall, David D. The Puritans: A Transatlantic History." Renaissance and Reformation 44, no. 3 (2022): 289–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v44i3.38025.

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31

Juchno, Andrew. "The Puritans: A Transatlantic History, by David Hall." Church History and Religious Culture 100, no. 4 (2020): 563–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-10004005.

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32

Porterfield, Amanda. "Does American Religion Have a Center?" Church History 71, no. 2 (2002): 369–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700095731.

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Abstract (sommario):

Undoubtedly, there are many centers to American religion—many topoi around which the wide-ranging multitude of historical developments associated with American religion might be seen to coalesce. Among the several that spring to mind—commitment to family, gender negotiation, concern for religious experience, freedom, conscience, millennial eschatology, respect for the Bible, social reform, desire for salvation (and there must be numerous others beyond my ken)—I see the myth of the Puritans as a good candidate for premier topos. In recommending it as a central category for organizing multiple forms and dimensions of American religion, I do not mean to draw attention to the Puritans in the exactitude of their historical existence, but rather to the myth of the Puritans as religious founders.

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Bush, Sargent, Michael W. Kaufmann, James F. Cooper, Laura Henigman, and Rodger M. Payne. "The Puritans and the Self." William and Mary Quarterly 58, no. 2 (2001): 516. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674207.

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34

MADSEN, DEBORAH L. "Hawthorne's Puritans: From Fact to Fiction." Journal of American Studies 33, no. 3 (1999): 509–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875899006222.

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Nathaniel Hawthorne's view of his first American ancestors as belonging to a grim and gloomy race, impatient with human weaknesses and merciless towards transgressors, reflects a wide-spread popular attitude towards the Massachusetts Bay colonists. Indeed, Hawthorne's contribution to the construction and perpetuation of this view is not inconsiderable. Hawthorne frankly confesses to his own family descent from one of the “hanging judges” of the Salem witchcraft trials, and he does not spare any instance of persecution, obsession, or cruelty regarding the community led by his paternal ancestors. But Hawthorne does not stop at indicting his own family history; in a famous exchange with the president of Hartford College, Thomas Ruggles Pynchon, shortly after the publication of The House of the Seven Gables (1851) Hawthorne is accused of blackening the reputation of another of New England's great colonial families. Hawthorne denied any knowledge of a “real” Pynchon family, let alone one with living (and litigious) descendants. He apologized for his mistake and offered to write an explanatory preface (which never appeared) for the second edition. Historical evidence suggests that Hawthorne, in fact, knew the history of the Pyncheon family, in particular William Pyncheon and his son John, of Springfield, who shared political and business connections throughout the mid-seventeenth century with William Hathorne of Salem. William Hathorne was a notorious persecutor of Quakers and his son John was the “hanging judge” of the witchcraft trials; William Pyncheon was a prominent fur-trader and founder of several towns along the Connecticut River who left the colony abruptly in circa 1651 accused of heresy. Given this history, a more likely model for the grim Colonel Pyncheon of Nathaniel Hawthorne's novel is rather a composite of John and William Hathorne than William Pynchon. So why should Nathaniel, who had already in his fiction revealed his family skeletons, choose to displace his own family history on to the Pyncheon family, with all the trouble that then ensued?

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35

Ceaser, James W. "Alexis de Tocqueville and the Two-Founding Thesis." Review of Politics 73, no. 2 (2011): 219–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670511000052.

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AbstractAlexis de Tocqueville's account of the formation of the American regime identifies two constitutive moments: the Puritan colonization and the Revolution and the Constitution (1775–1789). Contrary to historians of the day, Tocqueville gave as much credit to the Puritans as to the Founders. Yet far from being a pure history, Tocqueville's narrative also had the purpose of promoting a new political foundation that replaced the philosophical doctrine of natural rights with an account based on “Customary History.” Tocqueville's approach was intended to further a great theoretical project inaugurated by Montesquieu that offered an alternative model to the mainstream Enlightenment position for how political philosophy should enter into and influence political life. This article analyzes the two-founding thesis, explores the underlying theoretical project on foundations of Tocqueville and Montesquieu, and presents and assesses the debate on the merits of attempting to change the political foundation of the American regime.

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36

Gatiss, Lee. "Post-Restoration Reformed Anglicans." Unio Cum Christo 8, no. 2 (2022): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc8.2.2022.art10.

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Abstract (sommario):

The ejection of many of the Puritans from the Church of England in 1662 was not the end of the story for Puritanism, for Reformed theology, or for the gospel in the established church. This article looks at a common tendentious reading of church history and by examining the lives and teachings of three significant Anglicans in the later Stuart period— Edward Reynolds, William Gurnall, and Thomas Horton—shows that it results in a skewed perception of the evidence, leading to an under-appreciation of the ministries of such people and a false understanding of the ecclesiastical challenges of those times. KEYWORDS: Restoration, Reformed theology, Calvinism, Arminianism, Anglicanism, predestination, perseverance, original sin, atonement

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RHATIGAN, EMMA. "Preaching to Princes: John Burgess and George Hakewill in the Royal Pulpit." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 62, no. 2 (2011): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046911000017.

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This article examines a previously unnoticed link between the Puritan John Burgess and the Calvinist conformist George Hakewill. In 1604 Burgess preached a court sermon so outspoken and critical of James i's religious policy that he was imprisoned. Nearly twenty years later, however, Hakewill chose to incorporate extended passages from Burgess's sermon into the series of sermons, King David's vow (1621), preached to Prince Charles's household. This article considers why Burgess's sermon became so resonant for Hakewill in the early 1620s and also demonstrates how Hakewill deliberately sought to moderate Burgess's strident polemic. In so doing the article provides important new evidence for the politically attuned sermon culture at Prince Charles's court in the early 1620s and also suggests how, as the parameters for clerical conformity shifted in the latter years of James's reign, Calvinist conformists found a new appeal in the works of moderate Puritans.

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Mastrangelo, Lisa, and Wendy Sharer. "Review: Looking Locally, Seeing Nationally in the History of Composition." College English 75, no. 1 (2012): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/ce201220680.

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Abstract (sommario):

Books reviewed in this article: The Evolution of College English: Literacy Studies from the Puritans to the Postmoderns by Thomas Miller; From Form to Meaning: Freshman Composition and the Long Sixties, 1957–1974 by David Fleming; Interests and Opportunities: Race, Racism, and University Writing Instruction in the Post-Civil Rights Era by Steve Lamos.

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39

Ha, Polly. "Religious Toleration and Ecclesiastical Independence in Revolutionary Britain, Bermuda and the Bahamas." Church History 84, no. 4 (2015): 807–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715000918.

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Abstract (sommario):

By the mid-seventeenth century, radical protestant tolerationists in Britain and the British Atlantic began to conceive of religious liberty as a civil liberty applicable to all subjects, in contrast to contemporary puritans who limited toleration to orthodox protestants. This essay seeks to explain why certain puritans, however small in number, came to adopt radical views on toleration in contrast to the religious mainstream in the Anglophone world. Drawing upon a longer history of ecclesiastical independence than considered in the existing scholarship on religious toleration, it identifies a hitherto unexplored relationship between ecclesiastical independence in England and the Atlantic World.

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40

Smith, Nigel. "To Network or Not to Network." Church History and Religious Culture 101, no. 2-3 (2021): 376–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10022.

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Abstract This article contrasts hostility toward visual and literary art in English radical Puritanism before the late seventeenth century with the central role of art for Dutch Mennonites, many involved in the commercial prosperity of Amsterdam. Both 1620s Mennonites and 1650s–1660s Quakers debated the relationship between literal truth of the Bible and claims for the power of a personally felt Holy Spirit. This was the intra-Mennonite “Two-Word Dispute,” and for Quakers an opportunity to attack Puritans who argued that the Bible was literally the Word of God, not the “light within.” Mennonites like Jan Theunisz and Quakers like Samuel Fisher made extensive use of learning, festive subversion and poetry. Texts from the earlier dispute were republished in order to traduce the Quakers when they came to Amsterdam in the 1650s and discovered openness to conversation but not conversion.

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Lake, Peter. "A TALE OF TWO EPISCOPAL SURVEYS: THE STRANGE FATES OF EDMUND GRINDAL AND CUTHBERT MAYNE REVISITED." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 18 (November 10, 2008): 129–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440108000686.

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ABSTRACTThis article seeks to relate the course of Edmund Grindal's disgrace to the formulation and enforcement of policy against catholics. It argues that the two were integrally related and that the nature of that interrelationship can be seen as a function of certain manoeuvres and debates about a range of issues involving the queen and her councillors and bishops and indeed members of the wider regime. The resulting exchanges were conducted in terms of the nature and relative significance of the popish and puritan threats. The aim here is to reveal the dynamics of the resulting mode of ideological politics and to show how very serious differences of approach, priority and world view could be both canvassed and contained within the consensual mechanisms and assumptions of the Elizabethan regime. Through a close analysis of one political moment the paper also hopes to demonstrate the extent to which a series of conventionally separately told stories – about ecclesiastical affairs, about foreign policy, about puritans and about catholics, about both court and local politics – need to be seen as parts of a unitary political narrative or process, the nature of which this paper is an attempt to reveal.

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42

Shulman, George. "II. Hobbes, Puritans, and Promethean Politics." Political Theory 16, no. 3 (1988): 426–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591788016003004.

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43

Finlayson, Michael G., and Hugh Trevor-Roper. "Catholics, Anglicans, and Puritans: Seventeenth Century Essays." American Historical Review 94, no. 5 (1989): 1369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906403.

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44

Bouldin, Elizabeth. "Virtues, Violence, and Passion of the Puritans." Journal of Women's History 35, no. 3 (2023): 163–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2023.a905196.

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45

Gradert, Kenyon. "The Mayflower and the Slave Ship: Pilgrim-Puritan Origins in the Antebellum Black Imagination." MELUS 44, no. 3 (2019): 63–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlz025.

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Abstract This essay argues that antebellum black writers claimed America in part by reimagining a national rhetoric of Pilgrim-Puritan origins. Various connections have been drawn between the Puritans and early black writers, including a revised tradition of typological identification with Israel, captivity narratives, and, most frequently, the “black jeremiad.” In addition to these scholarly genealogies, black writers struggled more directly with their spiritual genealogies in an effort to reconcile a growing investment in American and Protestant identity with an emergent sense of black roots. Since Paul Gilroy, a growing number of scholars have examined the importance of origins for antebellum black writers in conversation with dominant Euro-American traditions, yet American Protestantism remains a minor presence in these studies. If early black studies of antiquity, biblical history, and European historiography, for example, were crucial to an emergent sense of black roots, they intertwined in complex ways with black writers’ investment in American Protestantism and its vision of history. Ultimately, black writers further radicalized abolitionists’ revolutionary Puritan genealogy as they made it their own, expanding this spiritual lineage to sanction fugitive slaves, black revolutionaries, and eventually the black troops of the American Civil War, imagined as the culmination of a sacred destiny that was both black and American, traceable to the Mayflower and the slave ship alike.

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Hirschman, Elizabeth C. "Challenging the Fundamental Premise of White Supremacy: DNA Documents the Jewish Origins of the New England Colony." Social Sciences 10, no. 6 (2021): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10060232.

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The English Puritans of New England are a foundational element in the current racist ideology of White Supremacy. Depicted in history books as stalwart British Protestants who braved bitter winters and Native predations to establish a “City on the Hill”—a beacon to the world of freedom and liberty—the Puritans became ideals in the American consciousness. But what if this is a misrepresentation, created largely in the mid and late 1800s to serve as a political barrier against Catholic, East European, Jewish, and Asian immigrants who threatened the “American way of life”? The present research uses genealogical DNA data collected from descendants of the New England settlers to demonstrate that these original “Yankees” were of Jewish ancestry. The WASP origination of New England is shown to be a false narrative.

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Sirc, Geoffrey. "Review Essay: Resisting Entropy." College Composition & Communication 63, no. 3 (2012): 507–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/ccc201218449.

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The Evolution of College English: Literacy Studies from the Puritans to the Postmoderns Thomas Miller A Counter-History of Composition: Toward Methodologies of Complexity Byron Hawk Toward A Composition Made Whole Jody Shipka Teaching with Student Texts: Essays toward an Informed Practice Joseph Harris, John D. Miles, Charles Paine, editors

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Sparrow, Bartholomew H. "The Other Point of Departure: Tocqueville, the South, Equality, and the Lessons of Democracy." Studies in American Political Development 33, no. 02 (2019): 178–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x19000099.

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Abstract (sommario):

Democracy in America has greatly influenced not only how political scientists think of democratic government, political equality, and liberalism in general, but also how we think of the United States as a whole. This article questions Tocqueville's interpretations of Americans’ habits and beliefs, given how little time Tocqueville actually spent in the South and the near West and given that he all but ignored the founding of Virginia and the other colonies not settled by the Puritans and for religious reasons. Contrary to Tocqueville's emphasis on the Puritan “point of departure,” I use historical evidence from the U.S. Census, state constitutions, and historical scholarship on slave ownership, tenant farming, political participation, and the American colonies and the early United States to show the existence of hierarchy among white Americans, rather than the ubiquitous social and political equality among European Americans described by Tocqueville. His writings actually indicate an awareness of another American culture in the South and near West—one that disregards education, condones coarse manners, tolerates aggressive behavior, and exhibits unrestrained greed—but Tocqueville does not integrate these observations into his larger conclusions about Americans’ mœurs and institutions. Because of the existence of these important, non-Puritan habits, the political institutions Tocqueville sees as facilitating democracy in America and hopes to apply to France and Europe may not have the effects he believes they will have.

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COLLINSON, PATRICK. "Puritans, Men of Business and Elizabethan Parliaments*." Parliamentary History 7, no. 2 (2008): 187–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1988.tb00704.x.

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More, Ellen S. "Congregationalism and the Social Order: John Goodwin's Gathered Church, 1640–60." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 38, no. 2 (1987): 210–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900023058.

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Abstract (sommario):

In 1644 the Puritan lawyer and parliamentary pamphleteer, William Prynne, voiced a question much on the minds of moderate Puritans: Would not Congregationalism ‘by inevitable necessary consequence subvert…all settled…forms of civil government…and make every small congregation, family (yea person if possible), an independent church and republic exempt from all other public laws’? What made Congregationalism seem so threatening? The calling of the Long Parliament encouraged an efflorescence of Congregational churches throughout England. While differing in many other respects, their members were united in the belief that the true Church consisted of individually gathered, self-governing congregations of the godly. Such a Church was answerable to no other earthly authority. The roots of English Congregationalism extended back to Elizabethan times and beyond. Some Congregationalists, in the tradition of Robert Browne, believed in total separation from the Established Church; others, following the later ideas of Henry Jacob, subscribed to semi-separatism, believing that a godly remnant remained within the Established Church. For semi-separatists some contact with the latter was permissible, as was a loose confederation of gathered churches. During the English civil wars and Interregnum, the Church polity of most leading religious Independents actually was semi-separatist.

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