Tesi: "Public opinion – germany (west)"

1

Donnelly, Jared Mierzejewski Alfred C. "Public opinion of conscription in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1954-1956". [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-10994.

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2

Donnelly, Jared. "Public Opinion of Conscription in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1954-1956". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc10994/.

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Abstract (sommario):

In 1955, barely ten years after the end of the most devastating war in Modern German history, a new German military was established in the Federal Republic, the Bundeswehr. In order properly fill the ranks of this new military the government, under the leadership of Konrad Adenauer, believed that it would have to draft men from the West German population into military service. For the government in Bonn conscription was a double-edged sword, it would not only ensure that the Bundeswehr would receive the required number of recruits but it was also believed that conscription would guarantee that the Bundeswehr would be more democratic and therefore in tune with the policies of the new West German state. What this study seeks to explore is what the West German population thought of conscription. It will investigate who was for or against the draft and seek to determine the various socioeconomic factors that contributed to these decisions. Furthermore this study will examine the effect that the public opinion had on federal policy.

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3

Gardner, Jocasta. "The public debate about the formulation of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1948-1949". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:22eacfe2-571c-4d8a-a4fa-a13061a47ee4.

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Four years after the end of the National Socialist dictatorship and a disastrous major war, basic rights and democratic government were enshrined in the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany in May 1949. Thus parliamentary democracy was formally and institutionally reintroduced to Western Germany at the Bund level. Successful implantation of democracy, however, requires not only constitutional arrangements but also, and perhaps more importantly, participation on the part of the people in the democratic process. Through analysis of the public involvement in the Basic Law's formulation and the impact of the public debate on the deliberations of the Parliamentary Council between September 1948 and May 1949, the degree of participation of Germans in the three Western zones of occupation, upon which the new West German state could subsequently build, is explored. Initial answers are suggested in chapter II and then developed in subsequent chapters as various contentious topics debated by the Parliamentary Council are examined. Anti-parliamentarianism, the search for a new symbol, newspaper perceptions as a reflection of the reality of interaction between occupier and occupied in the constitution's formulation, and the public debate about the nature and status of the second chamber, about the relationship between God and the Basic Law, and about full equality for women are analysed. The nature and extent of the public debate 1948-1949 make clear that the German population of the Western zones had already begun to think and function in a democratic fashion on the Bund level. This thesis suggests that the creation of an institutional framework, such as the Basic Law, should not be overemphasized at the expense of the developing democratic culture in post-war Western Germany. Without the gradual democratization of the population already well underway when the provisional constitution came into force on 23 May 1949, it is unlikely that the Federal Republic of Germany could have established itself so successfully so quickly.

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4

Schneider, Christoph. "Der Warschauer Kniefall : Ritual, Ereignis und Erzählung /". Konstanz : UVK, 2006. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2755735&prov=M&dokv̲ar=1&doke̲xt=htm.

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5

Sharples, Caroline Louise. "A liberal turn? : war crimes trials and West German public opinion in the 1960s". Thesis, University of Southampton, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.438042.

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6

Elfe, Constantin. "Die deutsch-amerikanischen Beziehungen die Entstehung des Antiamerikanismus durch Aufhebung der eigenen Probleme /". Berlin : [s.n.], 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/37445131.html.

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7

Emons, Thomas. "Das Amerika-Bild der Deutschen 1948 bis 1992 eine mediengeschichtliche Analyse /". Aachen : Shaker, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=3x12AAAAMAAJ.

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Abstract (sommario):

Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Duisburg-Essen, 2004) under the title: Das Amerika-Bild der Westdeutschen in der Zeit des Ost-West-Konfliktes im Spiegel der Wahlkampfkommentierung ausgewählter Tageszeitungen des Ruhrgebietes in den Jahren 1948 bis 1992.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-317).

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8

Baur, Tobias. "Das ungeliebte Erbe : ein Vergleich der zivilen und militärischen Rezeption des 20. Juli 1944 im Westdeutschland der Nachkriegszeit". Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] Lang, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=015598772&linen̲umber=0002&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.

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9

Wainwright, Paul Francis. "Public opinion and nuclear power : a West Cumbrian case study". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1995. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284267.

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This work investigates the factors which might influence public opinion regarding the nuclear power industry, and the accuracy of existing theories about that opinion. West Cumbrian opinion is of particular interest, because the area has the highest concentration of the nuclear power industry in the UK, and might thereby represent a potentially 'nuclear-friendly' area which would contrast with the increasing scepticism reported in the rest of the country, and indeed across much of the industrialised world. The factors which may influence public opinion are analyzed in three ways. Firstly, historical factors are presented in an account of the development of the nuclear power industry. Next, the socio-economic situation and traditions of West Cumbria are examined, in order to assess particular local influences on public opinion. Thirdly, the public relations methods of important local and national groups are examined in the light of public relations theories, in order to assess the ability of such groups to influence public opinion (a new avenue of research related to nuclear power). In order to discover the state of West Cumbrian opinion in 1994, and to assess the impact of the above factors upon that opinion, a survey was conducted using a representative sample of the population of Cockermouth, chosen as a typical Cumbrian town. The scope of questions employed in previous studies was broadened to analyze attitudes towards antinuclear groups as well as towards the industry. Great attention was paid to the methodology of the new survey, the findings of which were analyzed in the light of a comparative analysis of existing research and theories related to West Cumbrian opinion. Local opinion was contrasted with that of a national 'public' consisting of political, environmental and energy orientated organizations. This study confirmed some previously held ideas about public opinion, but also found several differences which suggest flaws in the methodology of previous research. One very important finding was that it is important not to overstate the existence of controversy surrounding the nuclear industry in West Cumbria. Overall, the West Cumbrian population appeared to be relatively nuclear friendly, but not as strongly pro-nuclear as might have been thought. A surprisingly large number of people displayed a lack of knowledge about the subject, and many showed feelings of apathy and alienation. Nuclear power and coal were found to be controversial choices of fuel supply. Wind power received more support and less opposition. Environmental groups were seen to perform a watchdog role, for which they were welcomed in West Cumbria by more people than supported the presence of either BNFL or NIREX. Levels of pOlitical activity amongst local people were low. The particular socio-economic situation in West Cumbria appeared to have had an impact upon local opinion. Support extended to the local industry, and to BNFL in particular, far more than it did to the nuclear industry in general. The insular aspect of West Cumbrian culture has affected attitudes towards those groups perceived as 'outsiders', including the national media and environmental groups. It has also affected attitudes to the industry where public relations campaigns have been targeted at a national rather than a specifically West Cumbrian audience.

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10

Casey, S. "Franklin D Roosevelt, American public opinion and Nazi Germany 1941-1945". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508844.

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11

Peasey, Jeanette Helga. "Public service broadcasting in transition : the example of West Germany". Thesis, University of Bath, 1990. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.256822.

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12

Page, Tracy Christine. "Taste acceptibility and preference of soynut butter in humans". Virtual Press, 2005. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1319551.

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The objective of this research was to determine the acceptability and preference of peanut butter and three different flavors of soynut butter among humans. Six hundred and sixty-two volunteers (401 females, 258 males and 3 unknown) between the ages of 18 and up were randomly asked to fill out a demographic survey and taste 1 tsp. (5.33 g) of three different soynut butters (creamy, creamy with honey, and creamy with chocolate) and 1 tsp. (5.33 g) of peanut butter on saltine crackers. After taste testing the soynut butters/peanut butter, volunteers were asked to rate each product on a 9-point hedonic rating scale based on appearance, texture, and flavor; the subjects were also asked as to whether they would purchase the nut butters. Demographic information such as participants' age, gender, year in school, and ethnicity were collected, along with questions concerning their frequency of exercise, eating and smoking habits, and health status of themselves and their families.The creamy with honey and creamy soynut butters were rated highest by both genders for all variables (i.e., appearance, texture, flavor, purchase). The purchase variable determined statistical significance between females and males. The females indicated by their rating that they would be more likely to purchase the chocolate soynut butter vs. the peanut butter, while the males indicated purchasing preference of peanut butter over the chocolate soynut butter.Given that both creamy with honey and creamy soynut butters were accepted by this population based on appearance, texture, and flavor, future research in this area should focus on soy foods in humans and biochemical parameters, marketing niches, specific ethnic or age preferences, and education of the health benefits of soy.
Department of Family and Consumer Sciences

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13

Wilkinson, Sarah. "Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.

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Abstract (sommario):

This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.

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14

Gurdag, Hande. "The Public Opinion In The Eu On Turkey&#039". Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12610233/index.pdf.

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Abstract (sommario):

The main aim of this thesis is to examine the perspectives of the European public opinion on the issue of Turkish membership to the EU. That way the question whether Turkish accession can be managed in a similar way to that of other enlargements will be better enlightened. This thesis will examine how the general public perspective is shaped or changed in the post Helsinki era. In order to determine the general tendencies of public opinion of EU, on Turkey&rsquo
s accession
three approaches on the issue, British, French and German perspectives, as sample cases will be studied. In order to fully comprehend the subject, arguments and reasons cited against or for Turkish membership in various political parties/campaigns&rsquo
and non-governmental organizations, their reflections in written and visual media and recent opinion polls will be elaborated and compared as well as the official point of view on the matter.

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15

Bennet, Victor Kenneth. "Public opinion and propaganda in national socialist Germany during the war against the Soviet Union /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10371.

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16

Penn, Timothy S. "West Virginia state legislators' opinions of local mass media". Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2000. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=1416.

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Abstract (sommario):

Thesis (M.S.)--West Virginia University, 2000.
Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 44 p. : ill. (some col.) Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 38-40).

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17

Glant, Tibor. "Through the prism of the Habsburg monarchy : Hungary in American diplomacy and public opinion during the First World War". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/74531/.

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This is a study of American attitudes towards Hungary during the First World War. The focus is on the American images of Hungary and of key Hungarian politicians, such as Tisza, Apponyi, Andrassy and Karolyi. The opinions of President Wilson are given special attention both before and during the war. Other prominent Americans discussed include Theodore Roosevelt, various members of Wilson's cabinet (Lansing, Baker, Daniels) as well as his private advisors (Colonel House, Creel, the Inquiry), his Ambassadors (Penfield, Gerard, Stovall) and American intelligence agents. A second set of opinions has been obtained from dismemberment propaganda in America and from the survey of various American daily and weekly newspapers and the Hungarian·American press. Another major theme is the re·evaluation of Wilson's Habsburg diplomacy, which was prompted by new developments in Wilson research on the one hand and by many observations during my studies on the other. It is argued that claims that lansing, dismemberment propaganda and separatist politicians from the Habsburg Monarchy decided Wilson's actions do not hold water: the President made his decisions alone in the Habsburg case in response. to a series of events between April and June 1918. It is also pointed out that despite the growing American involvement in the war the prewar lack of interest in· Hungary was maintained, although the romanticized concept based upon the Kossuth· myth was replaced by another extreme interpretation based upon dismemberment propaganda. The fact that no, American authority decided to obtain a genuine picture of early twentieth century Hungary meant that American policies were based upon cliches and misconceptions, which were also carried into the Peace Conference period. Another thing to remember is the fact that Hungary was part of the Austro·Hungarian Empire during the First World War, which ruled out a separate Hungarian policy on the part of the Wilson administration. To get around this awkward situation the focus of the thesis is constantly shifted between Hungary and the Monarchy, with concentrating on Hungary when and where possible.

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18

Lingnau, Alina. "Public Service Television and Young Audiences in Germany and Sweden : An Explorative Study About Young Audiences’ Opinion about and Use of Television and Public Service Broadcasting". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-77674.

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Abstract (sommario):

In the Swedish and German media landscapes public service broadcasters are well-established. Young people however prefer private channels which leads to a legitimization problem for the public service broadcasters because they do not reach the whole population. When airing popular programmes on the other hand, they are criticized for not being distinguishable from commercial competitors. This problem is intensifying by current technological developments and the need to redefine public service broadcasting. This study investigates the young audiences’ use of and opinion about public service broadcasters against the social and technological background of their media use. Therefore semi-structured interviews were carrying out with Swedish and German adolescents. The findings suggest that even though differences in the two countries’ public service channels are obvious, the young people’s opinion about them are quite similar; they appreciate the high quality news and information programmes but hardly connect the public service channels to entertainment which is the kind of programming they are most interested in and therefore they do not necessarily belong to the young people’s media repertoires. The study illustrates the public service broadcasters’ need to adjust their content more to the audiences’ desires and to more explicitly take young people into account while at the same time sticking to their core competences of high quality informative programmes.

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19

Pfeiffer, Elizabeth J. "The value of education : differing perceptions in a class-divided society". Virtual Press, 2005. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1318936.

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Despite education reform efforts to improve the quality of education in urban lower-income areas, a continued correlation between social status and academic achievement that disproportionately disadvantages those from a lower class background remains. This thesis explores the connection between social class and the meanings placed upon education and presents a number of distinguishing elements that middle class and working-class individual's value about education in a predominantly white working-class urban neighborhood in the Midwest. More specifically, while both middle-class and working-class individuals espoused a value for parent involvement, "caring" or quality teachers, and relevant curriculums, unique schemas and meanings were evoked by each of these elements. For example, the meaning of a "caring" teacher was different for each group as each looked for different attributes as signs or markers of quality.
Department of Anthropology

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20

Cowling, Daniel Luke. "Britain and the Occupation of Germany, 1945-49". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/288547.

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The Allied Occupation of Germany, 1945-49, was intended to transform the war-torn Third Reich into a peaceable nation through a series of far-reaching political, economic, and social reforms. But amid the growing tensions between East and West these radical plans would be significantly altered, culminating in the formation of two German states in 1949. Historians have tended to view the occupation as a backdrop to the nascent Cold War or a transitional period in the history of modern Germany. Yet this thesis suggests that British participation in the Allied occupation was, in fact, much more than simply an exercise in political pragmatism or a contribution to the rebuilding of war-torn Europe. Rather, this undertaking catalysed Britain's political and public confrontation with Nazism, laying some of the most significant and durable foundations of the postwar Anglo-German relationship. This research utilises contemporary mass media sources and official records to explore British images and perceptions of Germany under occupation, scrutinising the interactions of decision-makers, the media, and the public. It begins with an examination of the pervasive culture war that emerged in wartime Britain over the precise interpretation and resolution of the so-called 'German problem'. The thesis then goes on to consider public portrayals of the occupation vis-à-vis the evolution of official policy, beginning in the summer of 1945 when British policymakers responded to popular demands for a 'hard peace' and approved a rigorous programme of denazification, re-education, and demilitarisation. In the coming years, scandals engulfed the public image of the British occupiers, threatening to undermine Britain's claims on 'winning the peace' and even prompting an official public relations campaign. The mass market press led calls for an abrupt end to the occupation, fearing it was undermining the nation's prestige while failing to adequately address the threat still posed by Germany. At around the same time, Britain's political and military leaders reassessed their position in the face of the Cold War, turning towards the reconstruction and rehabilitation of western Germany. By 1949, a clear dichotomy had emerged, with implications reaching far beyond the immediate postwar period: while anxieties over the 'German problem' remained largely intact amongst substantial sections of the British press and public, with many regarding the occupation as an abject failure, policymakers were firmly set on the path towards Anglo-German reconciliation and alliance.

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21

Welch, David. "The Third Reich politics and propaganda /". London : Routledge, 2002. http://site.ebrary.com/id/10205184.

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22

Woo, Lai W. "Australia as other in Singapore's media". Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 1997. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/888.

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Abstract (sommario):

Since the late eighteenth century, the Western observation of the East has been based on shared ontological and epistemological assumptions made by the West of the East as different and as the "Other''. Said's concept of Orientalism revolutionized Western understanding of non-Western cultures by showing how Western projected images shaped the Occidental view of the Orient. Although much has been written about the West's perception of the East as "Other'' (Eg. Said and Schirato), to date, little has been written dealing with the West from, the "Eastern" viewpoint. This thesis will examine the concepts of Orientalism (the perception of the Orient as Other) and Occidentalism, which Yao views as Orientalism in reverse, and apply it to the study of Australian I Singapore relations. It will specifically look at the way in which Australia is reported in Singapore's main English newspaper, The Straits Times. Australian events are perceived to be of importance not only to the Singaporean reader but to Australian/Singapore relations. Although the notion of the "Other" can mean different things to different people., I have chosen, for the purpose of this thesis to use Said's definition, which has to do with Western perception of the East as Other. The principle question that arises from the situation of Othering is, quite simply, why does The Straits Times, and by implication the Singapore government, choose to "Other" Australia in a remarkably consistent manner?

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23

Glossner, Christian Ludwig. "Economy and Democracy: The political communication and public reception of the social market economy in post-war West Germany 1945-1949". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491393.

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This thesis on the economic reconstruction of post-war West Germany traces the development of ideas about economic and socio-political publicity, and their gradual absorption by mainstream politicians, officials and the general public during the period of transition between 1945 and 1949. In those years, several German think tanks, political parties and individuals gave impulse to and then shaped the development of a viable socio-political and economic model between the extremes of laissez-faire capitalism and the collectivist planned economy.

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24

Cavaille, Charlotte. "Demand for Redistribution in the Age of Inequality". Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13065021.

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This dissertation investigates the dynamics of mass attitudes toward redistributive social policies in post-industrial democracies: How have these attitudes changed over time? What factors and mechanisms drive these changes? According to workhorse models in political economy, as inequality increases, support for redistributive social policies should also increase, especially among those most likely to benefit from them. Yet, despite a sharp growth in income inequality in the United States and the United Kingdom since the 1970's, there is no evidence that attitudinal trends match these predictions. Drawing from findings in the behavioral sciences on mental processes of attitude formation and on the role of other-oriented concerns, I argue that political economy's workhorse models perform well only under specific scope conditions. Once these conditions are accounted for, observed trends become less puzzling. First, workhorse models only capture one component of demand for redistribution, namely support for redistribution conceived as taking from the "rich" (redistribution from), and ignore a separate component, support for redistribution conceived as giving to the "poor" (redistribution to). These two facets of redistribution, I argue, prime different individual motives: self-interested income maximization on the one hand, and other-oriented social affinity with welfare beneficiaries on the other, which is shaped by social ranking and non-economic moral dispositions. Second, attitudinal change that matches these models' predictions is conditional on whether elites politicize redistributive issues. The nature and structure of the options available in one's political environment impact the kind of choices citizens make, i.e. the motives that guide attitude formation. I show how elite competition over distinct redistributive agendas increases the likelihood that individuals will translate their economic circumstances into support for, or opposition to, redistribution. Through a context-sensitive analysis of longitudinal survey data, I show how most of the action in the UK and the US has happened through other-oriented motives. The decline in the predictive power of income in these countries, has been mirrored in both countries by an increase in the predictive power of moral values. Differences in the choice sets provided by elite-level electoral competition help explain how this plays out differently on each side of the Atlantic.

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25

Morris, Julie. "Quantitative evaluation of a boater education program for manatee protection". Connect to this title online, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0002859.

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26

McPherson, Michael W. "Study of the attitudes of educational leaders in West Virginia toward collective bargaining and selected demographic variables". Diss., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/49831.

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27

Schöller, Oliver. "Die Blockstruktur : eine qualitative Untersuchung zur politischen Ökonomie des westdeutschen Großsiedlungsbaus /". Berlin : Schiler, 2005. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0711/2006436380.html.

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28

Krumland, Daniela. "Beitrag der Medien zum politischen Erfolg : Forstwirtschaft und Naturschutz im Politikfeld Wald /". Frankfurt a.M. [u.a.] : Lang, 2004. http://www.gbv.de/dms/goettingen/381908437.pdf.

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29

Schöller, Oliver. "Die Blockstruktur : eine qualitative Untersuchung zur politischen Ökonomie des westdeutschen Grosssiedlungsbaus /". Berlin : Schiler, 2005. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0711/2006436380.html.

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30

Möttönen, Julia. "A Tool to Turn the Trends? : A study of popular Euroscepticism in relation to structural aid from the EU". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90846.

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Abstract (sommario):

This thesis examines the impact structural aid from the EU has on popular Euroscepticism – a set of critical public opinions that has been on the rise during the last decades. The study is done by operationalising both instrumental and political Euroscepticism. Through a statistical method with regression analyses, structural aid is tested as an independent variable explaining Euroscepticism using data from the European Social Survey. Other factors on individual level, values/culture and socioeconomic conditions are added to the analyses together with contextual factors on country level. The results show that structural aid in less developed regions manage to mitigate Euroscepticism, especially in Western Europe. This suggests that the EU has a tool to shape the public opinions while it addresses regional disparities, and that popular Euroscepticism is shaped both by economic mechanisms and individual values/cultural factors.

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31

Zoch, Gundula [Verfasser], Sandra [Akademischer Betreuer] Buchholz, Pia S. [Akademischer Betreuer] Schober e Michael [Akademischer Betreuer] Gebel. "Expanding Public Childcare Services for Under-threes. An Empirical Investigation of Maternal Employment and Gender Ideologies in East and West Germany / Gundula Zoch ; Sandra Buchholz, Pia S. Schober, Michael Gebel". Bamberg : Otto-Friedrich-Universität Bamberg, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1162133619/34.

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32

Heine, Sophie. "Les résistances à l'intégration européenne en France et en Allemagne: une analyse des idéologies sous-tendant les critiques de gauche contre le Traité constitutionnel européen". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210553.

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Abstract (sommario):

Cette thèse constitue une analyse de contenu des critiques contre l'Union européenne exprimées par plusieurs acteurs politiques et sociaux de gauche en France et en Allemagne, au cours des débats sur le projet de Constitution européenne. Elle s'intéresse plus particulièrement aux idéologies sous-jacentes à ces critiques. Pour comprendre le sens de ces arguments, les comparer entre eux et les classer, certains idéaux-types ont été élaborés sur quatre dimensions (politique, socio-économique, identitaire et stratégique). Cette recherche a permis de combler une lacune importante dans l'analyse des acteurs dits "eurosceptiques", à savoir, l'étude des idéologies animant ces courants. L'essentiel de la littérature se concentre en effet surtout sur l'explication de l'euroscepticisme et, lorsqu'elle aborde leur idéologie, c'est pour construire des taxinomies excessivement globales. La thèse explore aussi en conclusion certaines pistes d'explications de ces résistances à l'UE en essayant d'aller au-delà des visions stratégiques, culturalistes et institutionnalistes, dominantes dans ce domaine, et en insistant davantage sur les dimensions idéelles et structurelles.

//

This doctoral dissertation analyses the content of the critiques made by some left-wing social and political actors in France and Germany against the current EU. The study focuses on the debates that surrounded the project of European Constitution and more specifically on the more general ideologies underlying these arguments. In order to understand, compare and classify these critiques, idealtypes have been elaborated on four dimensions (socio-economic, political, identity-related and strategic). This research fills a gap in the literature analysing so-called "eurosceptic" actors by concentrating on the ideas conveyed by these currents. Indeed, most of this literature mostly tries to explain this phenomenon. And when it addresses the issue of ideology, it is only to build too far-reaching categories. The conclusion also aims at exploring possible explanations of theses resistances to the EU beyond the traditional theories, based on strategic agency, culturalism and institutionalism, and insisting more on the role of ideas and material structures.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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O'Gorman, Aoife Siobhán. "Wissenschaft at war : British and German academic propaganda and the Great War". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0fd95e59-568d-48e4-8b72-302757436f84.

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This thesis explores academic propaganda in the first two years of the First World War, examining the activity of the university men in Britain and Germany who were left behind when their students went to the Front. Using pamphlets and manifestoes, it seeks to highlight the way the War split the international academic community and the creation of a debate which examined not only the causes of the War, but the reasons for which the nations were fighting. By exploring the propaganda organisations of both countries, as well as the academic milieu in which the subjects of this thesis worked, it hopes to provide the context within which this propaganda was created, before turning to an examination of the content of the propaganda - an aspect which has often been overlooked in propaganda studies. The investigation of the content looks first at the outbreak of war and the reaction of the academic community to a shock which shook their community. It then turns to the arguments expounded on culpability for the War, and the ideals for which each side felt they were fighting, illustrating the shift in emphasis from a political war to an ideological conflict between two opposing world views. Finally, the thesis considers perceptions of the War in the early years of the conflict, and the way in which it was seen both as a panacea to overcome social divisions and a catharsis which would lead the way to a new world - ideas which would provide the foundation for later war aims. In taking this comparative approach, the aim is to provide new insights into a fascinating and relatively little-known aspect of the history of the First World War.

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Bonte, Achim. "Werbung für Weimar?" Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2013. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-105392.

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Das Werk ist die leicht überarbeitete Fassung der Dissertation, die 1995 mit dem Titel "Kommunalverwaltung und Verfassungswandel. Öffentlichkeitsarbeit von Großstadtverwaltungen in der Weimarer Republik" eingereicht wurde. Die Studie beschäftigt sich mit der nach der Revolution von 1918/19 erstmals breit institutionalisierten großstädtischen Öffentlichkeitsarbeit. Sie untersucht Umfang, Medieneinsatz und Kommunikationsstile sowie die zentralen Botschaften der Rathausinitiativen. Der Leser erhält Aufschluß über die politischen Auffassungen und Prinzipien der kommunalen Spitzenbeamten und die Haltung der großen Kommunalverwaltungen zur Weimarer Republik. Als konkrete Beispiele werden in erster Linie Düsseldorf und Mannheim herangezogen.

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Cassell, Brooke Alyce. "Assessing the Effects of Climate Change and Fuel Treatments on Forest Dynamics and Wildfire in Dry Mixed-Conifer Forests of the Inland West| Linking Landscape and Social Perspectives". Thesis, Portland State University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10748887.

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Over the past century in the western United States, warming has produced larger and more severe wildfires than previously recorded. General circulation models and their ensembles project continued increases in temperature and the proportion of precipitation falling as rain. Warmer and wetter conditions may change forest successional trajectories by modifying rates of vegetation establishment, competition, growth, reproduction, and mortality. Many questions remain regarding how these changes will occur across landscapes and how disturbances, such as wildfire, may interact with changes to climate and vegetation. Forest management is used to proactively modify forest structure and composition to improve fire resilience. Yet, research is needed to assess how to best utilize mechanical fuel reduction and prescribed fire at the landscape scale. Human communities also exist within these landscapes, and decisions regarding how to manage forests must carefully consider how management will affect such communities.

In this work, I analyzed three aspects of forest management at large spatiotemporal scales: (1) climate effects on forest composition and wildfire activity; (2) efficacy of fuel management strategies toward reducing wildfire spread and severity; and, (3) local resident perspectives on forest management. Using a forest landscape model, simulations of forest dynamics were used to investigate relationships among climate, wildfire, and topography with long-term changes in biomass for a fire-prone dry-conifer landscape in eastern Oregon, United States. I compared the effectiveness of fuel treatment strategies for reducing wildfire under both contemporary and extreme weather. Fuel treatment scenarios included “business as usual” and strategies that increased the area treated with harvest and prescribed fire, and all strategies were compared by distributing them across the landscape and by concentrating them in areas at the greatest risk for high-severity wildfire. To investigate local community preferences for forest management, I used focus groups, interviews, and questionnaires. Through open-ended questions and a public participation geographic information systems (PPGIS) mapping exercise, local residents expressed their views on fuels reduction treatments by commercial and non-commercial harvest and prescribed fire. Emergent themes were used to inform alternative management scenarios to explore the usefulness of using PPGIS to generate modeling inputs. Scenarios ranged from restoration-only treatments to short-rotation commercial harvest.

Under climate change, wildfire was more frequent, more expansive, and more severe, and ponderosa pine expanded its range into existing shrublands and high-elevation zones. There was a near-complete loss of native high-elevation tree species, such as Engelmann spruce and whitebark pine. Loss of these species were most strongly linked to burn frequency; this effect was greatest at high elevations and on steep slopes.

Fuel reduction was effective at reducing wildfire spread and severity compared to unmanaged landscapes. Spatially optimizing mechanical removal of trees in areas at risk for high-severity wildfire was equally effective as distributing tree removal across the landscape. Tripling the annual area of prescribed burns was needed to affect landscape-level wildfire spread and severity, and distributing prescribed burns across the study area was more effective than concentrating fires in high-risk areas.

Focus group participants generally approved of all types of forest management and agreed that all areas should be managed with the “appropriate” type of treatment for each forest stand, and that decisions about management should be made by “experts.” However, there was disagreement related to who the “experts” are and how much public input should be included in the decision making process. Degree of trust in land management agencies contributed to polarized views about who the primary decision makers and what the focus of management should be. While most participants agreed that prescribed fire was a useful tool for preventing wildfire spread and severity, many expressed reservations about its use.

I conclude that forest management can be used to reduce wildfire activity in dry-mixed conifer forests and that spatially optimizing mechanical treatments in high-risk areas can be a useful tool for reducing the cost and ecological impact associated with harvest operations. While reducing the severity and spread of wildfire may slow some long-term species shifts, high sub-alpine tree mortality occurred under all climate and fuel treatment scenarios. Thus, while forest management may prolong the existence of sub-alpine forests, shifts in temperature, precipitation, and wildfire may overtake management within this century. The use of PPGIS was useful for delineating the range of forest management preferences within the local community, for identifying areas of agreement among residents who have otherwise polarized views, and for generating modeling inputs that reflect views that may not be obtained through extant official channels for public participation. Because the local community has concerns about the use of prescribed fire, more education and outreach is needed. This may increase public acceptance of the amounts of prescribed fire needed to modify wildfire trajectories under future climate conditions.

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Bowden, Robin L. "Diagnosing Nazism U.S. perceptions of National Socialism, 1920-1933 /". [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247588433.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009-07-14.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 5, 2010). Advisor: Mary Ann Heiss. Keywords: Foreign Relations; United States; Germany; Weimar Republic; Hitler, Adolf; National Socialism; Nazis; U.S. State Department; Houghton, Alanson; Schurman, Jacob Gould; Sackett, Frederic; Murphy, Robert; Smith, Truman; 1920s; 1930s; Interwar Period; America. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-335).

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37

Bonte, Achim. "Werbung für Weimar?: Öffentlichkeitsarbeit von Großstadtverwaltungen in der Weimarer Republik". Palatium-Verlag, 1997. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A2837.

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Das Werk ist die leicht überarbeitete Fassung der Dissertation, die 1995 mit dem Titel 'Kommunalverwaltung und Verfassungswandel. Öffentlichkeitsarbeit von Großstadtverwaltungen in der Weimarer Republik' eingereicht wurde. Die Studie beschäftigt sich mit der nach der Revolution von 1918/19 erstmals breit institutionalisierten großstädtischen Öffentlichkeitsarbeit. Sie untersucht Umfang, Medieneinsatz und Kommunikationsstile sowie die zentralen Botschaften der Rathausinitiativen. Der Leser erhält Aufschluß über die politischen Auffassungen und Prinzipien der kommunalen Spitzenbeamten und die Haltung der großen Kommunalverwaltungen zur Weimarer Republik. Als konkrete Beispiele werden in erster Linie Düsseldorf und Mannheim herangezogen.:Vorwort S. 7 I Einleitung S. 9 II Die Aufgaben und Ausgangsbedingungen großstädtischer Öffentlichkeitsarbeit in der Weimarer Republik S. 23 III Zeitgenössische Entwürfe und Erscheinungsformen kommunaler Öffentlichkeitsarbeit S. 41 1 Die Entwicklung der materiellen Voraussetzungen S. 41 1.1 Die Institutionen S. 41 1.1.1 Die städtischen Pressestellen (1906-1933) S. 41 1.1.2 Die 'Arbeitsgemeinschaft städtischer Nachrichten und Presseämter' (1921-1932) S. 50 1.1.3 Das Engagement des Deutschen Städtetages (1928-1933) S. 56 1.2 Das Fachpersonal S. 62 1.3 Die Medien S. 67 1.3.1 Wegbereiter und Widerpart: Die Privatpresse S. 67 1.3.2 Bewährungs- und Schlüsselstunden: Öffentliche Rede S. 71 1.3.3 Wirksame 'Sprachrohre'? Kommunale Zeitschriften S. 77 1.3.4 Die neuen Medien als Königsweg? Filme und Hörfunksendungen S. 87 1.3.5 Multimediale Verdichtungen: Städtische Ausstellungen, Fest- und Gedenktage S. 95 2 Die Bewertung der Aufgaben S. 10 2.1 Der Grundkonflikt: 'reine Information' versus politische Meinungsbildung S. 103 2.2 Die Inhalte der Meinungsbildung S. 111 3 Kennzeichen der Kommunikationswege S. 118 3.1 Sprachliche Kommunikation S. 118 3.2 Politische Symbolik und symbolische Politik S. 127 4 Zusammenfassung S. 138 IV Lokale Gesamtansichten - Kommunale Öffentlichkeitsarbeit in Düsseldorf und Mannheim S. 143 1 Die Städteprofile S. 143 2 Die Oberbürgermeister und ihre Mitarbeiter S. 161 3 Organisation, Stellenwert und Zielkonzepte von Öffentlichkeitsarbeit S. 179 4 Grundsignaturen der praktizierten Öffentlichkeitsarbeit S. 201 4.1 'Arbeiten und nicht verzweifeln!': Durchhalteappelle und politische Verwirrung in der Amtszeit Köttgens 1919-1923 S. 201 4.2 Wer bürgt für die Zukunft? Mutlosigkeit und politischer Stillstand in der Ära Kutzer 1918-1928 S. 206 4.3 „Düsseldorf wieder dem Licht entgegen!': Zivilisatorischer Fortschritt und politischer Rückmarsch bei Robert Lehr 1924-1929 S. 219 4.4 Unterwegs zur 'lebendigen Stadt': Aufbruchsstimmung und politischer Neuansatz bei Hermann Heimerich 1928/29 S. 234 4.5 Bankrott der neuen Zeiten: Heimerich und Lehr in der Wirtschafts- und Staatskrise 1930-1933 S. 245 5 Indikatoren und Elemente von Politischer Kultur S. 267 5.1 Die politischen Sprachen und Symbole S. 267 5.2 Alte und neue Kräfte oder die Spannung zwischen Ordnung und Freiheit S. 272 5.2.1 Elite und 'Masse' S. 274 5.2.2 Stadtverwaltung, Parteien und Parteienparlament S. 280 5.3 Geschichtsdeutungen und Zukunftsvisionen S. 283 5.3.1 Der Weltkrieg S. 283 5.3.2 Die deutsch-französischen Beziehungen S. 288 V Schluss S. 295 Abkürzungsverzeichnis S. 301 Verzeichnis der Tabellen und Abbildungen S. 303 Quellen- und Literaturverzeichnis S. 305 Personen- und Ortsregister S. 327

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38

Crossland, John. "Border crossings : investigating the comparability of case management in a service for older people in Berlin". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/38640/.

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Case management, a coordinating process designed to align service provision more closely to the identified needs of people requiring assistance in the context of complex care systems, is an example of those policies and practices that cross the borders of different national welfare systems, ostensibly to resolve the same or similar problems in the adopting country. Developed in the USA, case management was re-named 'care management' upon adoption in the UK as part of the community care reforms of the early 1990s, reforms which have framed my professional life in English local authority adult social care services ever since. In 2007, a temporary research fellowship (TH Marshall Fellowship, London School of Economics) enabled me to spend four months in Berlin studying a citywide case management service for older people in the context of German long-term care policy and legislation. This experience sits at the core of this thesis which addresses the extent to which the study of a specific case management service for older people in Berlin can illuminate how case management translates across differing national welfare contexts, taking into account the particular methodological challenges of cross-national research. Drawing on both cross-national social policy and translation studies literatures and adopting a multi-method case study approach, the central problems of determining similarity and difference, equivalence and translation form the core of the thesis. Informed by a realist understanding of the social world, the study took a naturalistic turn in situ that fore-grounded the more ethnographic elements in the mix of documentary research, semi-participant observation and meetings with key informants that formed my data sources and were recorded in extensive field notes. The data were analysed to trace how case management was constructed locally in relation to both state and federal level policy and legislation, and then comparatively re-examined in the context of the key methodological problems identified above in relation to understandings of care management in England as reported in the literature, in order to further explore the question of comparability of case management across different welfare contexts. The research clearly demonstrates how institutional context both shaped and constrained the adoption of case management in Berlin, and highlights a need in comparative research for close contextual examination of the apparently similar, with a focus on functionally equivalent mechanisms, to determine the extent to which case management can be said to be similar or different in different contexts, particularly where English words and expressions are directly absorbed into the local language. Relating the case study to findings from earlier studies of care management in England highlights the extent to which care management in England is itself a locally shaped and contextualised variant of case management as developed in the USA that matches poorly to the variant in Berlin. Indeed problems discovered in the research site constructing definitional boundaries for case management in practice mirror issues in the wider literature and raise questions about the specificity of the original concept itself. Nonetheless, the study shows that, despite the multiple asymmetries of equivalence and difficulties of translation, there are sufficient points of similarity for cautious potential lessons to be drawn from Berlin, particularly with regards to policy changes on the horizon in England, but also in the other direction with regards to how case management in Berlin may also be re-shaped following recent reforms to German long-term care legislation.

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Soro, Pamatchin Sylvia-Ghislaine. "L'exigence de conciliation de la liberté d'opinion avec l'ordre public sécuritaire en Afrique subsaharienne francophone (Bénin-Côte d'Ivoire-Sénégal) à la lumière des grandes démocraties contemporaines (Allemagne-France)". Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0026/document.

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Le renouveau du constitutionnalisme amorcé dans les années 1990 en Afrique subsaharienne francophone et la menace sécuritaire grandissante à travers le monde réorientent la problématique des rapports qu’entretient la liberté d’opinion avec l’ordre public sécuritaire. La reconnaissance constitutionnelle de la liberté d’opinion exige que l’exercice de cette liberté se fasse dans le respect de l’ordre public matériel, avec au coeur de cet ordre juridicisé, la sécurité des personnes, des biens et du territoire national par extension. Cette reconnaissance impose de s’interroger sur la conciliation de la liberté d’opinion avec l’ordre public sécuritaire en Afrique subsaharienne francophone (Bénin- Côte d’Ivoire-Sénégal) à la lumière de l’expérience des grandes démocraties contemporaines (Allemagne-France). Dans la présente recherche, l’exigence de conciliation s’appuie sur des fondements constitutionnels et son respect doit être assuré par un ensemble de garanties juridiques. Cependant, la conciliation trouve ses limites dans les contingences politiques, économiques et sociales propres aux États de l’Afrique subsaharienne francophone. En effet, dans des pays où l’État de droit est en gestation,la conciliation de deux normes de valeur constitutionnelle est incertaine, surtout lorsque l’une d’entre elle, la liberté d’opinion, peut être mise en oeuvre contre le pouvoir politique tandis que l’autre, l’ordre public sécuritaire, peut lui servir de prétexte pour limiter l’exercice de cette liberté. La réflexion invite in fine à repenser la conciliation de la liberté d’opinion avec l’ordre public sécuritaire comme un nouveau principe constitutionnel en Afrique subsaharienne francophone
The renewal of constitutionalism, initiated in the 1990’s in francophone sub-Saharan Africa,and the worldwide growing security threat reorient the issue of the relationships between freedom of opinion and public security order. The constitutional recognition of freedom of opinion requires that the exercise of this freedom be done according to substantive public policy, with, at the heart of this legalised policy, the safety of people, property and, by extension, national territory. This recognition demands that we question the conciliation of freedom of opinion with public security order in francophone sub-Saharan Africa (Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Senegal) in the light of the experience of great contemporary democracies (Germany, France). In this research, constitutional grounds support the conciliation requirement and its respect must be ensured by legal guarantees. However, conciliation finds its limits in the political, economic and social contingencies specific to the francophone sub-Saharan States of Africa. Indeed, in these countries where the rule of law is building up, the conciliation of two constitutional standards is uncertain, especially when one of them, freedom of opinion, can threaten political power whereas the other one, public security order, can become an excuse to limit the exercise of this freedom. The essay invites in fine to reconsider the conciliation of freedom of opinion with public security order as a new constitutional principle in francophone sub-Saharan Africa

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40

Soria, Charlotte. "Le Premier Mai, lieu et temps de la fabrique sociale de la "Communauté du peuple" nationale socialiste (1933-1939)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022SORUL086.

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Le 1er mai, fête éminemment politique du mouvement ouvrier socialiste et devenue avec la célébration du 1er mai 1933 une fête officielle du régime national-socialiste, une incarnation de son projet social communautaire, la "Volksgemeinschaft". Mais ces rituels politiques ont-ils réellement contribué à fabriquer un ordre social ou n’étaient-ils que le reflet trompeur de la communication du régime ? De fait, la journée du 1er mai - jour férié et journée festive depuis 1933/34 - était un dispositif de pouvoir(s), d’inclusion et d’exclusion, qui visait à cette fabrique sociale par des fêtes politiques et officielles mais aussi par le développement d’activités de loisirs au sein des entreprises. Elle contribua alors à l’émergence d’un nouvel ordre social, inégalitaire et raciste par des mécanismes classiques d’inclusion et d’exclusion voire d’ascension sociale au profit des >Volksgenossen< et >Volksgenossinnen< ainsi définis, non seulement par la contrainte mais aussi dans un processus constant de négociations. Le dispositif festif et médiatique eut en effet des résultats décevants, les organisateurs (Joseph Goebbels) ne réussissant pas réussi à implanter au cœur de la société allemande le modèle de mobilisation partisan hérité du NSDAP. Aussi, s’ajouta à ce modèle mis en valeur tout particulièrement dans les médias, la création de droits sociaux nouveaux, le droit aux congés - assuré par ce jour férié entre autres - le droit aux loisirs et au tourisme, ainsi qu'un accès à la consommation de « services communautaires » dont les soirées festives organisées partout au profit du DAF de Robert Ley. Dans un même mouvement, de ces droits « communautaires » furent exclus, difficilement les Allemands juifs. Par cette exclusion, la « Communauté du Peuple » fut alors clairement délimitée, tandis que son sens resta sujet à débat entre "Communauté de l’action » par la participation, « Communauté de l’effort » par des processus de distinction, mais aussi "Communauté des loisirs"
May Day, an eminently political holiday of the socialist workers' movement, became with the celebration of May Day 1933 an official holiday of the National Socialist regime, an embodiment of its social community project, the "Volksgemeinschaft". But did these political rituals really contribute to the creation of a social order or were they merely a deceptive reflection of the regime's communication? In fact, May Day - a public holiday and festive day since 1933/34 - was a device of power(s), of inclusion and exclusion, which aimed at this social fabrication through political and official celebrations but also through the development of leisure activities within enterprises. It contributed to the emergence of a new, unequal and racist social order through classical mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion or even social ascension for the benefit of the >Volksgenossen< and >Volksgenossinnen< thus defined, not only through coercion but also in a constant process of negotiation. The festive and media arrangements had disappointing results, as the organisers (Joseph Goebbels) did not succeed in implanting the partisan mobilisation model inherited from the NSDAP in the heart of German society. In addition to this model, which was particularly highlighted in the media, new social rights were created: the right to holidays - guaranteed by this public holiday, among others - the right to leisure and tourism, as well as access to the consumption of "community services", including the festive evenings organised everywhere for the benefit of Robert Ley's DAF. At the same time, Jewish Germans were excluded from these "community" rights with difficulty. This exclusion clearly defined the "People's Community", while its meaning remained open to debate between "Community of action" through participation, "Community of effort" through processes of distinction, and "Community of leisure"

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41

MAK, Jeannette. "Selling Europe: communicating symbols or symbolic communication? The role of the European Commission and the Dutch and German national governments in achieving public acceptance of the Euro". Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5296.

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Defence date: 15 April 2002
Examining board: Prof. Michelle Cini, University of Bristol, United Kingdom ; Prof. Adrienne Héritier, EUI, San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy ; Prof. Brigid Laffan, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland ; Prof. Thomas Risse, EUI, San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy (supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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LESSMANN, Sabine. "Electoral politics as determinants of policy outputs : an empirical investigation of the West German case". Doctoral thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5270.

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VERDUN, Amy. "Europe's struggle with the global political economy : a study of how EMU is perceived by actors in the policy-making process in Britain, France and Germany". Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5419.

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Defence date: 8 December 1995
Examining board: Prof. Gerd Junne (University of Amsterdam) ; Prof. Roger Morgan, supervisor (European University Institute) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter (Stanford University) ; Prof. Susan Strange, co-supervisor (University of Warwick) ; Prof. Niels Thygesen (University of Copenhagen)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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Shields, Alexander Gordon. "Public attitudes towards European integration in Germany and Britain, 1973-1995 /". 2001. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=009684838&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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45

Ogren, Kimberly. "An investigation and analysis of the incentives and disincentives for conflict prevention and mitigation in the Bureau of Reclamation's water management". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/30150.

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This study addresses the question: "What are the incentives and disincentives for conflict prevention and mitigation in the Bureau of Reclamation (Reclamation), and how do they factor into Reclamation's management of water in the western United States?" Incentives and disincentives for conflict prevention (i.e., actions taken to avoid conflict) and mitigation (i.e., actions taken to resolve, manage, or temper a conflictive situation after conflict has occurred) are identified through a survey and focus groups of Reclamation employees. The two dominant disincentives identified are a lack of resources and Reclamation's organizational culture--specifically its reliance on crisis management, water delivery tunnel vision, and being slow to change. Other disincentives include a lack of forward planning, the existence of an acceptable bandwidth or level of conflict, a perception that conflict is unavoidable or entrenched, politics, and limits on acceptable actions associated with the legal authorization of Reclamation projects. Fewer incentives for conflict prevention and mitigation were identified, but include, pressure from higher management, the promotion of collaboration within the Bureau, and a desire to avoid litigation. The institutional analysis and development (IAD) framework offers some insight into how these incentives and disincentives factored into the implementation of the Water2025 Initiative, and Reclamation’s experience with the Middle Rio Grande silvery minnow and the Endangered Species Act. As attributes of the community and rules-in-use, incentives and disincentives such as organizational culture, politics, funding availability, the desire to avoid litigation, the promotion of collaboration within the agency, and a lack of planning effort offer possible explanations of why Reclamation chose to act as it did.
Graduation date: 2012

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46

Modise, Keneilwe Cynthia. "The experiences of community members regarding their participation in hospital boards in Dr Kenneth Kaunda District, North West Province". Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20289.

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Text in English
The purpose of this study was to explore and describe the experiences of community members regarding their participation in hospital boards in Dr Kenneth Kaunda district, North West Province. A qualitative exploratory-descriptive research was conducted on a purposively selected sample of community members who served in the board for a minimum period of two years. Data were collected by means of individual interviews and analysed by means of thematic data analysis. Three themes that emerged from data analysis were creation of opportunities, benefits and challenges. A mix of positive and negative experiences was expressed by community representatives regarding their participation in hospital boards. Participants described their experiences as enjoyable and empowering while others described it as a learning experience through which they acquired knowledge and new skills. The challenges experienced whilst serving in hospital boards included ineffective communication, poor relations and role conflict as a result of lack of role clarification. The findings from the study may be used to enhance the effectiveness of hospital governing boards through the participation of community members.
Health Studies
M.A. (Public Health)

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47

Racine, Rosalie. "Confronter les crimes nazis : les procès militaires alliés et l'opinion publique en Allemagne occupée". Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/25462.

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Ce mémoire de maîtrise analyse les liens entre les premiers procès militaires alliés en Allemagne occupée et l’opinion publique allemande dans l’après-guerre immédiat. Notre mémoire de maîtrise, à travers la présentation de l’analyse du procès de Belsen, organisé par les forces d’occupation britanniques de septembre à novembre 1945, et du procès de Dachau, tenu par le gouvernement militaire américain entre novembre et décembre 1945, cherche à mettre en lumière l’importance que ces derniers revêtaient dans l’établissement de relations cordiales entre occupants et occupés. Ce mémoire démontre donc, par les exemples de Belsen et Dachau, que les procès se situaient à la croisée entre le besoin des Alliés d’établir des relations positives avec les Allemands et leurs programmes de dénazification et de rééducation. Nous remarquons ainsi que, des premières étapes dans l’organisation de ces tribunaux jusqu’à leur achèvement, les Alliés ont pris en considération les différentes réactions des Allemands face aux procédures judiciaires : d’abord, avec l’ancrage des accusations et des procédures judiciaires dans une législation internationale qui précédait le début de la guerre, puis avec l’autorisation d’une défense pour les accusés qui permettait aux Alliés de revendiquer une autorité morale sur leur zone d’occupation. Ce mémoire de maîtrise, en plus d’examiner les procès d’après-guerre et leurs objectifs, propose également une analyse de la couverture journalistique de ces tribunaux et des sondages d’opinion publique menés après les procédures judiciaires. Notre étude établit ainsi que la couverture journalistique des procès était, souvent, une des premières fois où les Allemands se trouvaient confrontés aux atrocités commises dans les camps de concentration nazis. Finalement, avec l’analyse des sondages d’opinion publique, nous argumentons que les procès, en tant qu’outil politique, ont eu un succès mitigé dans l’établissement de relations positives entre les forces d’occupation britanniques et américaines et les Allemands.
This masters’ thesis analyses the connections between the first allied military trials held in postwar Germany and German public opinion toward the British and American occupation forces. Focused on the Belsen trial, held in the British occupation zone from September to November 1945, and the Dachau trial, held by the American military government in the U.S. occupation zone between November and December 1945, this study seeks to highlight the importance both trials held for the British and the Americans in establishing positive relations with the Germans. Using Belsen and Dachau as case studies, it argues that, while they were essential to British and American denazification and re-education programs, they also had to be conducted in a manner that ensured the best possible relationship the German public and the occupation forces in both the American and British occupation zones. I demonstrate that, from the initial steps implemented to set up the trials through their conclusion, both powers took German concerns and reactions to the judiciary procedures into account: first by anchoring the charges and the trials themselves in international law preceding the Second World War; then by providing the right to a defense to the accused. Both factors, the Allies believed, allowed them to claim a moral authority over their occupation zone. The memoir’s examination of the trials and their purpose is complimented by an analysis of the press coverage of the trials and public opinion surveys taken after the trials. This study states that the press coverage was oftentimes one the first instances in which Germans were confronted to the atrocities committed in the concentration camps. Finally, this study argues that, as a part of larger programs, the trials had a limited success as a tool to implement positive relations between the British and American occupation forces and the German population.

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Bousmaha, Farah. "The impact of the negative perception of Islam in the Western media and culture from 9/11 to the Arab Spring". Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5677.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
While the Arab spring succeeded in ousting the long-term dictator led governments from power in many Arab countries, leading the way to a new democratic process to develop in the Arab world, it did not end the old suspicions between Arab Muslims and the West. This research investigates the beginning of the relations between the Arab Muslims and the West as they have developed over time, and then focuses its analysis on perceptions from both sides beginning with 9/11 through the events known as the Arab spring. The framework for analysis is a communication perspective, as embodied in the Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM). According to CMM, communication can be understood as forms of interactions that both constitute and frame reality. The study posits the analysis that the current Arab Muslim-West divide, is often a conversation that is consistent with what CMM labels as the ethnocentric pattern. This analysis will suggest a new pathway, one that follows the CMM cosmopolitan form, as a more fruitful pattern for the future of Arab Muslim-West relations. This research emphasizes the factors fueling this ethnocentric pattern, in addition to ways of bringing the Islamic world and the West to understand each other with a more cosmopolitan approach, which, among other things, accepts mutual differences while fostering agreements. To reach this core, the study will apply a direct communicative engagement between the Islamic world and the West to foster trusted relations, between the two.

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Tesi sul tema "Public opinion – germany (west)"

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