Libri: "Public Employees' Strike"

1

White, Jerry Patrick. Hospital strike: Women, unions, and public sector conflict. Toronto: Thompson Educational Pub., 1990.

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2

author, Malila Ikanyeng, a cura di. The 2011 BOFEPUSU strike: A story of the fight for restoration of workers purchasing power. Cape Town, South Africa: Centre for Advanced Studies of African Society, 2014.

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3

Watts, Tim J. Public employees and collective bargaining: A selective bibliography. Monticello, Ill., USA: Vance Bibliographies, 1987.

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4

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Public Works and Transportation. Striker Protection Act: Report together with minority views (to accompany H.R. 5 ... was referred jointly to the Committee on Education and Labor, and Committee on Energy and Commerce, and the Committee on Public Works and Transportation) (including cost estimate of the Congressional Budget Office). [Washington, D.C.?: U.S. G.P.O., 1991.

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5

Aviation, United States Congress House Committee on Public Works and Transportation Subcommittee on. To amend the National Labor Relations Act and Railway Labor Act to prevent discrimination based on participation in labor disputes: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Aviation of the Committee on Public Works and Transportation, House of Representatives, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, on H.R. 5 ... May 5, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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6

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Public Works and Transportation. Subcommittee on Aviation. To amend the National Labor Relations Act and Railway Labor Act to prevent discrimination based on participation in labor disputes: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Aviation of the Committee on Public Works and Transportation, House of Representatives, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, on H.R. 5 ... May 5, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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7

Labor, United States Congress House Committee on Education and. Workplace Fairness Act: Report together with minority, separate, supplemental, and additional views (to accompany H.R. 5 ... was referred jointly to the Committee on Education and Labor, the Committee on Energy and Commerce, and the Committee on Public Works and Transportation) (including cost estimate of the Congressional Budget Office). [Washington, D.C.?: U.S. G.P.O., 1991.

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8

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Energy and Commerce. Discrimination based on participation in labor disputes : report together with minority views (to accompany H.R. 5 ... was referred jointly to the Committee on Education and Labor, the Committee on Energy and Commerce, and the Committee on Public Works and Transportation) (including cost estimate of the Congressional Budget Office). [Washington, D.C.?: U.S. G.P.O., 1991.

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9

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Energy and Commerce. Discrimination based on participation in labor disputes : report together with minority views (to accompany H.R. 5 ... was referred jointly to the Committee on Education and Labor, the Committee on Energy and Commerce, and the Committee on Public Works and Transportation) (including cost estimate of the Congressional Budget Office). [Washington, D.C.?: U.S. G.P.O., 1991.

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10

United States. Congressional Advisory Board. Report to the 99th Congress of the United States, second session: Submitted pursuant to House Joint Resolution 683, Public Law 99-385. Washington, D.C: The Board, 1986.

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11

Connell, Tula A. Public Interest vs. Public Employees. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039904.003.0008.

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This chapter highlights the city's contentious debate over the right of public employees to bargain, strike, and otherwise enjoy the same economic and workplace rights as unionized private-sector workers. As the numbers of public employees increased throughout the decade, both blue-and white-collar city workers increasingly asserted their rights. Their efforts raised questions anew about the role of government and the extent to which workers should have control over their working conditions. The concerted push for public-employee bargaining rights that began in Milwaukee ultimately resulted in Wisconsin becoming the first state to adopt collective bargaining for public employees. Yet municipal workers unexpectedly encountered some of their strongest opposition in City Hall, where the mayor and some liberal members of the Milwaukee Common Council proved unlikely opponents.

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12

Lichtenstein, Nelson. Bashing Public Employees and Their Unions. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037856.003.0015.

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This chapter considers the idea of governmental “sovereignty,” as used by the right, to undermine the rationale for collective bargaining in the public sector. From the Boston Police Strike of 1919 forward, conservatives have considered the organization of government workers to be incompatible with the sovereign status of those entities sustained by taxes and elected by the populace. Public employee unions subverted the will of elected officeholders and undermined state power. That antiunion ideology faded in the two decades after 1958 when public employee unionism grew by leaps and bounds, but in recent years it has returned, albeit in a distinctively neoliberal, antistate guise. Conservatives today charge that instead of challenging the power of the state, public sector unionism is illegitimate because these institutions support those governmental functions that regulate commerce, sustain public education, and provide other public goods now under attack from the neoliberal right.

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13

Hogler, Raymond L. Public Sector Strikes: Employee Rights, Union Responsibilities, and Employer Prerogatives (Public Employee Relations Library, No 68). Intl Personnel Management Assn, 1988.

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14

Shelton, Jon. “A New era of Labor Relations”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040870.003.0002.

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This chapter outlines the parameters of the “public sector labor problem.” When private sector unions grew powerful after World War II, public employees organized for similar rights. In many states they acquired the right to organize but not the right to strike. The chapter chronicles the early history of teacher unions—especially the American Federation of Teachers (AFT)—and their quest for meaningful collective bargaining. It uses Pennsylvania—the state that passed the furthest reaching attempt to ensure union rights for teachers—and teacher strikes in Pittsburgh (1968, 1971) and Philadelphia (1970) to highlight the failure of liberal labor policy to prevent teacher strikes.

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Pregent, Kevin R., e Nathan C. Walker. Religious Expression in Public Schools. A cura di Michael D. Waggoner e Nathan C. Walker. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199386819.013.40.

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There is perhaps no better setting that exhibits the perennial tension between the Free Exercise Clause and the Establishment Clause than American public schools. The Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment to the US Constitution ensures that students may retain their religious beliefs, practices, identities, and rights when they enter public schools. The free exercise principle also protects government employees; however, the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment prevents teachers and administrators, as agents of the state, from entangling the public school in religious activities or engaging in school speech that advances or endorses religion. This chapter illustrates how these two principles––free exercise of religion and non-establishment of religion––form the concept known as religious freedom. Attempting to strike this balance are public schools, which are required to serve the entire public, whether religious or not. Those within the school—both teachers and students—may be religious and wish to express their religion or to express their critique of or nonaffiliation with religion. This chapter explores different forms of religious expression for both students and teachers and details the unconstitutional nature of laws that seek to target religion for regulation or fail to accommodate religion in public schools.

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16

Shelton, Jon. Teacher Power, Black Power, and the fracturing of Labor Liberalism. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040870.003.0003.

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This chapter chronicles the growing conflict between the Black Power movement—an extension of the civil rights movement seeking the formation of black political and community institutions—and unionized public employees in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Beginning with the United Federation of Teachers strike in 1968 over community control in Ocean Hill-Brownsville (New York City), the chapter also shows how two teacher strikes in Newark (1970, 1971) drove apart the Black community and a majority white teacher union. A close examination of letters to the imprisoned President of the American Federation of Teachers shows that critics of both urban black populations and unionized teachers had begun to link the two groups together as “unproductive” threats to law and order and economic prosperity.

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17

Strike Back: Rediscovering Militant Tactics to Confront the Attack on Public Employee Unions. Ig Publishing, Incorporated, 2019.

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18

Strike Back: Rediscovering Militant Tactics to Confront the Attack on Public Employee Unions. Ig Publishing, Incorporated, 2019.

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19

Menaka, Guruswamy. Part VII Rights—Substance and Content, Ch.46 Assembly and Association. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198704898.003.0046.

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This chapter examines the relevant provisions of the Indian Constitution with respect to freedom of assembly and freedom of association. It begins with a historical background on the restrictions to the freedom to assemble peaceably in colonial India, as well as restrictions under the Criminal Procedure Code covering public meetings and the right of government employees to participate in demonstrations. It then considers the power of the State to curtail the freedom to assemble, the constitutionality of Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code, the right to strike, and what constitutes unlawful association. It also discusses the jurisprudence of the Indian Supreme Court with regard to the freedom of association.

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20

Public Sector Compensation. Prentice Hall (a Pearson Education company), 1987.

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21

Quelch, John A., e Carin-Isabel Knoop. Johnson & Johnson. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780190235123.003.0001.

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Every company has a public health footprint and should strive to insure that this is as positive as possible. The public health footprint stems from (a) the benefits and costs associated with using the company’s products and service, (b) the wellness of the company’s direct employees and those workers engaged in the company’s supply chain, and (c) the environmental impact of the company’s activities.

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22

Quelch, John A., e Margaret L. Rodriguez. Colgate-Palmolive Company. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780190235123.003.0002.

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Abstract (sommario):

Every company has a public health footprint and should strive to insure that this is as positive as possible. The public health footprint stems from (a) the benefits and costs associated with using the company’s products and service, (b) the wellness of the company’s direct employees and those workers engaged in the company’s supply chain, and (c) the environmental impact of the company’s activities.

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23

Quelch, John A., e Margaret L. Rodriguez. Royal Caribbean Cruises Ltd. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780190235123.003.0003.

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Abstract (sommario):

Every company has a public health footprint and should strive to insure that this is as positive as possible. The public health footprint stems from (a) the benefits and costs associated with using the company’s products and service, (b) the wellness of the company’s direct employees and those workers engaged in the company’s supply chain, and (c) the environmental impact of the company’s activities.

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24

Klug, Thomas A. Employers’ Path to the Open Shop in Detroit, 1903–7. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040818.003.0004.

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Thomas Klug focuses on the city of Detroit, a major battleground in employers’ fight for open-shop conditions. Challenging the conventional story that seeks to show that the city’s employers, organized in the Employers’ Association of Detroit, enjoyed victories with little difficulties during a major strike in 1907, Klug has discovered that the organization was characterized by considerable amounts of internal tension. While organization spokespersons promoted the open-shop publicly, some members quietly negotiated with skilled workers, recognizing that collective bargaining offered the promise of industrial peace. Yet all members of the Employers’ Association of Detroit proclaimed their support for the open-shop principle.

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25

Burns, Joe. Strike back: Using the militant tactics of labor's past to reignite public sector unionism today. 2014.

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26

Shelton, Jon. From Labor Liberalism to Neoliberalism. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040870.003.0001.

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This chapter introduces the reader to the phenomenon of teacher strikes in the US between the mid-1960s and the early 1980s. It argues that contentious conflicts over urban public education brought on by teacher unions’ struggle for good salaries and control over working conditions exposed three interlocking limits to New Deal labor liberalism: the failure to provide public employees full union rights, the inability to ensure that African-Americans in the nation’s largest cities enjoyed equal educational and economic opportunities, and the drastic, insoluble fiscal crises brought on by deindustrialization and economic downturn in the nation’s biggest cities. The chapter also charts the new neoliberal order that emerged from the ashes of the decline of labor liberalism.

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27

Fones-Wolf, Elizabeth, e Ken Fones-Wolf. Conclusion. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039034.003.0009.

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This concluding chapter argues that in the end, the Congress of Industrial Organizations' (CIO) Southern Organizing Campaign failed for a number of reasons—employer intransigence, repression by local authorities, public opposition, racism, anti-Communism, CIO strategies, and the improving economic conditions of workers all contributed. Southern evangelical Protestantism also played a part, but not the one typically described in the historical scholarship. The larger lesson is that social movements of any sort and at any time should begin by understanding the culture of the people that they hope will follow their lead. Understanding that only some sort of faith will generally move people to take chances, those social movements should strive to grasp the central elements of that faith.

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28

Moura, Pedro. Visualising Small Traumas. Leuven University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.11116/9789461664198.

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Portugal's vibrant comics scene originated as early as the 19th century, bringing forth brilliant individual artists, but has remained mostly unknown beyond Portugal’s borders to this day. Now a new generation employs this medium to put into question hegemonic views on the economy, politics, and society. Following the experience of the financial crisis of the past decades and its impact on social policies, access to and rules of public discourse, and civil strife, comics have questioned what constitutes a traumatogenic situation and what can act as a creative response. By looking at established graphic novels by Marco Mendes and Miguel Rocha, fanzine-level, and even experimental productions, Visualising Small Traumas is the first English-language book that addresses Portuguese contemporary comics and investigates how trauma studies can both shed a light on comics making and be informed by that very same practice.

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29

Prison policy in Ireland: politics, penal-welfarism and political imprisonment. New York: Routledge, 2011.

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30

Suurlakosta Euroopan unioniin: Vuosisata työnantajatoimintaa. Helsinki: Elinkeinoelämän keskusliitto, 2007.

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31

Louis, Fisher. The Law of the Executive Branch. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199856213.001.0001.

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The scope of presidential authority has been a constant focus of constitutional dispute since the Framing. The bases for presidential appointment and removal, the responsibility of the Executive to choose between the will of Congress and the President, the extent of unitary powers over the military, even the ability of the President to keep secret the identity of those consulted in policy making decisions have all been the subject of intense controversy. The scope of that power and the manner of its exercise affect not only the actions of the President and the White House staff, but also all staff employed by the executive agencies. There is a clear need to examine the law of the entire executive branch. This book places the law of the executive branch firmly in the context of constitutional language, framers' intent, and more than two centuries of practice. The book strives to separate legitimate from illegitimate sources of power, through analysis that is informed by litigation as well as shaped by presidential initiatives, statutory policy, judicial interpretations, and public and international pressures. Each provision of the US Constitution is analyzed to reveal its contemporary meaning in concert with the application of presidential power. Controversial issues covered in the book include: unilateral presidential wars; the state secrets privilege; extraordinary rendition; claims of “inherent” presidential powers that may not be checked by other branches; and executive privilege.

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Lowe, Hannah, Shuying Huang e Nuran Urkmezturk. A UK ANALYSIS: Empowering Women of Faith in the Community, Public Service, and Media. Dialogue Society, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/zhqg9062.

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In the UK, belief, and faith are protected under the legal frame of the Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) and the Equality Act 2010 (Perfect 2016, 11), in which a person is given the right to hold a religion or belief and the right to change their religion or belief. It also gives them a right to show that belief as long as the display or expression does not interfere with public safety, public order, health or morals, or the rights and freedoms of others (Equality Act 2010). The Equality Act 2010 protects employees from discrimination, harassment and victimisation because of religion or belief. Religion or belief are mainly divided into religion and religious belief, and philosophical belief (Equality Act 2010, chap. 1). The Dialogue Society supports the Equality Act 2010 (Perfect 2016, 11). Consequently, The Dialogue Society believes we have a duty to eliminate discrimination, advance equality of opportunity, and foster good relations within our organisation and society. The Dialogue Society aims to promote equality and human rights by empowering people and bringing social issues to light. To this end, we have organised many projects, research, courses, scriptural reasoning readings/gatherings, and panel discussions specifically on interfaith dialogue, having open conversations around belief and religion. To encourage dialogue, interaction and cooperation between people working on interreligious dialogue and to demonstrate good interfaith relations and dialogue are integral and essential for peace and social cohesion in our society, the Dialogue Society has been a medium, facilitating a platform to all from faith and non-faith backgrounds. The Dialogue Society thrives on being more inclusive to those who might be overlooked in society as a group. Although women seem to be in the core of society as an essential element, the women who contravene the monotype identity tend to remain in the shadows. The media is not just used to get information but also used as a way of having a sense of belonging by the audience. The media creates collective imaginary identities for public opinion. It gathers the audience under one consensus and creates an identity for the people who share this consensus. Hence, a form of media functions as a medium for identity creation and representation. Therefore, the production and reproduction of stereotypes and a monotype representation of women and women of faith in media content are the primary sources of the public's general attitudes towards women of faith. In the context of this report, the media limits not only women's gender but also their religious identity. The monotype identity of women opposes the plurality of the concept of women. Notably, media outlets are criticised for not recognising the differences in women's identities. Women of faith are susceptible to the lack of representation or misrepresentation and get stuck between the roles constructed for their gender and religion. Women who do not fit in these policies' stereotypes get misrepresented or disregarded by the media. Moreover, policymakers also limit their scope to a single monotype of women's identity when policies are made, creating a public consensus around women of faith. As both these mediums lack representation or have very symbolic and distorted representations of women of faith, we strive to provide a platform for all women from faith and non-faith backgrounds. The Dialogue Society has organised women-only community events for women of faith to have a bottom-up approach, including interfaith knitting, reading, and cooking clubs. Several women-only courses have informed women of the importance of interfaith dialogue, promoting current best practices, and identifying and promoting promising future possibilities. We have hosted panel discussions and held women-only interfaith circles where women from different faith backgrounds came together to discuss boundaries within religion and what they believed to transgress their boundaries. Consequently, we organised a panel series to focus on the roles of women of faith within different areas of society, aiming to highlight their unique individual and shared experiences and bring to light issues of inequality that impact women of faith. Although women of faith exist within all areas of society, we chose to explore women's experiences within three different settings to give a breadth of understanding about women of faith's interactions within society. Therefore, we held a panel series titled 'Women of Faith', including three panels, each focusing on a particular area: Women of Faith in Community, Women of Faith in Public Service, and Women of Faith in Media. In this report, following the content analysis method to systematically sort the information gathered by the panel series, we have written a series of recommendations to address these issues in media and policymaking. This paper has a section on specific policy recommendations for those in decision-making positions in the community, public service, and media, according to the content and findings gathered. This report aims to initiate and provide interactive and transferable advice and guidance to those in a position. The policy paper gives insight to social workers, teachers, council members, liaison officers, academics and relevant stakeholders, policymakers, and people who wish to understand more about empowering women of faith and hearing their experiences. It also aims to inspire ongoing efforts and further action to accelerate the achievement of complete freedom of faith, gender equality in promoting, recommending, and implementing direct top-level policies for faith and gender equality, and ensuring that existing policies are gender-sensitive and practices are safe from gender-based and faith-based discrimination for women of faith. Finally, this report is to engage and illustrate the importance of allyship, the outstanding achievement through dialogue based on real-life experience, and facilitate resilient relationships among people of different religious positions. We call upon every reader of this report to join the efforts of the Dialogue Society in promoting an equal society for women of faith.

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33

Chiovenda, Andrea. Crafting Masculine Selves. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190073558.001.0001.

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Crafting Masculine Selves represents a journey into the culture and psychological dynamics of a select group of Afghan Pashtun men. The book is based on eighteen months of fieldwork in a volatile area of Afghanistan, adjoining the border with Pakistan, carried out between 2009 and 2013. In addition to participant observation, the author employed a person-centered ethnographic methodology, wherein he conducted long-term, one-on-one interview sessions with four male individuals, and analyzed four additional life trajectories. The book unveils and chronicles how the creation and use of multiple subjectivities, and the unconscious, dissociative interplay that the individual maintains between them, is one of the “stratagems” with which individuals manage to make sense of what happens to them in real life, and to pragmatically inhabit personal circumstances that are often marred by conflict and violence, both at the interpersonal and at the political level. The main cultural thread the book investigates is that of masculinity, a crucial idiom in a very androcentric Pashtun society. Virtually all the interlocutors the book presents have to navigate deep private conflicts and contradictions related to how society expects them to be appropriate, proper men, against the backdrop of a sociopolitical Afghan context heavily impacted by almost forty years of uninterrupted war. Feeling constrained by the strict norms about a severe and honor-bound masculinity in a quickly changing Afghanistan, but equally striving to be culturally validated by their own peers, these men struggle to create and publicly legitimize their own, idiosyncratic way of being appropriate men. While they suffer at times the stern rebuke of their social environment, all the same they represent the seeds for a change of those very cultural norms.

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34

Holmes, Andrew R. Evangelism, Revivals, and Foreign Missions. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0017.

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Dissenters in the long nineteenth century believed that they were on the right side of history. This chapter argues that the involvement of evangelical Nonconformists in politics was primarily driven by a coherent worldview derived from a Congregationalist understanding of salvation and the gathered nature of the church. That favoured a preference for voluntarism and a commitment to religious equality for all. Although Whig governments responded to the rising electoral clout of Dissenters after 1832 by meeting Dissenting grievances, both they and the Conservatives retained an Erastian approach to church–state relations. This led to tension with both those Dissenters who favoured full separation between church and state, and with Evangelical Churchmen in Scotland, who affirmed the principle of an Established Church, but refused government interference in ministerial appointments. In 1843 this issue resulted in the Disruption of the Church of Scotland and the formation of a large Dissenting body north of the border, the Free Church. Dissenting militancy after mid-century was fostered by the numerical rise of Dissent, especially in cities, the foundation of influential liberal papers often edited by Dissenters such as Edward Miall, and the rise of municipal reforming movements in the Midlands headed by figures such as Joseph Chamberlain. Industrialization also boosted Dissenting political capacity by encouraging both employer paternalism and trades unionism, whose leaders and rank and file were Nonconformists. Ireland constituted an exception to this pattern. The rise of sectarianism owed less to Irish peculiarities than to the presence and concentration of a large Catholic population, such as also fostered anti-Catholicism in Britain, in for instance Lancashire. The politics of the Ultramontane Catholic Church combined with the experience of agrarian violence and sectarian strife to dispose Irish Protestant Dissenters against Home Rule. The 1906 election was the apogee of Dissent’s political power, installing a Presbyterian Prime Minister in Campbell-Bannerman who would give way in due course to the Congregationalist H.H. Asquith, but also ushering in conflicts over Ireland. Under Gladstone, the Liberal party and its Nonconformist supporters had been identified with the championship of oppressed nationalities. Even though Chamberlain and other leading Dissenting liberals such as Isabella Tod resisted the extension of that approach to Ireland after 1886, preferring local government reform to Home Rule, most Dissenting voters had remained loyal to Gladstone. Thanks to succeeding Unionist governments’ aggressive foreign policy, embrace of tariff reform, and 1902 Education Act, Dissenting voters had been keen to return to a Liberal government in 1906. That government’s collision with the House of Lords and loss of seats in the two elections of 1910 made it reliant on the Irish National Party and provoked the introduction in 1912 of a third Home Rule Bill. The paramilitary resistance of Ulster Dissenters to the Bill was far from unanimous but nonetheless drove a wedge between British Nonconformists who had concluded that religion was a private matter and would do business with Irish Constitutional Nationalists and Ulster Nonconformists, who had adopted what looked like a bigoted insistence that religion was a public affair and that the Union was their only preservative against ‘Rome Rule’. The declaration of war in 1914 and the consequent suspension of the election due in 1915 means it is impossible to know how Nonconformists might have dealt with this crisis. It was the end of an era.

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Libri sul tema "Public Employees' Strike"

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