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1
Jiggins, Stephen, e n/a. "Propaganda and public information campaigns : a case study of the 1991 Australian census communication campaign". University of Canberra. Communication, Media & Tourism, 1994. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060801.162048.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Jowett and O'Donnell observe that 'there is a clear revival of interest in
the important role of propaganda in many aspects of modern life, not
necessarily related to international intrigue or military campaigns' (1992, p.
xi). This thesis has examined the 1991 Census communication
campaign (ABS 1991a) for evidence of propaganda intentions and
strategies.
Propaganda is clearly a pejorative term and its application to a particular
campaign could imply a covert attempt at manipulation by the authority
behind the campaign�the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). As the
author was responsible for the development, implementation and
evaluation of the 1991 Census communication campaign and had
privileged access to a range of sources, a reader might expect detailed
references to internal files which reveal conscious decision-making to
mount a propaganda campaign. This is not the case. An analysis of
the 150 working files associated with the campaign revealed no support
for such a hypothesis; there was no evidence of decision-making with the
intent of implementing propaganda strategies. Similarly, during interviews
with senior ABS managers, these managers categorically rejected the
notion that the Bureau conducted a propaganda campaign and pointed
to the fact that all procedures were cleared through both the Federal
Parliament and the Privacy Commissioner.
The hypothesis explored by this thesis is that despite this lack of
conscious direction, propaganda processes are evident in the way the
ABS conducted the communication campaign for the 1991 Census. The
perspective of the thesis is closely aligned to that of Altheide and Johnson
who locate propaganda as the bridge between 'organisational image
and reality' (1980, p. 4). Altheide and Johnson regard propaganda as an
insidious phenomena based on impression-management through the
'rigorous pursuit of scientifically valid procedures and standards' (1980, p.
229). The end result of this impression-management is that certain 'facts'
are presented to the exclusion of all others. This thesis argues that
impression-management strategies are evident in the way the ABS
conducted the communication campaign for the 1991 Census. The
processes of impression-management are subtle and do not reside in
such sources as internal files. The process operates through the
internalised ethos and corporate values inculcated in the minds of senior
staff within the Bureau and is best conceptualised as a mindset, reflected
in outcomes. I have used the term mindset to cover the process of
converting abstract values into specific guides for action�fora discussion
of this process see Hall (1977, pp. 69 - 83).
This mindset is well-illustrated by the issue of compulsion�the obligation
to complete a census form. At one level the ABS procedures are
impeccable: cleared through the federal parliament and the Privacy
Commissioner�and it is this form of discourse that is documented in
internal files. The procedures do not, however, enable respondents to
make an informed decision about whether the census is compulsory and
about the ramifications for non-compliance. The mindset operating here is
based on the value of the census to the ABS�the census is good for the
ABS�it generates revenue and legitimises the role of the organisation.
The thesis presents data which establishes that there is a significant gap
between the organisational image of the census (in the corporate mind of
the ABS) and that perceived by householders. The mindset of the ABS
is clearly evident in the procedures adopted on this issue.
The main finding of this thesis is that many of the processes underlying
the development of the 1991 Census communication campaign were
subtle environmental influences. These reflected the internal dynamics of
the ABS, and its ability as an institution to control the communication
environment through addressing the needs of other major organisations,
such as the media, and the release of selective information to specific
target audiences. In this context, institutional dynamics, more than
decisions by individual managers, influenced the conduct of the campaign.
The process of propaganda, therefore, is implicit in the 1991 Census
rather than explicit�a distinction, in terms of process, drawn by Pearlin
and Rosenberg (1954) in their examination of propaganda techniques in
institutional advertising.
It should also be acknowledged that whilst the author did have privileged
access to information, there is no information contained in this thesis that
would not be publicly available. The majority of primary sources are
reports published by the ABS or papers delivered by Bureau staff at a
range of fora. Permission was sought from the ABS for assistance in
obtaining access to information and this was readily granted.
2
Shrensky, Ruth, e n/a. "The ontology of communication: a reconcepualisation of the nature of communication through a critique of mass media public communication campaigns". University of Canberra. Communication, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050601.163735.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Conclusion. It is probably now appropriate to close a chapter in the history of
public communication campaigning. Weaknesses which have
usually been seen as instrumental can now be seen for what they
are: conceptual failures grounded in compromised ontologies and
false epistemologies. As I showed in the last chapter, even when
viewed within their own narrow empiricist frame, public
communication campaigns fail to satisfy a test of empirical efficacy.
But empirical failure reveals a deeper moral failure: the failure of
government to properly engage in a conversation with the citizens
to whom they are ultimately responsible. Whether public
communication campaigns are a symptom or a cause of this failure
lies beyond the scope of this thesis. But there can be little doubt that
the practice of these campaigns has encouraged the persistence of an
inappropriate relation between state and citizens.
The originators and managers of mass media public communication
campaigns conceive of and execute their creations as persuasive
devices aimed at the targets who have been selected to receive their
messages. But we do not see ourselves as targets (and there are
profound ethical reasons why we should not be treated as such),
neither do we engage with the mass media as message receivers. On
the contrary, as social beings, we become actively and creatively
involved with the communicative events which we attend to and
participate in; the mass media, like all other communication
opportunities, provide the means for generating new meanings,
new ways of understanding, new social realities. But people are
constrained from participating fully in public discussion about social
issues; the government's construal of individuals as targets and of
communication as transmitted messages does not provide the
discursive space for mutual interaction.
Governments should aim to encourage the active engagement of
citizens in public discussion by conceiving of and executing public
communication as part of a continuing conversation, not as
packaged commodities to be marketed and consumed, or as messages
to be received. It is time to encourage alternative practices-practices
which open up the possibility of productive conversations which
will help transform the relationship between citizens and state.
However, as I have argued in this thesis, changed practices must be
accompanied by profound changes in thinking, otherwise we
continue to reinvent the past. Communication practice is informed
by the ontology of communication which is itself embedded within
other ontologies and epistemologies. The dominant paradigm of
communication is at present in a state of crisis, caught between two
views of communication power. On the one hand it displays an
obsession with instrumental effectiveness on which it cannot
deliver. On the other hand-in an attempt to discard the
accumulated baggage of dualist philosophy and mechanistic models
of effective communication-it indulges in a humourless critique of
language which, as Robert Hughes astutely observes, is little more
than an enclave of abstract complaint (Hughes 1993:72). This thesis
has been an attempt to open up a space for a new ontology, within
which we might create new possibilities.
3
Anjuli, Borgonha. "Communicating Antibiotic Resistance to the Public: How effective was Public Health England’s 2018 ‘Keep Antibiotics Working’ campaign TV advertisement at increasing public understanding of antibiotic resistance and motivating a change in antibiotic seeking behaviours?" Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21079.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Antibiotic resistance is one of the greatest global threats we face today. Human overuse ofantibiotics is a contributing factor and major behaviour change around antibioticconsumption is needed, but several challenges exist in communicating antibiotic resistanceto the public. In 2018 the UK Government relaunched a national television advertisement aspart of the ‘Keep Antibiotics Working’ campaign which aimed to raise awareness of antibioticresistance and reduce public demand for antibiotics. This study evaluates what role theframing of antibiotic resistance in the advertisement played in increasing publicunderstanding of antibiotic resistance and motivating behaviour change. The study isgrounded in behaviour change and health communication theory from the field ofCommunication for Development, and health and social psychology theory, reflecting theneed for multidisciplinary approaches to addressing antibiotic resistance. A textual analysisidentified how the issue was framed in the advertisement and surveys and interviews wereconducted with members of the target audience groups to analyse what effect theadvertisement had on their understanding of, and attitude towards antibiotic resistance.The findings show that the framing of antibiotic resistance in the TV advertisement led to anincrease in misunderstandings of what becomes resistant to antibiotics. The advertisementwas helpful in highlighting the vulnerability of antibiotics and for creating a new social normaround being a responsible antibiotic user, however was interpreted as childish byparticipants. It did not communicate the severity of antibiotic resistance or specific risk ofantibiotic overuse to the audience, or accurately reflect the audience’s existing knowledge ofantibiotic resistance and current behaviours. As the severity of antibiotic resistance was notconveyed, the advertisement did not motivate a change in antibiotic seeking behaviours orattitude amongst the majority of participants. The findings did highlight knowledge gapsamongst study participants including the importance of completing a course of antibiotics asprescribed, and that it is the bacteria itself, not the person, that develops resistance, andhopes this research can inform the development of future campaigns.
4
Long, Kristen Hope. "Public relations and branding in health communication programs a case study of a successful campaign /". College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3577.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Communication. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
5
Jugaste, Artur. "Communicating Georgia : Georgia's information campaign in the 2008 war with Russia". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för journalistik, medier och kommunikation (JMK), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-59081.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
During the 2008 South Ossetia war, Georgia and Russia fought what the English-language media called "a public relations war“. This was an interesting example of modern information warfare where governments allied with public relations agencies battled for symbolic power on the media field. This study investigates the information campaign that the Georgian government launched to promote their framing of the conflict in the English-language media. First-hand information about the campaign strategies and techniques is gathered by interviewing the people who worked as PR consultants for the Georgian government during the war in 2008. The eventual PR output is mapped and press release texts are compared with articles from The New York Times and The Washington Post in a framing analysis. The results indicate that Georgia won the PR war as the coverage in the U.S. newspapers clearly supported Georgia's framing. This outcome is attributed to the Georgian side's media management activities that skillfully anticipated the needs of the foreign correspondents covering the conflict. However, the study points out that the supportive coverage was not the result of Georgia's information campaign only. Other factors have to be taken into account, most notably the U.S. administration's strong backing of the Georgian leadership that shaped the tone of the articles written about the war. Future research should look at how the war was covered in countries with less explicit political support for Georgia, as well as investigate the PR efforts on the Russian side during and after the war.
6
Pambou, Renestine Itoumba. "A comparison of public relations principles applied by political parties in campaign communication during a democratic election". Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/3093.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MTech (Public Relations Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017In popular opinion political public relations practitioners have long been regarded as spin doctors. Their lane of actions is mostly viewed as propaganda and they are perceived as spin doctors who manipulate power-relations. The pervasive role of public relations in political campaigns cannot be denied as political actors rely on communication to reach their key stakeholders. While it can be used as an important tool that can mediate in these power relations, the facts remain in the case of this study that the political party campaign communication was rather reactive than strategic. The answer lays in the accurate application of the strategic nature and role of public relations. I believe that there is a strategic public relations role that is evident and has to be played in political party campaign communication. As a matter of fact, public relations strives to ensure an effective and efficient communication on behalf of its organisation. The purpose of this study was to explore the application of public relations principles in political parties’ campaign communication of the Democratic Alliance, in the context of three other political parties in a regional newspaper during the build-up to the 2014 South African general elections. Four distinct political parties were at the centre of this research, namely African National Congress, Democratic Alliance, Economic Freedom Fighters and Agang. Particular attention was given to the elite parties, African National Congress, and Democratic Alliance; the main environment of the study. It is true that political parties ‘communication with stakeholders reflects in essence public relations. Managing communication to promote the organisational agenda is to talk about issues important to both the public and the political party. This suggests that an effective political organisation will act on a two-way operation to build a common political position that influences public attitudes. Hence, a comparative case study was used as the strategy of inquiry. I conducted a content analysis of the political party campaign communication of the Democratic Alliance, covered in the Cape Times newspaper; as well as their election manifesto, to identify the public relations principles and strategies that were used. The daily newspapers were surveyed from January 8 to May 7, 2014. An overall of one hundred and forty-four related newspapers articles were analysed and formed the data for analysis. A close reading and counting of frequencies of varieties of themes in the newspaper revealed that the Democratic Alliance, as well as the African National congress, took a tactical and responsive approach, rather than a strategic and proactive approach, to their political party campaign communication. News coverage indicated that there was extensive counterpunching to other political parties ‘statuses, but very little promotion or management of the issues included in their election manifesto. Nkandla was the most controversial issue covered in the pre-election media coverage; while the proposed merger with AGANG; and the subsequent fall out was damaging to both political parties ‘reputation and relationship with voters. Therefore, more research on this topic needs to be undertaken, as public relations is crucial in translating public opinions to the organisation. In the political scope, this can serve as an attempt to adjust the socio-political environment to suit the political principles, as well as to help the political principles adjust to the environment by creating the right balance to mutual benefit an organisation and its publics that further ensures a real participatory democracy. Further studies should be done to investigate whether, the advocacy of the two-way symmetrical, as a way to central route to persuasion, along with the dialogical approach can impact on more effective decisions making, and ultimately create a more dynamic public sphere that seeks the resolution of socio-political conflicts. This new knowledge will lead to guidelines for public relations practitioners and can provide useful insights for political communication specialists.
7
Moscato, Derek. "Plains Spoken: A Framing Analysis of Bold Nebraska's Campaign Against the Keystone XL Pipeline". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22780.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation focuses on the use of strategic communication in the context of contemporary environmental activism. It examines the case of Bold Nebraska, a grassroots advocacy group opposing the construction of TransCanada’s Keystone XL oil pipeline in the state of Nebraska. Such an analysis of activist communication informs several areas of research, including public relations theory and practice, social movement theory, and environmental communication. To understand the construction of strategic communication within such activism, this study employs a movement framing analysis, a media framing analysis, and a rhetorical analysis. A quantitative framing analysis of Bold Nebraska’s website communication against the pipeline during the five-year period of 2011 to 2015 assesses how activists craft and project strategic messages. A framing analysis of Bold Nebraska’s national media coverage during the same timeframe highlights the relationship between activist framing and mainstream news coverage. Finally, a rhetorical analysis of Bold Nebraska’s 2014 Harvest the Hope concert is provided to understand the role of rhetorical appeals in building an environmental activism metanarrative or master frame.
Taken together, these three approaches provide both a more holistic means to considering environmental activism campaigns in the context of strategic communication, and fill in the gaps for understanding the interplay of social movement organizations, public relations, and persuasion. This study brings a framework of strategic advocacy framing to the realm of environmental politics, and builds upon this framework by considering the dynamic of populism in activism. It also explores the role of strategic communication in evolving a movement organization’s metanarrative as it toggles between short- and long-term goals. Finally, it identifies a civic environmental persuasion built upon the attributes of narrative, hyperlocalization, engagement, and bipartisanship in order to build broad support and influence public policy.
8
Berdine, Alexis A. "Click for the Campus Store: Development of an Online Public Relations Campaign for the AU Campus Store". Ashland University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=auhonors1431338897.
Testo completo
9
MIchaelsen, Abigail. "Brand Obama: How Barack Obama Revolutionized Political Campaign Marketing in the 2008 Presidential Election". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/990.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 2008, President Barack Obama was named Advertising Age’s marketer of the year, the first time a politician won such an award. While presidential candidates have always employed marketing tactics in order to communicate their platform and persuade voters to support them, candidate Obama’s marketing campaign completely revolutionized the field. Through an innovative marketing strategy, candidate Barack Obama transformed himself from a mere political unknown in 2004 to a worldwide sensation by the time the general election started in 2008. His calls for “hope and change” and “post-partisanship” captured the hearts of Americans frustrated with failed Bush policy and constant gridlock in Washington. His inspirational speeches and words inspired a nation ready for a fresh and modern leader prepared to tackle twenty-first century problems. And, his innovative use of online and social media tools allowed millions of supporters to easily get involved in the campaign, igniting a movement never seen before in American elections. This paper analyzes how Barack Obama transformed political campaign marketing, utilizing both traditional and new ways to communicate and engage with the masses. This is accomplished by first illustrating a general framework for political marketing. Then, I examine the history of political campaign marketing, with a special emphasis on how technology has transformed the field over time. Lastly, I analyze how online and social media tools helped Obama win the election and how the internet has transformed the nature of political elections.
10
Eastlick, Anne C. "Genre criticism : an application of BP's image restoration campaign to the crisis communication genre". Scholarly Commons, 2011. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/767.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Within two months of its emergence, the BP Gulf Oil spill had become the worst environmental disaster in United States history. However, for those studying public relations the oil spill brought more than ecological disaster, by providing a case study of crisis communication. Although there were a number of crisis responses from BP throughout the course of the oil spill, the primary crisis response crafted by BP was an image restoration campaign which premiered in early June 2010. This campaign, though it exhibits qualities of a standard crisis response, was wildly unpopular with the United States Government and citizenry. This rhetorical analysis attempts to uncover the reasons behind the campaign's failure through an application of the genre model of criticism. By defining the crisis communication genre and applying it to the artifact, the current study uncovers the reasons behind the failure of the campaign. Through this discussion, this analysis identifies that BP did not address all necessary exigencies, nor did it consider the influence a rhetor can have on a message. An explanation for the failure of BP' s campaign provided a plethora of implications to the fields of public . relations and rhetorical criticism, while beginning a discussion to help define the crisis communication genre.
11
Park, Hun Myoung. "How does information and communication technology affect civic engagement? an analysis focusing on electronic government and campaign websites /". [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3274260.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, School of Public and Environmental Affairs, 2007.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-07, Section: A, page: 3141. Title from dissertation home page (viewed April 8, 2008). Adviser: James L. Perry.
12
Lee, Bee Eng Adeline Media Film & Theatre UNSW. "Organ donation and anti-littering campaigns: a comparative study of Australia and Singapore". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Media, Film and Theatre, 2005. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/27211.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Current literature on public communication campaigns suggests that challenges and problems remain, even though generally the effectiveness of campaigns has increased in the past years. Challenges and problems are issue-specific and efforts put into influencing particular social behaviours through public communication campaigns have not been significantly successful. Although public communication campaigns are a popular method employed to influence social behaviours in many societies, campaign strategies inadequately consider the impact of cultural elements on social behaviours. The disappointing results through the use of campaigns are exacerbated by the difficulties faced in translating research observations to appropriate campaign strategies. In view of current challenges, this research examines public communication campaigns. Two main variables shaped this research ??? ???identity??? and ???culture???. The research postulated that a person???s identity influences his or her behaviour. It also argued that culture would impact on behaviour. The theoretical orientation drew on interpretivist perspectives. Using a comparative cross-cultural method, this research nominated the issues of organ donation and waste disposal behaviours in public places and the countries of Australia and Singapore for empirical study. Focus group research was employed. A total of sixteen focus groups were conducted ??? eight groups on organ donation (four in Sydney, Australia and four in Singapore) and eight groups on waste disposal behaviours (four in Sydney, Australia and four in Singapore). In line with the theoretical orientation, ???grounded theory??? was used to analyse the focus group transcripts. It is argued that a person???s decision to organ donation or waste disposal behaviour was intimately related to his or her identity. Cultural elements are critical constituents of identity. This is to say, cultural values, beliefs and attitudes have significant impact on social behaviours. These intricacies were made apparent when each issue was seen in the national contexts of Australia and Singapore. This research concludes that issues of identity can partly explain the type of decision a person makes about organ donation, and the kind of waste disposal behaviour a person enacts. It also argues that the effectiveness of campaign strategies can potentially be enhanced, if the strategies are responsive to people???s identities.
13
Gutas, Thembani Lawrence. "The Mayor's listening campaign in the integrated development planning process : a case study of the city of Cape Town". Thesis, Link to the online version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/247.
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14
Patel, Kinjal Prabodh. "The Impact of the “Learn the Signs. Act Early.” Public Health Awareness Campaign on Early Intervention Behavior". unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04242007-232548/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.P.H.)--Georgia State University, 2007.Title from file title page. Marshall Kreuter, committee chair; John Steward, Ike Okosun, committee members. Electronic text (66 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Nov. 29, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-66).
15
Barosso, Elisa M. "Rockwellian art digitally changed after September 11 th: An exploratory public communication case study of “The Make Sense of Our Times” print campaign". Scholarly Commons, 2004. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/2648.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Public Relations advertisements in crisis situations are vital to the image of a company. The actions the company takes are complemented by the type of advertisements that are run as a result of the crisis. These ads help the organization in crisis state their position and communicate with their publics. This study is unique in that The New York Times itself was not in crisis, however, they produced ads for a country that was. This study examines the “Make Sense of Our Times” campaign run in The New York Times after September 11 th . This campaign used Norman Rockwell images that had one element altered to reflect the aftermath Americans were living during the post September 11 th tragedy. The purpose of this study was to determine the factors that motivated the creation of this campaign, and determine if this series of ads can be considered soft-sell public relations, as well as public relations stewardship. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
16
Hadji, Mutambuli James. "An evaluation of the government communication and information system's communication strategy: a case study of the 16 days of activism campaign in Soshanguve". Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1004900.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
United Nation's (UN) millennium development goal number three is aimed at eliminating gender inequality and empowering women. Gender-based violence is recognised as a global public health and human rights problem that leads to high rates of morbidity and mortality, including sexually transmitted infections, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, substance dependence and suicide. In responding to this international public health and human rights concern, the South African government has adopted numerous public health communication strategies to highlight the plight of women and children. One of the campaigns that are conducted in South Africa is the 16 Days of Activism for No Violence Against Women and Children (16 Days of Activism Campaign). This campaign was introduced in 1999 but the literature review reveals that to date, no studies have focused on its evaluation. As such, the purpose of this study is to evaluate the 16 Days of Activism Campaign with special reference to the Soshanguve community in Gauteng province. This study builds on two theories, namely the excellence theory and the diffusion of innovation theory. Mixed research methods (also called triangulation) was used whereby in-depth interviews were conducted with representatives from the Government Communication and Information System and the Department of Women, Children and People with Disability to establish the promotion strategies used in the campaign and the methods used to assess the effectiveness of the campaign. Furthermore, a self-administered questionnaire survey was conducted within the Soshanguve community to evaluate the promotion strategies and assess the impact of the campaign.This study revealed a high level of reliance on the television, radio and newspapers in the communication strategies. Both government departments acknowledged that they do not have a tool to evaluate the effectiveness of the campaign from the receivers‟ perspective. The Soshanguve community felt that in essence the campaign is relevant but not on time. The residents viewed the study as an important part of creating awareness about the campaign and they believed the campaign helped them to know what to do when faced with gender-based violence so that they can assist those who are affected by it.
17
Dako-Gyeke, Phyllis. "Examining the Meaning-Making of Hiv/Aids Media Campaign Messages: A Feminist Ethnography in Ghana". Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1250358866.
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18
Gardner, Kasey Christopher. "Ideology in California : the role of oppositional interaction as a strategy in the campaign for Proposition 8". Scholarly Commons, 2009. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/718.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis analyzes the ideologies present the campaign rhetoric surrounding the 2008 California legislative initiative Proposition·8. Using Foss' method of ideological criticism the campaign is read prior after the opposition response to determine if an ideological shift occurs. The study is framed to identify this shift as a potential product of oppositional interaction, a characteristic of rhetoric defined by Smith and Windes.
The study concludes that the shift in ideology during the campaign by the supporters of Proposition 8 was a significant development. The response from the Proposition 8 campaign reframed the debate, making the electorate vulnerable to a different ideology. This new ideology places the state education apparatus, not the courts, in the spotlight as the state mechanism that is in dispute in the marriage controversy. When placed in .this context, theories of political economy are employed to explain how the electorate may have interpreted these arguments.
One. explanation offered is that the response ideology of the Proposition 8 campaign allowed voters to vote to outlaw gay marriages as a proactive response to a mistrust of education. The discussion section indicates that this could be an adjustment to existing ideologies, or development of an issues specific ideology that is only relevant for one issue in the mind of the individual. Ultimately, this study demonstrated the utility of ideology as a method to analyze political rhetoric and examines the role that oppositional interaction plays in the long-term development of public dialectic.
19
Opperman, Ansu. "The development of a co-ordinated communication campaign to enhance participation in netball: applicable to schools in Port Elizabeth". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/19828.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Public relations play an intricate role in communication development strategies within sport, especially netball. The objective of the research is to create a communication campaign incorporated in a public relations programme in aid of the development of netball in Port Elizabeth schools. The significance of the research is to create an understanding of the challenges faced by the learners to participate in netball and to develop the sport. The development of players at a young age is not up to standard when compared to countries where netball is already a professional sport. There is a lack of communication between the different stakeholders, namely the players, coaches and external publics. Qualitative research methods were implemented where primary and secondary data was used to conduct the research. Focus groups were utilised to gather primary data from netball players and coaches. These interviews proved that communication gaps do exist between the different stakeholders of school and netball. An introduction about netball will be discussed. Literature about public relations and communication will be presented. The research methodology will be presenting the research design and research methods used to conduct the research. Characteristics of the schools used in the interviews will be discussed. The research analysis, findings and discussions will present a guideline to be implemented by schools to enhance communication and therefore help develop netball. The research will then be concluded and summarised. Limitations to the study will be discussed as well as recommendations for further study on the topic. Communication plays an important role when trying to build mutual beneficial relationships between the various stakeholders. The results in this research bring to the conclusion that effective communication is needed to enhance and develop netball to ultimately become a professional sport.
20
Boyle, Kristoffer D. "When the Publisher is a Politician; A Case Study of the Idaho Falls Post Register's Coverage of the 2002 Idaho Gubernatorial Campaign". Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2005. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd932.pdf.
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21
Wang, Fang. "Predicting Healthy Eating Behavior: Examination of Attitude, Subjective Norms, and Perceived Behavioral Control Factors". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1522766244319902.
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22
Almgren, Susanne, e Clausen Louise Holck. "" ...jag tycker om sill, men tycker inte att det ska vara obligatoriskt... " : - En innehållsanalys om medielogik, public service och partipolitik i SVT:s partiledarutfrågningar". Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK. Medie- och kommunikationsforskning, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-14683.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Den här uppsatsen undersöker hur medielogik och public service-värdena uttrycks i SVT:s partiledarutfrågning hösten 2010. En totalundersökning i form av kvantitativ och kvalitativ innehållsanalys är gjord av samtliga partiledarutfrågningar som sändes i SVT veckorna före valet, samt respektive partis valmanifest. Fyra frågor mättes först kvantitativt och analyserades därefter kvalitativt med utgångspunkt i vilka medborgargrupper som synliggörs, hur partiledarnas privata angelägenheter exponeras, hur valmanifestens innehåll överensstämmer med de teman som journalisterna tar upp i utfrågningarna, samt regeringsbildningskomplikationer och samarbetssvårigheter av olika slag. I den kvantitativa analysen framkom att konsumentperspektivet dominerar, men skillnaden är stor i de olika partiledarutfrågningarna. Den personliga exponeringen av partiledarna ger minst utrymme åt dåvarande statsministerkandidaterna Fredrik Reinfeldt (m) och Mona Sahlin (s), men även åt Maud Olofsson (c). Valmanifestens överensstämmelse med de journalistiska frågeställningarna visade på stora skillnader mellan de olika partiledarutfrågningarna. Mest kommunikationsutrymme åt komplikationer ges med det Rödgröna blocket (och då främst de mindre partierna Miljöpartiet och Vänsterpartiet.) Resultaten av vår undersökning är varierande, beroende på vilken frågeställning det gäller. Delar av public service-värdet verkar ha haft olika stor genomslagskraft hos de större partierna jämfört med de mindre partierna gällande konsekvenserna för de enskilda fallen och partiets politik. Ett återkommande tema är skildringen av politik som att den tar ifrån människor något snarare än att politiken tillför människor något. Ett annat drag vi har noterat är att medborgaren framställs som offer för något (nya bensinpriset, sjukförsäkringen, gymnasiereformen…) I ett samhälle som får allt större problem att engagera medborgarna i det politiska livet, kan det vara av värde att fråga sig hur stort ansvar medierna har för detta. Poängteras bör slutligen att de resultat vi kommer fram till inte ska refereras till journalistiken som profession, utan snarare belysa vikten av att en medveten strategi behövs för att lyfta fram de krafter som strävar mot medielogikens komponenter i form av polarisering, konkretisering och förenkling.This essay examines how media logic and public service values are expressed in the SVT party leaders hearing fall of 2010. A comprehensive study in the form of quantitative and qualitative content analysis was made by all party leaders hearings broadcast on SVT weeks before the election, and each party's election manifesto. Four questions were measured primary quantitatively, and were then assayed qualitatively on the basis of the civic groups that are made visible, how the party leaders' private affairs are exposed, how the manifesto contents are consistent with the journalistic issues during the hearings, and government complications and cooperation difficulties of various kinds. The quantitative analysis indicated that consumer perspective dominates, but the difference is large in the various party leaders hearings. The personal exposure of the party leaders will have the least room for the then prime minister candidates Fredrik Reinfeldt (m) and Mona Sahlin (s), but also to Maud Olofsson (c). Manifesto conformity with the journalistic issues showed significant differences between the various party leaders hearings. Most communications space to complications are exposed with the Rödgröna blocket (and particularly the smaller parties, Miljöpartiet and Vänsterpartiet.) The results of our study are varied, depending on the issue in question. Components of the public service value seems to have a greater impact in the major parties compared to the smaller parties regarding the consequences for the individual cases and party policies. An overall theme is the presentation of policy that it takes away something from people rather than it adds. Another feature we have noticed is that the people were presented as victims of something (new price of gasoline, health insurance, upper secondary school reform ...) In a society of growing problems with involving the citizens in the political life, it may be useful to ask how much responsibility the media has of this. Finally it should be pointed out, that the results we arrive at should not be referred to journalism as a profession, but rather emphasize the necessity of a planned strategy to highlight the forces that strive to media logic components in the form of polarization, concretization and simplification.
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Luo, Jianguo, e n/a. "A communication analysis of China's family planning campaigns". University of Canberra. Communication, 1989. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060818.162031.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In China, April 13, 1989 was marked as the "1.1 Billion Population Day."
Though it has become the first "demographic billionaire" in the world, China
has obtained remarkable results in population control. According to the
statement issued by China's National Bureau of Statistics in 1987, the
natural population growth rate dropped from 25.83 per thousand in 1970 to
11.28 per thousand in 1985. This has been viewed as an achievement not
previously seen in any other population.
In the past four decades, the Chinese government has adopted a population
policy to organize the fertility transition in a planned way through
education, motivation and persuasion. Five communication campaigns have been
instituted to implement the policy. The successive family planning campaigns
have played a vital role in educating and persuading individuals to accept
the new fertility norms advocated by the government.
In the communication processes of these campaigns, the strategies used have
changed from the media-oriented strategy of the first campaign, to the
introduction of an interpersonal approach in the second followed by an
integration of media, interpersonal and organisational communication in the
three latest campaigns.
The integration of the media and interpersonal communication approaches was
achieved through group discussion sessions and home visits, in which media
messages were mediated and interpreted as a reinforcement to media impact.
The group dynamics in the interpersonal communication has played an important
role in changing individuals' attitudes towards and behaviour of family
planning.
As a campaign is an organized activity which requires organizational channels
to ensure the conduct of the activity and the flow of information, a
well-established organization hierarchy for family planning work has
facilitated the management of family planning campaigns and also been
regarded as a fundemental element to the success of the later campaigns.
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Rychlá, Jana. "Marketing bankovních služeb v České spořitelně, a.s". Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta podnikatelská, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-221806.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This diploma work deals with marketing problems of bank services. The theory of marketing bank mix is described in it, creation of marketing campaign and control of relations with clients. The goal is a detection of an embarrassment of marketing methods and campaigns used in Česká spořitelna, then evaluation of this methods and finally making some concept how to solve this situation.
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Vallée, Odile. "Approche communicationelle de la construction du microcrédit comme cause internationale : pratiques, discours, figures". Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040130.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette thèse interroge les processus de communication qui autorisent la construction du microcrédit - pratique de prêts à des personnes pauvres - comme cause internationale. Un réseau d’acteurs nommé « Campagne du Sommet du Microcrédit » milite activement pour sa reconnaissance en tant qu’outil de lutte contre la pauvreté. L’étude de ses pratiques et des formes de son discours éclaire les conditions de possibilité logistique et symbolique de la conversion d’une technique financière en cause louable, endossable et universalisable.L’approche communicationnelle de cet objet se formule au croisement de deux axes théoriques qui forment les deux niveaux d’analyse d’un matériau composite - documentaire et ethnographique.Le premier axe concerne la démarche stratégique d’« entrepreneurs de cause » qui défendent une thématique et en accompagnent la trajectoire publique. Il questionne les conditions de la visibilité de la cause et met, ainsi, en évidence les contraintes d’une exigence de visibilité et les normes d’action et de justification qu’elle impose aux acteurs.Le second axe s’attache aux médiations symboliques - formes intercalaires, rémanentes et circulantes - qui incarnent la cause en-Deçà et au-Delà des déclarations d’intention. Il interroge, alors, sa lisibilité en élucidant les régimes de construction de deux figures nécessaires et complémentaires - le micro et le macroentrepreneur - et leurs effets de sens paradoxaux.La thèse confronte donc les « arrière-Pensées » des formes aux intentions stratégiques des acteurs qui les mobilisent et éclaire ainsi la mécanique d’inscription d’une perspective contemporaine du traitement de la pauvreté dans son « ordre de discours »Microcredit is a widespread financial tool, originally designed to lend small amounts of money to very poor people.This thesis questions the communication processes that enabled its construction as an international cause. Microcredit Summit Campaign is a network of organizations that strongly advocates for the acknowledgement of microcredit as a tool to fight poverty . The study of its practices and the forms of its discourse highlights the logistic and symbolic conditions required for the conversion of a financial theory into a praiseworthy, endorsable and universal cause.Drawing on a discourse and semiotic analysis of documented and ethnographical sources, the communicational approach of this topic links together two theoretical perspectives.On the one hand, it focuses on Microcredit Summit Campaign as a social movement organization and discusses the symbolic constraints imposed by a requirement for visibility in the public sphere. It influences their eligibility as spokeperson, their standards of action and their modes of justification.On the other hand, the thesis questions the legibility of microcredit as a cause. In this perspective, it analyzes the symbolic mediations that allow it to be embodied. To support the analysis, two compatible actors – “microentrepreneur” and “macroentrepreneur” - are strategically used in the discourse. The study of their characteristics reveals a paradoxical symbolic meaning and effect.Thus, the thesis confronts the "ulterior motives" of the semiotic forms used to support the discourse with the strategic intentions. In doing so, it sheds light on how a contemporary perspective on treating poverty is symbolically integrated in its " orders of discourse "
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Sjöstedt, Linnea. "Hade hon blivit en mäktig influencer? En fallstudie av Arbetsförmedlingens kampanj Gör plats". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Medie- och Informationsteknik, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-167160.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
I september 2019 valde Arbetsförmedlingen att samarbeta med framgångsrika personer i reklamkampanjen Gör plats. Kampanjen bestod av fem bilder där frågan ställdes om de framgångsrika personerna hade nått lika stor framgång om de haft en funktionsnedsättning. En av bilderna föreställde Therese Lindgren och Natalie Eriksson vilken var en bild som fick stor kritik. Studien syftar till att göra en medieanalys av kampanjen för att undersöka hur kritiken kring kampanjen såg ut samt hanterades av Arbetsförmedlingen. Därtill undersöker även studien hur de båda medverkande beskrev sin uppfattning av kampanjen i sociala medier. Studien visar att de teman som kritiken främst handlar om kan delas in i fyra kategorier: att tillräcklig information inte getts, fotograferingen, modellerna på bilderna samt kampanjbildens text. Arbetsförmedlingen hanterade kritiken på flera sätt däribland genom att svara på frågor som ställdes. Det värsta med bilden är enligt Natalie Eriksson texten som hon inte var medveten om skulle vara med. Therese Lindgren ansåg till en början att kampanjen lyfte en viktig fråga och försvarar den men väljer efter ytterligare kritik att be om ursäkt.In September 2019, the Swedish Public Employment Service chose to cooperate with successful people in the advertising campaign Gör plats (eng. Make room). The campaign consisted of five pictures questioning if these successful people would have become equally successful if they had had a disability. One of the pictures presented Therese Lindgren and Natalie Eriksson, which was a picture that received the largest criticism. The study aims to conduct a media analysis of the campaign to examine what the criticism of the campaign looked like and how the Swedish Public Employment Service handled the criticism. In addition to this, the study also examines how the participants described their perception of the campaign in social media. Case study is used as a method in the study where material has been collected via triangulation and has been analyzed through a qualitative content analysis. The collected material has been analyzed in relation to the theories: media and convergence, influencer, influencer marketing, social responsibility, and context. The study shows that the themes which the criticism is mainly about can be divided into four categories: that sufficient information has not been given, the photography session, the models of the pictures, and the text of the campaign picture. The Swedish Public Employment Service handled the criticism in several ways, amongst this by answering the questions that were asked. Another way in which the criticism was handled was by apologizing to the participants. Natalie Eriksson’s perception of the campaign describes that models with CP are vulnerable, and she felt that the photographer did everything to aggravate her CP during the photography session. According to Natalie Eriksson, the worst part of the picture is the text, which she was not aware would be included. At first, Therese Lindgren thought that the campaign raised an important issue, and she defended the campaign. After further criticism, she chose to educate herself in multiple questions and she is sorry that the pictures have caused harm. The intentions where good but the result was the opposite and according to Therese Lindgren, the campaign should never have been made.
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Batistich, Christina. "Breaking the silence a critical analysis of integrating a community level intervention model within a domestic violence public awareness campaign in New Zealand : this thesis is submitted to Auckland University of Technology in partial fulfilment of the degree of Master of Arts (Communication Studies), 2004". Full thesis. Abstract, 2004.
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Lindén, Lisa. "Communicating Care : The Contradictions of HPV Vaccination Campaigns". Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema teknik och social förändring, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-127638.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Denna avhandling undersöker tre statligt finansierade kampanjer mot human papillomvirus (HPV) i Sverige. Författaren visar att kampanjerna innehåller och artikulerar olika former av omsorg som inte är begränsade till att endast uppmana människor att ”ta hand om sig själva” eller ”bry sig om andra”. Istället studeras omsorg som något mångfasetterat och kontextuellt, och som något som innefattar såväl mänskliga som icke-mänskliga komponenter. I studien fokuserar författaren på hur aktörer möjliggör och problematiserar olika former av omsorg. Dessa aktörer inkluderar yrkesverksamma inom landsting som försöker kommunicera omsorg till tjejer och deras anhöriga, men också olika materiella ting, såsom en ”HPV-app”, en Facebook-kampanjsida och en vaccinationshusvagn. Kampanjmedia, intervjuer och textbaserade cancerberättelser analyseras med hjälp av teoretiska perspektiv från fältet feministiska teknik- och vetenskapsstudier (STS). Studien är situerad till forskning kring omsorgspolitik inom teknik och vetenskap, och bidrar till diskussioner om tidsmässiga dimensioner av omsorg. I kampanjmaterialet som studeras dominerar ett fokus på omsorg som något som skall göras nu för att möjliggöra en hälsosam och lycklig framtid. Genom att använda sig av ett ”etiskt-politiskt” ställningstagande, och en analytisk ansats, där fokus ligger på att synliggöra marginella, frånvarande och alternativa omsorgsformer problematiserar författaren sådana ”snabba” framtidsorienterade omsorgsvisioner enligt vilka omsorg ses som något som skall göras omedelbart i preventivt syfte. Detta görs genom ett synliggörande av ”långsammare” och sammanflätade ”omsorgstemporaliteter” som öppnar upp för osäkerheter, tveksamheter, obestämdheter samt för olika känslouttryck, och som möjliggör mer omsorgsfulla praktiker.This dissertation examines three state-funded human papillomavirus (HPV) campaigns in Sweden. The author shows that they include and articulate a range of different forms of care that are not limited to just asking people to “take care of themselves” or “care for others”. Care is instead approached as a multilayered, contextual and contingent phenomenon, and as made by a heterogeneity of human and nonhuman components. The study shows how care is articulated by human actors such as county council professionals who try to communicate care to girls and their relatives, and by material devices like an “HPV app”, a Facebook campaign site and a vaccination trailer which enable, distribute and trouble different forms of care. Campaign devices and campaign media, interviews, and textual cancer narratives are analyzed using a feminist science and technology studies (STS) approach. The study is situated within feminist STS discussions on the politics of care in technoscience, and contributes to discussions on temporal dimensions of care. In the campaign material the study examines, there is a dominant focus on care as something that needs to be done now to enable a healthy and happy future. By working with an ethico-political and analytical standpoint that is focused on making present neglected, marginal, absent and alternative matters of care, the author disrupts and troubles such future-oriented visions of care as an “anticipatory immediacy” through a focus on other temporalities of care. These include slower, messier and folded temporalities which open up for uncertainties, hesitations, indeterminacies, a range of feelings, and for more caring articulations of what care is.
Prescriptive Prescriptions: Pharmaceuticals and "Healthy" Subjectivities
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Kutufam, Doreen Vivian. "Gendering of health communication campaigns in Ghana cultural relevancy and social identity /". Related electronic resource:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1375538411&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3739&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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30
Tavernor, Rachel M. "Communicating solidarity : the cultural politics and practices of humanitarian NGO campaigns". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/75490/.
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31
Simon, Jonathan M. "THE CONVERGENCE OF MEDIA, CANDIDATE, AND PUBLIC AGENDAS AS PREDICTORS OF VOTER CHOICE". Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1304692471.
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Aczel, Audrey M. "A communications analysis of the Chiapas uprising : Marcos' publicity campaign on the internet". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ37181.pdf.
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Stimpert, Kelly. "Smokers' response to corrective statements and implications for media campaigns". restricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11262008-101358/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.P.H.)--Georgia State University, 2008.Title from file title page. Michael Eriksen, committee chair; Francis McCarty, Melissa Taylor, committee members. Description based on contents viewed July 24, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-89).
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Doyle, Daniel S. "A Discourse-Proceduralist Case for Election and Media Reform after Citizens United". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1339711190.
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Sekopane, Momo Andrew. "Perceptions of school principals of HIV/AIDS awareness campaigns in public schools". Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2003. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-12062004-105038.
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Rice, Laurie L. "Campaigns matter : advertising effects on potential voters in the 2000 presidential primary /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3169317.
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Harutjunjan, Ani. "Analýza efektivity vybrané marketingové kampaně". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-199988.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of the thesis is to evaluate the effectiveness of the selected marketing campaign in the area of telecommunications, on the basis of defining basic criteria for success of the marketing campaign as part of the communications plan of the company. The theoretical part of the thesis is focused on defining the fundamental components of the marketing and the communication mix. Furthermore, theoretical part covering the approaches, methods and indicators for measuring the effectiveness of marketing campaigns, serves as a theoretical basis to schedule and implement the practical part. The practical part deals with the marketing and creative concept and the communication strategy of the campaign O2 Extra výhody of Telefónica Czech Republic. The effectiveness of the campaign is evaluated on the basis of the primary research using the questionnaire and also on the basis of the secondary data available from Telefónica CR.
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Hodes, Rebecca. "Siyayinqoba/Beat it! : HIV/AIDS on South African television c. 1999-2006". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670010.
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Makanjuola, Olayinka. "Global Public Relations and Multinational Corporations: The Influence of Culture on Public’s Reactions to H&M, Dove, and Nivea’s Media Campaigns in the United States and Nigeria". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2020. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3709.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study examined the significant impact of culture on global public relations practices using a case study analysis of Dove, H&M, and Nivea’s media campaigns between 2017 and 2019. The analysis was carried out through a structural comparison between the public’s reaction from the United States and Nigeria. Cultural variations between the two countries were examined, and how the variations impact GPR practices were explored. Social judgment theory, apologia, and image restoration theory were used as the theoretical frameworks alongside Hofstede’s cultural dimensions. This study demonstrates that understanding cultural dimensions as it applies to diverse countries operating in the global market can reveal how organizations can design and implement effective public relations practices across borders regardless of the existing cultural differences, which pose as a challenge.
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Bosch, Steven. "The communication approach of the loveLife HIV/AIDS prevention programme / S. Bosch". Thesis, North-West University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/4150.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
loveLife, the South African national HIV/AIDS prevention programme for youth, is known for its brand-oriented billboards and mass media campaign that ranges over various print-, broadcast- and alternative media.
However, the organisation also implements a national grass-roots peer motivation programme where various activities are co-ordinated by youths (GroundBREAKERS and Mpintshis) from the community.
The organisation has been criticised for its communication approach, with many researchers primarily focusing on the organisation's mass media and billboards.
This study investigates the communicative approach(es) in loveLife's programme implementation in the light of the normative theory of participatory communication. The focus of this study is to identify how loveLife describes its communication approach, what communication approach the organisation employs and how the organisation's communication approach is perceived by a sample of its target audience.
The research was conducted by means of a literature review, qualitative content analysis of loveLife's policy documentation and a selection of the organisation's media. Semi-structured interviews were also conducted at head office, which are contrasted with focus groups with the participants at an implementation site.
Broadly, it was found that loveLife's programme is more participatory than most critics would expect and that the organisation attempts to put its primary focus on face-to-face communication. But, there is also tension in what loveLife communicates on a national level and how it relates to grass-roots activities as the national / media-driven communication is more modernistic in its approach, whereas the grass-roots communication is more participatory.Thesis (M.A. (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2010.
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Hernandez, Orellana Myriam. "Quand la communication publique construit la gouvernementalité.Une comparaison des campagnes de communication pour prévenir les violences contre les femmes au sein du couple (Chili, 2006-2010 et France, 2007-2012)". Thesis, Paris Est, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PESC0062/document.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Tant au Chili qu’en France, l'intérêt public pour la violence faites aux femmes au sein du couple s'est concrétisé par la création d'une politique publique. Ainsi, des lois, des programmes adressés aux victimes et des campagnes de communication publique ont vu le jour. Nous sommes intéressés par les campagnes de communication publiques réalisées par les gouvernements chilien, présidé par Michelle Bachelet (2006-2010), et le gouvernement français, sous la présidence de Nicolas Sarkozy (2007-2012). Au cours des années 2006-2012, les deux pays ont produit des campagnes de communication qui sont devenues des véritables composantes de l’action publique. Dans les deux cas on observe un mode opératoire des campagnes : d’abord, celles qui cherchent à choquer les individus à travers des messages pathémiques. Ensuite, une fois que le public a été choqué, les gouvernements ont mis en place des campagnes d’information et de prévention. Dans ce cas, l’objectif n’est plus celui d’attirer l’attention des gouvernés, sinon de les faire comprendre l’ampleur du phénomène. Delà l’importance de l’information dans ces campagnes : c’est à travers des informations sur le phénomène (le nombre des femmes mortes, ou le nombre des femmes victimes, par exemple) que les gens pourront progressivement diminuer le seuil de tolérance à ce type de comportements. C’est ainsi que il est possible d’observer la mise en place de la gouvernementalité.Notre s’inscrive dans les travaux en Sciences de l’Information et de la Communication que portent sur "la dimension communicative de l'action publique", développé par des chercheurs travaillant sur la communication publique et politiqueIn both Chile and France, the public interest in violence against women within the couple has resulted in the creation of a public policy. For example, laws, programs for victims and public communication campaigns have emerged.We are interested in the public communication campaigns chaired by Michelle Bachelet (2006-2010) and the French government under the presidency of Nicolas Sarkozy (2007-2012). During the years 2006-2012, the two countries produced communication campaigns which became true components of public action. In both cases we observe a mode of operation of the campaigns: first, those that seek to shock individuals through pathemic messages. Then, once the public was shocked, governments put in place information and prevention campaigns. In this case, the aim is no longer to attract the attention of the governed, but to make them understand the magnitude of the phenomenon. In view of the importance of information in these campaigns, it is through information about the phenomenon (the number of dead women, or the number of women victims, for example) that people will gradually reduce the tolerance for this behavior. It is thus possible to observe the establishment of governmentality.Our work is part of the work in Information and Communication Sciences, which focuses on the "communicative dimension of public action", developed by researchers working on public and political communication
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Penfold, Elizabeth Lily. "To confine or not to confine? : an analysis of the messaging of the proposition 2 campaigns". Scholarly Commons, 2012. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/818.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis employed a Historical-Critical method using rhetoric and framing theory to examine the 2008 Proposition 2: Prevention of Farm Animal Cruelty Act campaigns. The Californians for Humane Farms (HSUS) and Californians for SAFE Food (CSF) were the respective proponent and opponent coalitions analyzed in this thesis. The analysis examined sixteen campaign artifacts that were examples of how the proposition was communicated to California's voting populous. In Conjunction with the appeals and frames, the message strategies were analyzed as to how they allowed the HSUS and CSF to effectively communicate with voters. By using rhetoric and framing 4 theory this analysis was able to distinguish which rhetorical appeals effectively supported the campaigns. The analysis showed that the HSUS was successful with their campaign because of well-executed rhetorical appeals that created a concise message about animal confinement and animal cruelty issues.
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Darlington, Kay-Anne P. "Gender Representations, Cultural Norms and Message Features in Jamaican HIV/AIDSAdvertisements: A Textual Analysis of Television Campaigns". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1438103621.
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Smith, Christabel. "The use of narrative and emotion in public health advertising an analysis of drinking and road safety campaigns in New Zealand : a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment [sic] of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Communications (Honours), Auckland University of Technology, 2008 /". Abstract Full dissertation, 2008. http://puka2.aut.ac.nz/ait/Dissertations/SmithC.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Dissertation (BCS(Hons)) -- AUT University, 2008.Includes bibliographical references. Also held in print (iii, 111 leaves ; 30 cm. + CD ROM) in City Campus Theses Collection (T 659.2936312510993 SMI)
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Eamsobhana, Sudawadee. "The cross-cultural research of United States and Thailand: The relationship between celebrity endorsers and types of product endorsed". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2845.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship between the use of celebrities and the types of products endorsed. Advertisements from one popular magazine in the U.S. and two popular magazines in Thailand were used.
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Grant, Lisanne F. M. "Dimensions and Validation of Perceived Message Sensation Value Scale for Print Messages". UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/comm_etds/29.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this research project was to develop a reliable and valid scale to assess the perceived message sensation value (PMSV) of print messages. The goal of this project was accomplished by conducting two studies. Study one involved collecting 397 undergraduate students’ responses to one high and one low sensation value anti-smoking message, while for study two, 284 undergraduate students’ responses to one high and one low sensation value anti-crystal meth message were collected. The results of the studies highlighted that the PMSV of a print message can be assessed using three dimensions (emotional arousal, novelty, and dramatic impact) and 12 items. Additionally, the newly developed PMSV scale for print messages remained stable across sensation-seeking levels and two different sets of anti-drug messages. Analysis of the data collected also provided support for the convergent, divergent, and predictive validity of the PMSV scale for print messages. Furthermore, from the data it can be inferred that PMSV is an important element that contributes to perceived message effectiveness and attitude towards the ad. The findings associated with this research project also suggest that both high and low sensation seekers preferred high over low sensation value print messages. Lastly, the implications of the PMSV scale for print messages were addressed.
47
Haussamen, Lindsey Marie. "United States media portrayals of the developing world: A semiotic analysis of the One campaign's internet web site". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2008. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3387.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The goal of this research was to examine how the One organization's web site either supports or rejects established literature that concludes that U.S. media contains negative representations of the developing world.
48
Fourie, Lynnette Mitzi. "Partybeheerde kommunikasie in die Noordwesprovinsie tydens die Suid-Afrikaanse algemene verkiesing van 1999 / Lynnette Mitzi Fourie". Thesis, North-West University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/182.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study examines the party-controlled communication of the five most important political
parties in the North West Province of South Africa during the 1999 general elections.
The main assumption is that political parties in developing democracies have a normative
obligation to do more than canvas for votes during an election campaign. Political parties
should also be instrumental through their communication in fostering a democratic political
culture. Central to this argument is the notion that a typical marketing approach is not suitable
for an election campaign in a developing democracy. In accordance with the participatory
approach to development, it is thus proposed that the two-way symmetrical model for public
relations (as proposed by James Grunig) is a more appropriate approach to election
campaigns. Especially relevant for this study is the two-way symmetrical model's emphasis
on interaction and the establishment of long tern relationships with target publics.
Through an extensive qualitative analysis of all relevant material (party manifests, newspaper
advertisements, radio advertisements, pamphlets, posters and web pages), it was found that
South African political parties placed much less emphasis on the "image" of the party or its
leader compared to their American counterparts. However, that did not imply that the
substance of the message was emphasised adequately. On the contrary, the political parties
participating in the elections in the North-West province generally failed the normative
criteria of informing voters and identifying democratic values adequately.
Furthermore it was found that the cognitive and emotional campaign messages were not fully
integrated. While the focus was on typical election issues (emotional message), these issues
were not explained and contextualised within a developing democracy to the full extend
(cognitive message). Therefore the emotional message was not utilised to focus the voter's
attention on policy issues and democratic values.
In conclusion it is argued that political parties should do much more than merely canvas for
votes. They should also empower voters by informing them on their policy issues and
highlighting democratic values in society. Only then the new South African democracy will
be sustainable.Thesis (Ph.D. (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2004.
49
Koštel, Jakub. "K proměně politického prostředí ve Velké Británii v důsledku nástupu masových médií (60.-70. léta 20. století)". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165672.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The main theme of this thesis is the relationship between media and politics in Great Britain mainly in the twentieth century. The research is based on the fact that dynamic post-war growth in technological and economical areas resulted in the development and mass expansion of new media, especially radio and television broadcasting. The main goal of the thesis is to analyze the transformation of British political environment and to verify the hypothesis arguing that this transformation was primarily caused by the development of new media. Changes in the British politics during the twentieth century are demonstrated especially by the election campaigns and methods of political communication. Another part of this work is also the brief analysis of the development of British mass media (press, radio and television) which provides an important context for achieving the stated objectives. The thesis is methodologically based on the research from fields of media history, political history and sociology which concentrates on political communication.
50
Rori, Lamprini. "Les organisations partisanes à la lumière de la professionnalisation de la communication politique : une présidentialisation inachevée : analyse comparative du Parti socialiste français et du Mouvement socialiste grec". Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010331.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette thèse aborde le changement organisationnel des partis qu'entraînent les dynamiques crées par le développement de la communication politique. Elle éclaircit comment la modernisation des techniques de cette communication influence le fonctionnement interne des partis, en altérant l'espace public politique dans lequel ceux-ci s’intègrent. En choisissant deux partis renfermant de très grandes différences intra-partisanes et institutionnelles, le PS et le PASOK, elle cherche à développer une réflexion sur les organisations partisanes, en essayant de comprendre les causes de leur transformation, les forces qui interagissent, ainsi que les reflets de cette transformation sur leur fonctionnement politique. À travers une classification des différents types de présidentialisation étudiées post-moderne, pour démarquer la logique de l'opinion qui imprègne la présidentialisation contemporaine de celles apparues dans le passé. Des facteurs institutionnels et structurels dans les deux pays, ont révélé la coexistence d'une série de paramètres qui favorisent la présidentialisation en France et en Grèce.Ayant, ensuite, analysé la transformation de l'espace politique, j'ai mis en lumière la complexité des relations dans le champ politico-médiatique, voire les antagonismes et l'interdépendance parmi et entre les différents entrepreneurs médiatiques, communicationnels et politiques. La nature et le degré de professionnalisation de la communication politique au sein de la famille socialiste, que j'ai pu déceler grâce à mon enquête en ligne auprès des responsables de communication au niveau macro et micro politique sont innombrables, parmi lesquels le changement du lien représentatif, la personnalisation de la politique et le renchérissement du coût de la vie politique me semblent être les plus importants en ce qui concerne la présidentialisation post-moderne des partis. La montée de la logique d'opinion, la prolifération des partis par rapport à une série d'experts et d'agents extra-partisans dans un sens plus large, ainsi que la nécessité de s'adapter sans cesse en termes de ressources communicationnelles pour répondre aux besoins de cette compétition politique médiatisée, obligent les partis à des changements sur les plans organisationnel et stratégique. Le PASOK et le PS confirment la tendance à la présidentialisation quoique seulement partiellement. Bien que les facteurs exogènes tendent vers une ouverture des processus et des fonctions des partis socialistes, telle que la généralisation d'une relation directe entre les leaders et les citoyens, cette logique présidentielle se heurte à d'autres logiques – locales et parlementaires – ainsi qu'aux dynamiques davantage horizontales que verticales. En plaçant au cœur de notre analyse les contraintes médiatiques et la conversion à la logique d'opinion, nous avons démontré que par sa nature, cette présidentialisation post-moderne est vulnérable, car liée à des facteurs externes aux partis. Ainsi, alors qu'elle est censée renforcer les leaders et les candidats principaux, la présidentialisation issues des contraintes notamment médiatiques, transfère la légitimation du leadership de l'arène intra-partisane au sein de l'opinion publique. La présidentialisation post-moderne dépossède davantage les deux partis de leurs fonctions traditionnelles et contribue à leur désinvestissement idéologique et intellectuelThis thesis addresses the organizational change that parties undertake under the dynamics developed by political communications. It sheds light in the way that modernization of communication technology influences the intra-party functions, by altering the political public space in which parties integrate. Following the most different systems’ design, the comparison between the French and the Greek socialist party develops a reflection on party organizations, trying to understand the causes of their information, the forces that interact in their mutation, the parameters of organizational configuration, and the effects of this transformation on their party function. By creating an original typology of presidentialization on the basis of the source of leadership legitimization, I use the term post-modern, in order to distinguish the contemporary presidentialization sealed by the dynamics of public opinion , from those occured in the past. Institutional and structural factors in Greece and France revealed the existence of a series of parameters that enhance presidentialization. Having then analyzed the transformation of the political public sphere, I demonstrate the complexity of relations, competition and interdependence existing among and between media, communication and political entrepreneurs in the fields of politics and media. I have then identified the nature and degree of professionalization of political communication within the socialist family, through and online survey Heads of Communication in seventeen socialist parties. Among numerous effects stemming from mediatization of politics and professionalization of communication in the macro and micro political level, I consider changes in the links of representation, personalization of politics and the rising cost of politics a the most importantly related to post-modern presidentialization. The rize of public opinion, the dependence of parties from a series of experts and non-partisan agents in a broader-sense, as well as the need to continually adapt communication resources in order to meet the needs of this mediatized political competition, force parties to undertake changes. PASOK and PS confirm the trend of presidentialization, albeit only partially. Although exogenous factors push towards an opening processes and functions of the socialist parties, such as the generalization of a direct relationship between the leader and the citizen, this presidential logic is hampered by other logics – local and parliamentary – as well as dynamics rather than horizontal than vertical. By placing at the heart of my analysis media constraints and conversion to public opinion demands, I have shown that by its nature, this post-modern presidentialization is vulnerable because of external factors related to parties. So while it is supposed to strenghten the leaders and the principal candidates, presidentialization linked to media constraints transfers the leadership legitimization from the intra-party arena towards public opinion. Post-modern presidentialization stengthens already existing deprivation of both parties from their traditional functions and contributes to their ideological and intellectual disinvestment